Summary: The article features Xi Jinping’s important speech on the 105th anniversary of the CPC, summarizing five major achievements, six core traits of the Party, and five requirements for advancing the cause. It also notes Xi’s attendance at the National Science and Technology Awards Conference and the Two Academies’ congresses, where he delivered a speech. Accompanying articles from the journal’s editorial board, the Party School of the CPC Central Committee, Tian Peiyan, and Ji Yongyi provide further interpretation. The issue includes commentary on consumption, the "Yiwu development experience," and other topics such as cultural heritage and Party building. No mention is made of the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: In his speech marking the 105th anniversary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Xi Jinping reviewed the Party’s history, highlighting its achievements in revolution, construction, and reform, and emphasized the importance of adhering to the Party’s basic theories, lines, and strategies. He outlined five “excellent qualities” of the CCP, including truth-seeking, rootedness in the people, and self-reform, calling for continued confidence and the active response to risks and challenges. Xi stressed the need to promote the Chinese path to modernization and to advance the construction of a community with a shared future for mankind. He also reiterated the commitment to “one country, two systems” for Hong Kong and Macao, and the firm opposition to “Taiwan independence” and external interference. The speech did not explicitly address the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: In a speech marking the 105th anniversary of the Chinese Communist Party, Xi Jinping outlined the party's historic achievements, six core traits, and "five musts" for advancing toward national rejuvenation. He stressed the importance of upholding socialism with Chinese characteristics and relying on the people to build a strong nation. The article emphasizes confidence in the party's leadership and the inevitability of China's modernization path. No mention is made of the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: The article, authored by the Party School of the CPC Central Committee (National Academy of Governance), summarizes Xi Jinping's speech at the 105th anniversary of the CPC, highlighting the need to uphold historical confidence and continuously advance Party self-governance. It emphasizes the "six excellent traits" of the CPC and the "five musts" from Xi's speech, particularly the imperative to "continuously advance full and rigorous Party self-governance." The piece outlines key tasks: strengthening political construction to ensure centralized Party authority, using Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era to guide both subjective and objective transformation, implementing the Party's organizational line, deepening anti-corruption efforts, and tightening disciplinary rules. No mention is made of the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: The article, authored by Tian Peiyan, a former deputy director of the CPC Central Policy Research Office, summarizes six key traits of the Chinese Communist Party (CPC) that have enabled its historical success: pursuing truth, rooting in the people, shouldering historical missions, following development trends, daring to struggle, and self-reinforcement. Tian emphasizes that these traits are essential for maintaining the Party's先进性 and purity, guiding China's modernization, and achieving the "second centenary goal." The text does not mention the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: The article discusses the "key code" to understanding the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) success, as articulated by Xi Jinping on the party's 105th anniversary, outlining six core traits: ideological guidance, people-centric stance, historical responsibility, temporal character, struggle spirit, and self-strengthening. It emphasizes that the CCP's enduring vitality stems from continuous self-reform, citing historical phases from Mao's "two musts" to Xi's anti-corruption campaign. The author warns of lingering issues like ideological laxity, formalism, and discipline lapses among cadres, arguing these threaten the party's cohesion and national development. It concludes that sustained self-purification and strict governance are essential to maintain the party's leadership and achieve China's modernization goals.
Summary: The article reports on President Xi Jinping's speech at a major science conference in Beijing, where he emphasized the need to accelerate China's transformation into a science and technology superpower by 2035. Xi highlighted challenges such as insufficient original innovation, talent structure issues, and low R&D efficiency, while calling for systemic breakthroughs under the "new-type whole-nation system." The article alludes to U.S.-China tensions by criticizing "certain countries" for erecting "small yards, high fences" and pushing "decoupling and supply chain disruption." Xi was accompanied by attendees of the National Science and Technology Awards Conference and the concurrent academician congresses. The summary focuses on Xi's directives to strengthen innovation capacity, integrate tech with industry, and reform the science evaluation system.
Summary: The article, written by a special commentator for *Qiushi* Journal, argues that China's relatively low household consumption rate (40.0% in 2025) does not directly indicate low living standards, citing price differences and public service provisions. It attributes the historically low rate to China's catch-up development model centered on high investment and exports, but stresses this model is now unsustainable. The author calls for a systemic shift toward a consumption-driven, inner-demand-led growth model by improving income distribution, expanding social security, and removing supply-side bottlenecks. The piece emphasizes that short-term stimulus is insufficient; instead, deeper economic governance reforms are needed to unblock the entire economic cycle. No mention is made of the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: The article, authored by the Zhejiang Provincial Research Center for Xi Jinping Thought, details the "Yiwu Development Experience" as a model for county-level economic growth. It reports that Xi Jinping, during his tenure as Zhejiang Party secretary, visited Yiwu eleven times and later summarized its development as "mysterious," "something out of nothing," and "turning stone into gold." He emphasized the experience's core principles: building a commercial city, promoting industrial linkages, balancing urban-rural development, fostering harmony, enriching culture, and ensuring effective government. The article notes that Xi subsequently called for studying the experience through "five combinations," including tailoring central policies to local conditions and balancing government and market roles. It does not discuss the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: Xin Changxing, Secretary of the Jiangsu Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China, emphasized the importance of establishing a correct view of political achievements by focusing on long-term foundational work, citing Xi Jinping’s 2023 remarks during his inspection of Jiangsu. He stressed that officials must avoid short-termism, impulsive investments, and "image projects," and instead ensure continuity and stability in policy implementation. Xin referenced Jiangsu’s experience in following Xi’s blueprint for the province, including efforts in ecological restoration, industrial upgrading, and technological innovation. He warned against “new officials ignoring old accounts” and “flipping policy pancakes,” advocating for a people-centered approach that prioritizes both immediate and long-term benefits. The article also criticized past mistakes in Jiangsu, such as a failed automobile project and excessive debt for tourism development, as examples of misguided political achievement views.
Summary: The article, authored by Zhang Hecheng, reports on Xi Jinping's inspection in Dezhou, Shandong, where he stressed that ensuring stable supply of grain and key agricultural products is the top priority, calling for supportive policies and technological upgrades to secure a bumper harvest. It rebuts misconceptions that China's food security is assured, citing data showing rising import dependence and a persistent tight balance between supply and demand. Zhang argues that grain's dual strategic and commodity nature creates unique policy dilemmas, and warns that over-reliance on imports risks national security. The piece concludes by advocating for institutional mechanisms like a supply-demand balance sheet system, improved price formation, and coordinated trade policies to safeguard food sovereignty. No mention is made of the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: The article, authored by Yang Zhiyong, head of the Chinese Academy of Fiscal Sciences, argues that strengthening scientific fiscal management is essential to address China's growing fiscal imbalance, with a projected 30.01 trillion yuan in general public budget expenditure for 2025 and a widening deficit exceeding 7 trillion yuan. It notes that the 15th Five-Year Plan and this year's government work report have enshrined this goal, and 12 provinces have launched pilot programs focusing on zero-based budgeting, resource integration, and performance-based constraints. Specific examples include Anhui's consolidation of 185 provincial spending policies and a 48.5% increase in cross-fund transfers, as well as Shandong's elimination of over 800 low-efficiency projects saving nearly 4 billion yuan. The piece emphasizes the need to resolve deep-seated issues such as idle funds, weak policy transmission, and central-local fiscal coordination, while calling for a "big fiscal" mindset and gradual institutionalization of pilot reforms. No mention is made of the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: The article, published under the byline "Wen Ping," argues that AI must remain a tool serving humanity, cautioning against the "algorithmic omnipotence" mindset rooted in Western instrumental rationalism. It reports that President Xi Jinping, while addressing the National Science and Technology Awards Conference, the Two Academies' Academicians Conference, and the 11th National Congress of the China Association for Science and Technology on July 8, 2026, noted that "AI and other frontier technologies are accelerating and their 'double-edged sword' effect is becoming increasingly apparent." Xi called for "coordinating development and security" and strengthening governance to ensure technology is "upward, safe, controllable, and beneficial to the people." The piece emphasizes the need to embed human-centered ethics into AI development, drawing on traditional Chinese philosophy to assert that technology should extend human capacities, not replace human agency.
Summary: In an article authored by Shen Zhuanghai, Vice Party Secretary of Wuhan University, President Xi Jinping is reported as summarizing the essence of “home-country sentiment” as “self-cultivation, family regulation, state governance, and world peace; the rise and fall of the nation concerns everyone” during the Cultural Inheritance and Development Symposium on June 2, 2023. The article traces this concept from the *Book of Rites* through historical thinkers, emphasizing its role in integrating individual morality with national responsibility. It argues that this sentiment has been central to China’s civilizational continuity and ethnic cohesion, and calls for its revitalization in the new era through self-cultivation, family ethics, and patriotism. No mention is made of the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: The article analyzes the revolutionary historical film *Four Crossings* (《四渡》), which reenacts the Red Army's "Four Crossings of the Chishui River" campaign. It highlights the film's shift from traditional historical narrative to an immersive, suspense-driven approach that merges high-level decision-making with individual soldiers' experiences. The author, Hu Qiang—president of the Beijing Film Academy—commends the film for turning a known outcome into a tense, process-oriented journey, while also noting weaknesses in character depth and narrative coherence. He argues that the genre suffers from a "task-oriented" production model and a failure to translate historical spirit for contemporary audiences, calling for innovations that prioritize emotional resonance over mere factual reproduction.
Summary: The article analyzes the rise in international conflicts, attributing them to U.S. hegemonic decline, domestic crises, and geopolitical tensions, citing the U.S.-Israel-Iran conflict as a key example. It notes U.S. military actions such as raids on Venezuela and joint strikes on Iran, and argues that technological changes and weak governance mechanisms lower the threshold for conflict. The authors, from the Party School of the CPC Central Committee and Nankai University, call for reforming global governance while upholding the UN’s central role, emphasizing a multipolar world order based on equality.
Summary: The National Party Building Research Association published a research report on integrating new employment groups (e.g., platform workers, delivery riders) into the Party's organizational system, citing Xi Jinping’s emphasis on "comprehensive Party building" and "caring for new employment groups." The report identifies the groups' digitalized production, diverse employment modes, and high work intensity, and notes progress in establishing Party organizations and service stations. It highlights persistent challenges: weak ideological guidance, incomplete organizational coverage, opaque platform algorithms, and inadequate social security. The report calls for improving legal protections, transparent platform governance, and cross-departmental coordination to better serve and manage these workers. No mention of the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: The article argues that centralized unified leadership under the Party Central Committee is the highest principle of Party leadership, essential for maintaining unity and combat effectiveness. It cites historical lessons from the Paris Commune, Soviet collapse, and China’s own revolutionary experience, emphasizing the necessity of a strong core, with Xi Jinping as the current core. The text stresses the importance of "two establishments" (establishing Xi’s core position and the guiding role of his thought) and "two safeguards" (safeguarding Xi’s core status and the Party Central Committee’s authority). It also calls for resolute implementation of central decisions, warning against "two-faced" officials who feign loyalty. The article does not address the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: The article contrasts two bureaucratic approaches in Chinese local governance: rigidly adhering to rules (“按规定办”) versus proactively finding solutions within legal frameworks (“想法子办”). It criticizes officials who use rules as a "shield" to avoid responsibility, while praising those who explore policy gaps and interdepartmental coordination to solve problems. The piece, written by a cadre from the Yangzhou Guangling District Organization Department, calls for fewer mechanical rule-following and more creative, responsible problem-solving. It frames this shift as essential for proper performance evaluation and improving public perception of governance reforms. No mention is made of the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: The article critiques "defensive behavior" among Chinese officials, where they superficially follow rules to avoid responsibility and risk, often prioritizing appearance over genuine action. It attributes this to "refined egoism" and distorted performance views, warning that such "pseudo-busyness" erodes political culture and public trust. The solution lies in correcting cadre evaluation, promoting practical results, and opposing the "those who do less outrank those who do" mentality.
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This issue publishes General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important article “Speech at the Celebration of the 105th Anniversary of the Founding of the Communist Party of China.” The article reviews and summarizes the glorious journey traversed and the great achievements attained over the past 105 years by the Communist Party of China uniting and leading the Chinese people of all ethnic groups, reveals the excellent qualities that have enabled the Communist Party of China to continuously forge brilliance, and puts forward clear requirements for all Chinese Communists on the new journey to firm up confidence and continue the struggle. Studying this important article, we must focus on understanding the five aspects of great achievements from the Party leading the people in 105 years of unremitting struggle: fundamentally changing the destiny of the Chinese people, opening up the correct path for realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, demonstrating the powerful vitality of Marxism, profoundly influencing the course of world history, and forging a strong Communist Party of China. We must focus on understanding the six aspects of the Communist Party of China’s excellent qualities: “unswervingly pursuing truth, always keeping the direction of advance correct”; “deeply rooted among the people, always possessing a solid foundation”; “bravely shouldering historical missions, always mastering strategic initiative”; “complying with the trend of development, always walking in the forefront of the times”; “daring and adept at struggle, always maintaining confidence in victory”; “focusing on strengthening itself, always full of vigor and vitality.” We must focus on understanding the clear requirements of the “five musts”: we must uphold the Party’s basic theory, basic line, and basic strategy; we must firmly rely on the people to create historical great undertakings; we must actively respond to risks and challenges on the road ahead; we must continuously promote the building of a community with a shared future for mankind; and we must persistently advance full and rigorous Party self-governance. Through study, we must further stimulate the confidence and fighting spirit to forge ahead on the new journey and contribute to a new era, and strive to create new historical brilliance.
Focusing on the study and implementation of the spirit of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important article, this issue includes the article from this journal’s editorial department, “Full of Confidence to Forge Ahead on the New Journey of Strengthening the Party and the Country,” which elaborates and interprets from four aspects. The article from the Committee of the Party School of the CPC Central Committee (National Academy of Governance) (中共中央党校（国家行政学院）校（院）务委员会) elaborates on how to continuously open up new realms of governing the Party, managing the Party, rejuvenating the Party, and strengthening the Party with firm historical confidence. The article by Tian Peiyan (田培炎) elaborates on how to carry forward and develop the excellent qualities of the Communist Party of China. The article by Ji Yongyi (冀永义) “decodes” the Communist Party of China from the perspective of strengthening itself.
On July 8, General Secretary Xi Jinping attended the National Science and Technology Awards Conference, the joint conference of academicians of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and the Chinese Academy of Engineering, and the 11th National Congress of the China Association for Science and Technology, and delivered an important speech. This journal’s commentator article elaborates on studying and implementing the spirit of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important speech and fighting the decisive battle to build a strong nation in science and technology.
Consumption holds a fundamental position in the national economy. This journal’s special commentator article elaborates on correctly viewing the issue of China’s resident consumption rate and raising the resident consumption rate by smoothing the economic cycle.
The “Yiwu development experience (义乌发展经验)” is a successful practice of developing county-level economies according to local conditions. The article from the Zhejiang Provincial Research Center for Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era (浙江省习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想研究中心) elaborates on the theoretical connotations and contemporary value of the “Yiwu development experience.”
The “Cultural China” column publishes an article by Shen Zhuanghai (沈壮海) elaborating on the family‑country sentiment of cultivating oneself, regulating the family, governing the state, and bringing peace to the world, and of feeling responsibility for the rise and fall of the country. The “In‑Depth Investigation” column publishes an article by the research group of the National Association for Party Building Research (全国党建研究会) elaborating on the situation, work, and suggestions regarding ideological guidance and service for uniting new employment groups. The “Study Q&A” column publishes an article by Wen Hua (闻华) elaborating on how to understand that upholding the centralized and unified leadership of the Party Central Committee is the highest principle of Party leadership.
By: 习近平
Speech at a Ceremony Marking the 105th Anniversary of the Founding of the Communist Party of China
July 1, 2026
Xi Jinping
Comrades and friends,
Today, we hold a grand gathering to celebrate the 105th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, to review the glorious course our Party has traversed, to look ahead to the bright prospects for the development of the Party and the people’s cause, and to mobilize the entire Party and the people of all ethnic groups across the country to march forward with full confidence toward the grand goal of building China into a great modern socialist country in all respects and realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.
First, on behalf of the Party Central Committee, I extend festive greetings to all members of the Communist Party of China! I extend warm congratulations to the recipients of the July 1 Medal, to the commended National Outstanding Communist Party Members, Outstanding Party Workers, and Advanced Primary Party Organizations!
Comrades and friends,
One hundred and five years ago, amid the great awakening of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation, and in the close integration of Marxism-Leninism with the Chinese workers’ movement, the Communist Party of China emerged as the times required. From that moment on, the Chinese people and the Chinese nation gained their most reliable backbone, and China, beset by 内忧外患 (nèi yōu wài huàn – “internal troubles and external threats,” domestic and foreign crises) and 积贫积弱 (jī pín jī ruò – “accumulated poverty and weakness,” long impoverished and weak), embarked on a 翻天覆地 (fān tiān fù dì – “overturning heaven and earth,” earth-shaking and transformative) historical transformation.
Over the past 105 years, our Party has steadfastly upheld its original aspiration and mission of seeking happiness for the Chinese people and rejuvenation for the Chinese nation, deeply discerned the trend of world development, accurately grasped the changes in the principal social contradictions in each historical period, united and led the Chinese people of all ethnic groups in unremitting struggle, and created great achievements in the new-democratic revolution, the socialist revolution and construction, reform, opening up, and socialist modernization, and socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era, writing the most magnificent epic in the millennia-long history of the Chinese nation.
One hundred and five years of unremitting struggle have fundamentally changed the destiny and future of the Chinese people. Our Party led the people through a 波澜壮阔 (bō lán zhuàng kuò – “vast and magnificent,” surging and magnificent) great struggle, overthrew the three mountains of imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat-capitalism, established a new China where the people are masters of the country, completely ended the history of old China as a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society, and realized a historic leap in the people’s lives from having inadequate food and clothing to being moderately prosperous overall and then to being moderately prosperous in all respects. Today, the Chinese people have firmly grasped their destiny in their own hands and are striding confidently toward a better future with self-confidence, self-reliance, and self-strengthening.
One hundred and five years of unremitting struggle have opened up the correct path for realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. In the great practice of revolution, construction, reform, and the new era, our Party led the people through 千辛万苦 (qiān xīn wàn kǔ – “thousands of hardships and bitter toils,” countless hardships), successfully opened up and upheld the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and in just a few decades completed the industrialization process that took developed countries centuries, creating two miracles: rapid economic development and long-term social stability. Today, the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is 势不可挡 (shì bù kě dǎng – “momentum cannot be blocked,” irresistible), showing an unprecedented bright prospect.
One hundred and five years of unremitting struggle have demonstrated the powerful vitality of Marxism. Our Party has adhered to integrating the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with China’s fine traditional culture, continuously advancing the sinicization and modernization of Marxism, forming Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the important thought of the Three Represents, the Scientific Outlook on Development, and the Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, greatly enriching and developing Marxism. Today, the vigorous vitality and exuberant dynamism of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics fully test the scientific and truth-based nature of Marxism, fully demonstrate the people-oriented and practice-based nature of Marxism, and fully manifest the open and contemporary nature of Marxism.
One hundred and five years of unremitting struggle have profoundly influenced the course of world history. Our Party has always stood on the correct side of history and on the side of human civilization and progress, and through 自强不息 (zì qiáng bù xī – “self-strengthening without cease,” ceaseless self-improvement) struggle, has profoundly changed the trend and pattern of world development. Today, the Party leads the people in advancing Chinese-style modernization, creating a new form of human civilization and expanding the pathway for developing countries to achieve modernization. We promote the building of a community with a shared future for mankind, contributing Chinese wisdom, Chinese solutions, and Chinese strength to solving major global issues. The socialist China led by the Party is recognized as a builder of world peace, a contributor to global development, and a defender of the international order.
One hundred and five years of unremitting struggle have forged a powerful Communist Party of China. Our Party has kept in mind the nature, purpose, and goal of a Marxist political party, vigorously promoted the great founding spirit of the Party, and through 千锤百炼 (qiān chuí bǎi liàn – “thousand hammerings and hundred temperings,” thoroughly tempered and honed), has become even stronger. Today, our Party has developed into the world’s largest governing party with significant global influence, enjoys the sincere support and endorsement of the people, is the strong leading core of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and is fully worthy of being a great, glorious, and correct party.
Comrades and friends,
Over the past 105 years, all the achievements we have made are the result of the unremitting struggle of generations of Chinese Communists uniting and leading the Chinese people. The Chinese Communists, with Comrades Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, and Hu Jintao as their main representatives, have established 彪炳史册 (biāo bǐng shǐ cè – “shining brightly in the historical records,” brilliant and immortal) great feats for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation! We express our highest respect to them!
At this moment, we deeply cherish the memory of the older generation of revolutionaries, including Comrades Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi, Zhu De, Deng Xiaoping, and Chen Yun, and Comrade Jiang Zemin, and we deeply cherish the memory of the revolutionary martyrs and people of lofty ideals who 前仆后继 (qián pū hòu jì – “those in front fall, those behind step forward,” one falling after another, advancing wave upon wave) sacrificed and dedicated themselves for national independence, the liberation of the people, the prosperity of the country, and the well-being of the people. The 丰功伟绩 (fēng gōng wěi jì – “great merits and vast achievements,” monumental contributions) they established for the country and the nation will forever be recorded in history! Their lofty spirit will forever be remembered in the hearts of hundreds of millions of people!
The people are the creators of history and are true heroes. Here, on behalf of the Party Central Committee, I pay high tribute to the people of the whole country and people from all walks of life who are striving on all fronts! I extend sincere greetings to our compatriots in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, our compatriots in the Macao Special Administrative Region, our compatriots in Taiwan, and overseas Chinese! I express heartfelt thanks to all the people and friends of other countries who live in friendship with the Chinese people and who care about and support China’s revolution, construction, and reform!
Comrades and friends,
The fundamental reason why the Communist Party of China has been able to continuously create brilliance in its 105 years of struggle, and why history and the people chose the Communist Party of China, lies in the fact that our Party possesses excellent qualities that no other political party or political force can match.
— 矢志不渝 (shǐ zhì bù yú – “sworn will not change,” unswervingly) pursuing truth, always keeping the direction of advance correct. Our Party regards Marxism as a powerful ideological weapon for transforming the subjective and objective world, insists on emancipating the mind, seeking truth from facts, advancing with the times, and being pragmatic and realistic, focuses on revealing and applying truth in the movement of social contradictions, is good at testing and developing truth in practice, and constantly guides new practice with new theories, ensuring that the cause of the Party and the people advances in the right direction.
— Deeply rooted in the people, always possessing a solid foundation. Our Party keeps in mind that the country is the people, and the people are the country, insists on building the Party for the public and governing for the people, consciously practices the fundamental purpose of serving the people wholeheartedly, and firmly stands with the people, thinks with the people, and works with the people, possessing a solid foundation that no storm can shake.
— Bravely undertaking historical missions, always grasping strategic initiative. Our Party cherishes the lofty ideal of communism and is committed to the eternal cause of the Chinese nation, firmly shoulders the heavy responsibilities entrusted by history and the people, insists on unifying long-term goals with stage goals, adapts to changes in the principal social contradiction to establish central tasks, formulates and implements correct lines, principles, and policies, and ensures a firm grasp of the leadership and initiative in the development of the cause.
— Conforming to the trend of development, always walking at the forefront of the times. Our Party upholds a high degree of historical consciousness and a broad world vision, soberly grasps China’s national conditions and the theme of the times, actively identifies changes, responds to changes, and seeks changes, boldly blazes new trails and forges ahead, promotes the Party’s work to embody the character of the times, grasp the laws of development, and be rich in creativity, leads the nation and the country to advance in the logic of historical progress and to develop in the trend of the times, becoming a worthy vanguard of the times and the backbone of the nation.
— Daring and adept at struggle, always maintaining confidence in victory. Our Party upholds and carries forward the spirit of fearing no sacrifice and engaging in heroic struggle, for the sake of the people, the country, the nation, and for ideals and beliefs, 披荆斩棘 (pī jīng zhǎn jí – “cutting through brambles and thorns,” hacking a path through difficulties), forging ahead despite hardships, no matter how powerful the enemy, how dangerous the path, or how severe the challenge, always fearless and never retreating, with an iron will of 任凭风雨来袭、我自岿然不动 (rèn píng fēng yǔ lái xí, wǒ zì kuī rán bù dòng – “let the wind and rain come, I stand firm as a mountain,” unshakable in the face of any storm), inspiring the people of the whole country to continuously move from victory to victory.
— Focusing on strengthening itself, always full of vitality and dynamism. Our Party is soberly aware that to forge iron, one must be strong oneself, is good at examining itself with the requirements of the times, alerting itself with a strong sense of urgency, and perfecting itself with the spirit of self-revolution, attaches great importance to its own construction, resolutely eliminates all factors that undermine the Party’s advanced nature and purity, eliminates all viruses that erode the Party’s healthy body, and becomes stronger and more powerful through revolutionary tempering.
These excellent qualities are the key code to why the Communist Party of China is capable. We must, in light of new realities, continue to carry forward the Party’s excellent qualities, ensuring that the Party never changes its nature, never changes its color, never changes its flavor, and always possesses strong creativity, cohesion, and combat effectiveness.
Comrades and friends,
“Great achievements require lofty aspirations; extensive undertakings require diligent effort.” To fulfill the Party’s missions and tasks in the new era and new journey requires all Chinese Communists to strengthen their confidence and continue the struggle, constantly creating new achievements worthy of the times and the people.
— To strengthen confidence and continue the struggle, we must adhere to the Party’s basic theory, basic line, and basic policy. The Party’s basic theory, basic line, and basic policy are major achievements obtained through arduous exploration by the Party and the people, and are the fundamental guidance for the cause of the Party and the country. On the new journey, the entire Party must maintain the determination to keep the path unchanged and the will unchanged, adhere to the Party’s overall leadership and the centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee, deeply implement the Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, strengthen confidence in the path, confidence in the theory, confidence in the system, and confidence in the culture, carry forward the past and open up the future, uphold fundamental principles and break new ground, ensuring that we are not obscured by floating clouds from seeing far, and not lost while riding the wind and breaking waves.
— To strengthen confidence and continue the struggle, we must firmly rely on the people to create historical achievements. Upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics is the common cause of the entire Party and the people of all ethnic groups across the country. On the new journey, the entire Party must further boost the spirit of dedication and entrepreneurship, unite and lead the Chinese people of all ethnic groups in pioneering and advancing, coordinate the implementation of the five-sphere integrated plan, promote the Four-Pronged Comprehensive Strategy, fully, accurately, and comprehensively implement the new development philosophy, accelerate the construction of a new development pattern, and solidly promote high-quality development. We must practice a people-centered development philosophy, develop whole-process people’s democracy, continuously consolidate and develop the great unity of all ethnic groups, the great unity of the people of the whole country, and the great unity of all Chinese sons and daughters, fully stimulate the initiative, enthusiasm, and creativity of hundreds of millions of people, and gather the mighty force for advancing Chinese-style modernization.
— To strengthen confidence and continue the struggle, we must actively respond to risks and challenges on the path ahead. China’s development is in a period where strategic opportunities and risks and challenges coexist, and uncertainties and unpredictable factors are increasing. We must always be prepared to withstand major tests of high winds and rough seas, even towering waves. On the new journey, the entire Party must strengthen its sense of urgency, adhere to bottom-line thinking, carry forward the spirit of struggle and enhance the ability to struggle, better coordinate the domestic and international situations, coordinate development and security, improve the ability to scientifically foresee changes, promptly detect risks, and effectively respond to challenges, ensuring that the great ship of the Chinese nation’s rejuvenation cuts through the waves and sails steadily and far.
— To strengthen confidence and continue the struggle, we must continuously promote the building of a community with a shared future for mankind. As the once-in-a-century changes accelerate, the world has entered a new period of turbulence and transformation. Humanity once again stands at a crossroads of where to go. On the new journey, we must follow the trend of people’s aspirations and the general direction, hold high the banner of peace, development, cooperation, and win-win, promote the common values of all mankind, promote the building of a new type of international relations, promote the implementation of the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative, the Global Civilization Initiative, and the Global Governance Initiative, and inject more positive energy into world peace and development.
— To strengthen confidence and continue the struggle, we must persistently advance full and rigorous Party self-governance. Full and rigorous Party self-governance is always on the way. On the new journey, we must fully implement the Party building thought for the new era, implement the general requirements for Party building in the new era, focus on improving the Party’s long-term governance capacity, maintaining the Party’s advanced nature and purity, and maintaining the Party’s flesh-and-blood ties with the people, improve the system for full and rigorous Party self-governance, take the Party’s political construction as the lead to strengthen all aspects of Party construction, resolutely fight the tough, protracted, and overall battle against corruption, continuously enhance the Party’s political leadership, ideological guidance, mass organization, and social appeal, and ensure that the Party always remains a strong leading core in the historical process of upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era.
Comrades and friends,
A strong country must have a strong military; only when the military is strong can the country be secure. On the new journey, we must fully implement the Party’s thinking on strengthening the military for the new era, implement the military strategic guidelines for the new era, adhere to the Party’s absolute leadership over the people’s military, unswervingly follow the path of strengthening the military with Chinese characteristics, comprehensively advance political military building, reform to strengthen the military, science and technology to strengthen the military, talent to strengthen the military, and rule of law to strengthen the military, promote high-quality development of national defense and military modernization, achieve the goal of building the military by the centenary of the founding of the People’s Liberation Army on schedule, accelerate the building of the people’s military into a world-class military, resolutely safeguard national sovereignty, security, and development interests, and make greater contributions to maintaining world peace and development.
Promoting the long-term prosperity and stability of Hong Kong and Macao is an inherent requirement of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. On the new journey, we must fully, accurately, and unswervingly implement the principles of “one country, two systems,” “Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong,” “Macao people administering Macao,” and a high degree of autonomy, implement the principle of “patriots administering Hong Kong” and “patriots administering Macao,” enhance the efficiency of law-based governance in Hong Kong and Macao, promote the economic and social development of Hong Kong and Macao, and support Hong Kong and Macao to better integrate into and serve the overall development of the country.
Resolving the Taiwan issue and achieving the complete reunification of the motherland is an unswerving historical task of our Party and a common aspiration of all Chinese sons and daughters. We must deeply implement the overall strategy of the Party for resolving the Taiwan issue in the new era, adhere to the One-China principle and the 1992 Consensus, unite the vast number of Taiwanese compatriots, deepen cross-strait exchanges, cooperation, and integrated development, resolutely combat “Taiwan independence” separatist forces, oppose interference from external forces, and firmly advance the cause of the reunification of the motherland.
Comrades and friends,
Young people are the new force for realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. The entire Party must value young people, care about young people, support young people, and create conditions for young people to grow and succeed. Chinese youth in the new era must unswervingly listen to the Party and follow the Party, set lofty aspirations, bravely undertake the heavy responsibilities of the times, integrate personal pursuits into the cause of the Party and the country, 只争朝夕 (zhǐ zhēng zhāo xī – “seize every moment, day and night,” race against time), not let down the prime of youth, run the historical relay race well on the new journey, pave the way with youth, and let ideals shine!
Comrades and friends,
The 105-year glorious history of the Communist Party of China makes us proud, but we must never be complacent or stop advancing. By the middle of this century, we must fully build a great modern socialist country and realize the Second Centenary Goal. Time waits for no one! History waits for no one! All Party comrades must remain true to their original aspiration and keep their mission firmly in mind, must remain modest and prudent and hardworking, must remain daring and adept at struggle, firmly rely on, unite, and lead the Chinese people of all ethnic groups to forge ahead on the new journey, make contributions in the new era, and strive to create new historical brilliance!
Return to TopBy: 《求是》杂志编辑部
Advancing on the New Journey to Strengthen the Party and the Country with Full Confidence
Qiushi Journal Editorial Department
On July 1, at the important historical juncture of the 105th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, General Secretary Xi Jinping attended the celebration meeting and delivered an important speech, further pointing the direction and providing guidance for realizing the Party’s central tasks on the new journey in the new era. The speech is lofty and penetrating, profound in thought, filled with the confidence and pride of the century-old Party in creating historic achievements, arousing strong resonance among hundreds of millions of Chinese people, and is of great significance for inspiring the entire Party and the people of all ethnic groups in the country to work tirelessly for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.
In this important speech, General Secretary Xi Jinping reviewed and summarized achievements, revealed key codes, put forward clear requirements, and made a series of new generalizations and expositions. We must deeply understand its rich connotations. First, deeply understand and grasp the great achievements created by the Party uniting and leading the people. The General Secretary pointed out that 105 years of unremitting struggle have fundamentally changed the destiny of the Chinese people, opened up the correct path to realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, demonstrated the powerful vitality of Marxism, profoundly influenced the course of world history, and forged a strong Communist Party of China. This important exposition incisively clarifies the Party’s historic contributions to the Chinese people, to the Chinese nation, to Marxism, to the cause of human progress, and to the building of a Marxist political party. These great achievements have not come easily; they were won step by step through the struggle of the Party leading the people. For this, we should feel proud, and moreover, from these great achievements, we should strengthen the invincible belief in marching toward the strengthening of the country and rejuvenation under the leadership of the Party. Second, deeply understand and grasp the excellent qualities of the Party. For the first time, the General Secretary systematically expounded the excellent qualities of our Party from six aspects: “persistently pursuing truth, always keeping the correct direction,” “deeply rooted in the people, always having a solid foundation,” “shouldering historical missions with courage, always mastering strategic initiative,” “conforming to the trend of development, always staying at the forefront of the times,” “daring and good at struggle, always maintaining invincible confidence,” and “focusing on strengthening itself, always full of vitality and vigor,” profoundly revealing the key codes for why the Communist Party of China has acted correctly, acted steadily, and acted well, and interpreting the inevitability of history and the people choosing the Communist Party of China. These qualities are extremely precious. We must continuously carry them forward in light of new realities, ensuring that the Party never deteriorates, never changes its color, never changes its flavor, and always possesses strong creativity, cohesion, and combat effectiveness. Third, deeply understand and grasp the important requirements of the “five musts.” The General Secretary emphasized that on the new journey, to strengthen confidence and continue the struggle, we must adhere to the Party’s basic theory, basic line, and basic strategy; must firmly rely on the people to create historic achievements; must actively respond to risks and challenges on the road ahead; must continuously promote the building of a community with a shared future for mankind; and must persistently advance full and rigorous Party self-governance. These “five musts” cover reform, development, and stability; internal affairs, foreign affairs, and national defense; and Party governance, state governance, and military governance. Only by implementing these requirements can we continuously push forward the various undertakings of the Party and the state.
The great achievements in five aspects, the excellent qualities in six aspects, and the important requirements of the “five musts” connect history, reality, and the future, are internally linked and organically unified, and on the whole deepen our Party’s understanding of the laws governing the comprehensive advancement of the building of a strong country and the great cause of national rejuvenation through Chinese-style modernization. To deeply study and implement the spirit of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important speech, we must grasp it as a whole and also highlight the key points, so as to learn more deeply and comprehend more thoroughly. We must closely link it with the current situation, tasks, and what we are doing, further deepen understanding, and effectively transform the learning outcomes into practical actions to implement the decisions and deployments of the Party Central Committee and do a good job in all work, striving to write a new chapter in strengthening the Party and the country on the new journey.
Strengthen Confidence in Moving Forward from Brilliant Achievements
Looking through General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important speech, the confidence and steadfastness of the century-old Party crossing storms and striding forward 跃然纸上 (yuè rán zhǐ shàng - “vividly appears on the paper,” to be vividly portrayed in writing), giving people a strong spiritual inspiration and encouragement, further strengthening the confidence of the entire Party and the people of all ethnic groups in the bright prospects of national rejuvenation.
Achievements generate confidence, and comparisons strengthen confidence. Over the past 105 years, the Party has united and led the people of all ethnic groups in unremitting struggle, creating great achievements in the new democratic revolution, the socialist revolution and construction, reform and opening up and socialist modernization, and socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era. Over more than one hundred years, the earth-shaking historic changes on the land of China are seen more clearly in the contrast between past and present. The industrial foundation of old China was almost blank; even iron nails and kerosene depended on imports. Today, China has built a complete, independent, and comprehensive modern industrial system, firmly ranking as the world’s second-largest economy, the largest manufacturing country, and the largest trading country in goods, with many cutting-edge industries entering the global first tier. Old China was plagued by frequent wars, famines, and epidemics; the bottom-level masses struggled on the edge of survival all day long, with no guarantee of food and clothing, and education and medical conditions were even scarcer; at the founding of New China, the illiteracy rate was over 80%. Today’s China has completely eradicated the root of poverty that lasted for thousands of years, built a social security network covering all people, provided basic public services to urban and rural areas, and the people’s demands for quality of life have long since gone beyond having enough to eat and wear, turning instead to the pursuit of a more abundant and fulfilling better life. The humiliating experiences of modern times once plunged national self-confidence into a trough; from institutions and systems to thoughts and culture, there was once a pervasive negative sentiment that everything was inferior to others. Today, the mental outlook of the Chinese people has taken on a completely new look; they are high-spirited, self-reliant, and self-strengthening; the “post-90s” and “post-00s” are accustomed to looking at this world on an equal footing. Old China was weak in national power, long in a weak position in international affairs, and its legitimate rights and interests were ignored and deprived. Today, China deeply participates in global governance, and the international community’s expectation and attention to China’s voice and China’s proposals are unprecedented. The vast differences between past and present, 沧海桑田 (cāng hǎi sāng tián - “blue sea turned into mulberry fields,” great changes), the enormous changes in all aspects of social life are visible and tangible. From this, the Chinese people have given rise to heartfelt pride, firmly believing that China has been able to create in the past and will surely create even more impressive human miracles in the future.
A strong Communist Party of China gives the people confidence. Only under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, armed with scientific theory, did the Chinese people finally defeat all kinds of reactionaries pressing on them, and did the Chinese nation change its fate of being oppressed and enslaved, opening up a broad road to prosperity and strength. From an organization that initially had only over 50 Party members to having become the world’s largest ruling party with over 100 million Party members and significant global influence, why has our Party been able to continuously develop, grow, and achieve brilliance? Why did the Chinese people choose and always support and back the Communist Party of China? Fundamentally, it is because our Party has excellent qualities incomparable to other political parties and political forces. The Party’s excellent qualities were formed in the long-term struggle and are also the internal driving force driving the Party’s continuous development and growth; the two are mutually causal and mutually reinforcing. These excellent qualities have been integrated into the Party’s bloodline, passed down from generation to generation, and will be continuously carried forward in new practice. This is precisely the fundamental reason why the century-old Party has become even more determined despite hardships and stronger after 千锤百炼 (qiān chuí bǎi liàn - “a thousand hammerings and hundred refinements,” thoroughly tempered and tested). Under the strong leadership of the Communist Party of China, the Chinese people have written the most magnificent epic in the thousands of years of Chinese history, and they believe even more that as long as they follow the Party wholeheartedly, they will surely win one new victory after another.
Facing the future, we are full of invincible confidence. By 2035, China will basically realize socialist modernization; by the middle of this century, China will be built into a great modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, harmonious, and beautiful. A clear timetable and roadmap anchor the coordinates for national rejuvenation. But we must also see that the road ahead is not all smooth. The world’s accelerated transformation unseen in a century is unfolding; the complexity, severity, and uncertainty of China’s external environment are significantly rising; domestic reform, development, and stability face many deep-seated contradictions; risks and hidden dangers lurk in many areas; it can be said that challenges and tests remain many. However, this cannot shake our belief in moving forward with determination in the slightest. This belief is deeply rooted in the strong leadership of the Party. The Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core steering the ship is always the most reliable backbone for us to overcome difficulties and challenges. This belief arises from many unique development endowments. The super-large market builds a solid foundation for economic operation; a complete industrial system consolidates the foundation of the real economy; the institutional advantage of the whole nation uniting as one facilitates coordinating efforts across all fronts to overcome difficulties; the profound national spirit continuously gathers the centripetal force of hundreds of millions of people; multiple advantages empower each other, constructing a solid barrier against various risk impacts. We will surely be able to overcome all difficulties and obstacles, “no matter how the wind and waves rise, we sit firmly in the fishing boat.”
Continue the Struggle with the Determination that the Path Does Not Change and the Ambition Does Not Falter
Direction determines the path, and the path determines destiny. In this important speech, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized, “In the great practice of revolution, construction, reform, and the new era, our Party has led the people through countless hardships and successfully opened up and adhered to the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics,” requiring that “the entire Party must maintain the determination that the path does not change and the ambition does not falter.” The “path” we must adhere to is the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics; the “ambition” we must practice is the aspiration to strive unswervingly for the realization of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. “The path does not change” manifests confidence and steadfastness as stable as Mount Tai; “the ambition does not falter” embodies will and determination as firm as a rock.
In a large country with a large population and backward development, realizing national rejuvenation and building modernization, the path issue is the most fundamental issue. After the Opium War, the Chinese people and countless people with lofty ideals painstakingly sought a path to modernization, but it was not until the Communist Party of China stepped onto the historical stage that it gradually trod the righteous path from places where there was no road, and opened up a broad road from places covered with thorns. To build China into a modern socialist country and realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, our Party has united and led the people of the whole country in unremitting struggle. From poverty, weakness, and blankness to comprehensive moderate prosperity, prosperity, and strength, it took only a few decades to complete the industrialization process that developed countries took hundreds of years to traverse, creating two miracles: rapid economic development and long-term social stability. Especially since the 18th National Congress of the Party, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has coordinated the great struggle, the great project, the great cause, and the great dream, adopted a series of strategic measures, promoted a series of transformative practices, achieved a series of breakthrough progress, obtained a series of landmark results, successfully advanced and expanded Chinese-style modernization, and achieved historic accomplishments and historic changes in the cause of the Party and the state. Today, the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics is becoming broader and broader; the Chinese nation has achieved a great leap from standing up, growing rich, and becoming strong; the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is unstoppable, showing unprecedented bright prospects.
Whether shoes fit, only the wearer knows; whether a path is good, only the walker knows. As General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out, “The fundamental reason that we have been able to create development achievements unprecedented in human history is that we have taken the correct path.” Practice has fully proved that socialism with Chinese characteristics is rooted in the fertile soil of Chinese culture, reflects the will of the Chinese people, and meets the requirements of China’s and the era’s development and progress. It is the only way to realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. China’s modernization can only be realized on the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics. This path is not only correct and passable, but also stable and good. It is the only correct path for building a strong country and realizing national rejuvenation.
Why the Communist Party of China is capable, and why socialism with Chinese characteristics is good, ultimately lies in the fact that Marxism works, and that adapted Marxism with Chinese characteristics for the present era works. In this important speech, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “Today, the vigorous vitality and strong momentum of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics fully test the scientificity and truth of Marxism, fully demonstrate the affinity with the people and practicality of Marxism, and fully manifest the openness and contemporaneity of Marxism.” As the Marxism of contemporary China and the Marxism of the 21st century, Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era was created and enriched in scientifically answering major era questions such as what kind of socialism with Chinese characteristics to uphold and develop in the new era and how to uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics. It was also created and enriched in the historical process of successfully advancing and expanding Chinese-style modernization and creating a new form of human civilization. It is a powerful ideological weapon that has been tested in practice and is full of practical strength. We must unswervingly use Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era to arm our minds, guide practice, and promote work. We must adhere to and apply well the positions, viewpoints, and methods that run through it, comprehensively improve our ability to build modernization, and at the same time continue to advance theoretical innovation on the basis of practice, constantly opening up new horizons in the sinicization and modernization of Marxism.
Finding a good path is not easy; walking it well is even harder. Currently, we are striding forward on the new journey of comprehensively advancing the building of a strong country and the great cause of national rejuvenation through Chinese-style modernization. The road ahead is full of splendor but also challenges. We must deeply implement the decisions and deployments of the Party Central Committee, adhere to the Party’s basic theory, basic line, and basic strategy, adhere to the Chinese characteristics, essential requirements, and major principles of Chinese-style modernization, fully, accurately, and comprehensively implement the new development philosophy, accelerate the construction of a new development pattern, solidly promote high-quality development, coordinate development and security, and enhance the ability to scientifically foresee changes, timely perceive risks, and effectively respond to challenges. We must treasure, adhere to for a long time, and continuously develop the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics opened up by the Party and the people in continuous struggle. Always maintain the forward determination that the path does not change and the ambition does not falter. Neither take the old path of closedness and rigidity, nor take the evil path of changing the banner. Achieve the goal of not being blocked by floating clouds that block the view, not losing our way while riding the wind and waves, ensuring that the great ship of the Chinese revival cleaves through the waves and sails steadily and far.
Firmly Rely on the People to Create Historic Achievements
The people are the key word in General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important speech. In the speech, the General Secretary once again emphasized that “the country is the people, and the people are the country” and gave an incisive exposition on this, calling on the entire Party to firmly rely on the people on the new journey to create historic achievements.
“The country is the people, and the people are the country” profoundly clarifies the governance philosophy of our Party and is a landmark and original thesis of the Party’s innovative theory in the new era. From first putting forward “the country is the people, and the people are the country; popular support concerns the survival or extinction of the Party” at the Party history learning and education mobilization meeting, to further deepening the exposition at the celebration of the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China—“the country is the people, and the people are the country; to take the country and guard the country is to guard the people’s hearts,” our Party’s understanding of the rich connotations of this important thesis has continuously deepened, giving the fundamental tenet of serving the people wholeheartedly a thicker and more vivid contemporary meaning.
The state is founded on the people, and the state is also established for the people. The country belongs to the people; the country is named after the people. The Party closely links the country with the people, which is fundamentally determined by the nature and purpose of the Party. Our Party has always represented the fundamental interests of the overwhelming majority of the people, has no special interests of its own, and has never represented the interests of any interest group, any power group, or any privileged class. Precisely because the Communist Party of China is rooted in the people, its blood flows from the people, and its strength comes from the people, sharing weal and woe and life and death with the people, the country is firmly held in the hands of the people; guarding and building the country well for the people has become the unswerving pursuit of the Communist Party of China. Looking back, all the achievements in revolution, construction, and reform were the result of our Party leading the people in joint struggle. Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has adhered to putting the people first and relying on the people in everything, adopted a series of innovative and strategic major measures to strengthen ties between the Party and the people, and gathered the more than 1.4 billion Chinese people into a mighty force for promoting the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. The people are the masters of the country. The support of the people is the greatest source of confidence for our Party in governance. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized, “To comprehensively build a modern socialist country, we must give full play to the creative power of hundreds of millions of people.”
On the new journey, we must uphold the supremacy of the people, respect the pioneering spirit of the people, fully stimulate the initiative, enthusiasm, and creativity of the people, sincerely regard the people as teachers, learn from the people with heart, and ask the people for advice with an open mind. Continuously develop whole-process people’s democracy, ensure that the people manage state affairs, economic and cultural undertakings, and social affairs through various channels and forms according to law, and devote themselves to modernization with the spirit of being masters and full enthusiasm. At the same time, practice the people-centered development philosophy, always keep the safety and well-being of the people in mind, use heart, use emotion, and use effort to solve practical problems that the people care about, such as employment, education, social security, medical care, housing, elderly care, food safety, and social order, continuously enhance the people’s sense of gain, happiness, and security, let the fruits of modernization benefit all people more and more fairly, and continuously consolidate the class foundation and mass foundation for the Party’s long-term governance.
Forge a Stronger Political Party by Strengthening Itself
When studying General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important speech, we can deeply feel the General Secretary’s high emphasis on strengthening the Party’s self-construction. Over the past 105 years, it is precisely through constantly tempering its bones and strengthening its body that our Party has developed into a strong and powerful Marxist political party, forging the excellent quality of “focusing on strengthening itself, always full of vitality and vigor.” Facing the future, if our Party is to continuously create new achievements worthy of the times and the people, it must persistently advance full and rigorous Party self-governance.
Since the new era, the most intuitive feeling that Party governance has given people is: full and rigorous Party self-governance has achieved historic and pioneering accomplishments; the political ecology within the Party has significantly improved; the Party’s creativity, cohesion, and combat effectiveness have markedly increased. These changes are the result of taking real action and aiming the knife inward. From formulating and implementing the eight-point central regulations to break the ice, correcting the “four forms of decadence” with the spirit of driving a nail, to the mission of “offending thousands of people to live up to the 1.4 billion” to eradicate illness and chaos, insisting on a multi-pronged approach of “hunting tigers,” “swatting flies,” and “chasing foxes,” from putting forward the general requirements for Party building in the new era, to strengthening all aspects of Party building with political building as the lead, the great practice of full and rigorous Party self-governance in the new era has been majestic and magnificent. It is precisely in this great practice of governing the Party, managing the Party, prospering the Party, and strengthening the Party that Xi Jinping’s thought on Party building was conceived and nurtured. This thought is a major achievement in promoting theoretical innovation of the Party by adhering to the combination of the basic principles of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with the excellent traditional Chinese culture. It clearly puts forward the “fourteen upholdings,” including that Party leadership is the most essential feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics, systematically answers a series of major questions about how to view and how to conduct Party governance, management, prosperity, and strengthening in the new era, and provides fundamental guidelines and action guides for deeply advancing the great new project of Party building in the new era. In-depth study and implementation of Xi Jinping’s thought on Party building will surely better guide the entire Party to think about and grasp the new situations, new problems, and new challenges facing Party building with a broader vision and longer-term perspective, and effectively govern and build our Party strong.
Currently, China is in a critical period of realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. There are only 9 years left until basically realizing socialist modernization, and only slightly more than 20 years until comprehensively building a great modern socialist country. The burden on our Party is arduous and heavy. Walking the new road of the examination and achieving the goals on schedule places newer and higher demands on our Party’s governance capacity and leadership level, and on the thinking, concepts, capabilities, qualities, and mental state of the vast majority of Party members and cadres. At the same time, it must be noted that the Party still faces the “four major tests” and “four dangers,” which are like a shadow, existing for a long time; the prominent problems of impure thinking, impure organization, and impure style within the Party have not yet been fundamentally resolved. To smoothly realize the Party’s mission and tasks and effectively deal with various “roadblocks” and “stumbling blocks” on the way forward, we must promote the new great project of Party building in the new era to develop in depth with the spirit of self-revolution. We must continuously promote the study, implementation, and deepening of Xi Jinping’s thought on Party building, consciously use this thought to plan and advance Party building, promote full and rigorous Party self-governance with higher standards and more concrete measures, improve the system of full and rigorous Party self-governance, resolutely fight the tough, protracted, and comprehensive battle against corruption, continuously enhance the Party’s political leadership, ideological leadership, mass organization, and social appeal, and provide strong guarantees for achieving the goals and tasks of the “Fifteenth Five-Year Plan” period.
“We are a large party, leading a large country, and carrying out a great cause.” Keeping the original aspiration and mission firmly in mind, and striving unswervingly for the great cause of rejuvenation, the entire Party and the people of all ethnic groups in the country strengthen confidence and continue the struggle. The second centenary goal of comprehensively building a great modern socialist country will surely be realized, and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation will surely come!
Return to TopBy: 中共中央党校（国家行政学院）校（院）务委员会
With Firm Historical Confidence, Continuously Open Up New Realms of Governing the Party, Revitalizing the Party, and Strengthening the Party
The School (Academy) Affairs Committee of the Central Party School of the Communist Party of China (National Academy of Governance) (中共中央党校（国家行政学院）校（院）务委员会)
The river of history is vast and magnificent; there are always pioneers carrying the banner and forging ahead to raise the sail of an era, and there are always towering backbones supporting the sky of a nation. The Chinese Communist Party, standing at the forefront of the tide, in its 105-year course of struggle, has gathered the will of the multitude to transform heaven and earth, and illuminated the road ahead with the light of truth. The important speech delivered by General Secretary Xi Jinping at the ceremony celebrating the 105th anniversary of the founding of the Chinese Communist Party is lofty in intent, broad in vision, rich in content, and stirring to the heart. It profoundly summarizes the great achievements of our Party's 105 years of unremitting struggle, scientifically reveals the excellent qualities of the Chinese Communist Party, and forcefully points out the principles and guidelines for our Party to strengthen confidence and continue the struggle. It gives the entire Party immense motivation and the whole society boundless confidence. It is a political declaration inspiring the whole Party and the people of all ethnic groups across the country to march toward the Second Centenary Goal, and provides a scientific guide for our Party to continuously advance self-purification, self-improvement, self-renovation, and self-enhancement.
Over the past 105 years, the Chinese Communist Party, which came into being 应运而生 (yìng yùn ér shēng - "arisen at the opportune moment," to emerge as the times require) from the awakening of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation and gradually developed and strengthened, has, in the great journey of the Chinese nation from decline to prosperity toward rejuvenation, initiated an earth-shaking historical transformation, writing a magnificent epic of immense momentum. The Party united and led the people of all ethnic groups across the country to create the great achievements of the new democratic revolution, the socialist revolution and construction, reform, opening up, and socialist modernization, and socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era, creating two miracles: rapid economic development and long-term social stability. It successfully initiated, advanced, and expanded Chinese-style modernization, bringing unprecedented bright prospects for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and also expanded the path for developing countries to achieve modernization. Currently, the world's centennial transformation is accelerating, and the basic realization of socialist modernization has entered a critical period of consolidating the foundation and exerting full force. Strategic opportunities coexist with risks and challenges, and uncertain and unpredictable factors are increasing. To win strategic initiative in fierce international competition, to promote major strategic breakthroughs in the overall situation of Chinese-style modernization, and to continuously realize the people's aspirations for a better life, there is still much work to be done. We must adhere to confidence, self-reliance, and self-strengthening, better coordinate the domestic and international overall situations, ensure decisive progress in the basic realization of socialist modernization, and ensure that the great ship of China's rejuvenation cleaves through waves and sails steadily and far.
Hardship and difficulty forge a perfect jewel. 105 years of unremitting struggle have forged a powerful Chinese Communist Party. From having only over 50 Party members at its founding to developing into a Party with over 100 million members and more than 5.43 million primary-level Party organizations, the Chinese Communist Party has been 栉风沐雨 (zhì fēng mù yǔ - "combed by the wind and washed by the rain," enduring hardships) and 百炼成钢 (bǎi liàn chéng gāng - "tempered into steel through a hundred refinements," becoming strong through repeated trials), becoming the world's largest governing party with significant global influence, achieving a change in scale, a change in strength, and a change in confidence. Why does the Chinese Communist Party have incomparable advantages over other political parties and political forces? From Comrade Mao Zedong's proposal of the Party's "three magic weapons," to Comrade Deng Xiaoping's pointing out of our Party's "five advantages," to the third historical resolution of the Party summarizing the historical experience of "ten persists," our Party's thinking and understanding have become increasingly profound. In his speech, General Secretary Xi Jinping profoundly summarized the "six excellent qualities" of the Chinese Communist Party, further revealing the key code of why the Chinese Communist Party can. Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, our Party has incorporated full and rigorous Party self-governance into the Four-Pronged Comprehensive Strategy, unswervingly pursued full and rigorous Party self-governance, opened up a new realm of self-revolution for the century-old Party, and provided a strong guarantee for starting a new era and writing a new chapter. At the same time, we must be clearly aware that the "four tests" and "four dangers" facing the Party will exist for a long time; some Party members and cadres lack the spirit of responsibility, have weak ability in struggle, insufficient spirit of practical work, formalism and bureaucratism remain prominent, and privileged thinking and privileged phenomena still exist to varying degrees. Only by always maintaining the sobriety and firmness of "taking the examination," being good at examining ourselves with the requirements of the development of the times, alerting ourselves with a strong sense of urgency, perfecting ourselves with the spirit of self-revolution, resolutely eliminating all factors that damage the Party's advanced nature and purity, and eliminating all viruses that erode the Party's healthy body, can we continuously enhance the Party's creativity, cohesion, and combat effectiveness.
To comprehensively advance the building of a strong country and the great cause of national rejuvenation through Chinese-style modernization, the key lies in the Party. General Secretary Xi Jinping's important speech put forward the requirement of "five musts" for the whole Party to strengthen confidence and continue the struggle, and especially emphasized that "we must unswervingly promote full and rigorous Party self-governance." To implement the spirit of General Secretary Xi Jinping's important speech, we must comprehensively implement Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, implement the general requirements for Party building in the new era, deeply advance the great new project of Party building in the new era, continuously enhance the Party's political leadership, ideological guidance, mass organization, and social appeal, so that our Party continuously creates new historical glories in the continuous struggle.
I. Always take political construction as the guide, constantly enhance the firmness and consciousness of upholding the authority and centralized unified leadership of the Central Committee
The Party's political construction is the fundamental construction of the Party, determining the direction and effect of Party building. From Comrade Mao Zedong's point that "the key to all problems lies in politics," to Comrade Deng Xiaoping's emphasis that "we must talk about politics at all times," to General Secretary Xi Jinping's profound explanation that "full and rigorous Party self-governance must first be viewed from a political perspective," maintaining political advancedness has always been the unremitting pursuit of our Party. Looking back at history, the Seventh National Congress of the Party placed political construction of the Party in an important position; the Fourth Plenary Session of the Fourteenth Central Committee explicitly used the concept of "political construction"; and in the new era, political construction has been elevated to the leading position of Party building. Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, in response to problems such as some Party organizations, Party members, and cadres neglecting politics, downplaying politics, not talking about politics, especially vague understanding and weak action in upholding the Party's leadership, as well as the weakening, virtualization, and dilution of implementing the Party's leadership, the Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has strictly enforced the Party's political discipline and political rules, formulated and implemented the "Opinions of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Strengthening the Party's Political Construction," strictly standardized and normalized the political life within the Party, continuously purified the political ecosystem within the Party, developed a positive and healthy political culture within the Party, continuously strengthened political inspections, promoted the concretization, precision, and normalization of political supervision, focused on enhancing the political ability of Party members and cadres, and used political strengthening to promote the deepening of full and rigorous Party self-governance, leading the overall improvement of the quality of Party building.
The primary task of the Party's political construction is to ensure that the entire Party obeys the Central Committee and upholds the authority and centralized unified leadership of the Central Committee. This is the highest principle of the Party's leadership. Over the past 105 years, the Chinese Communist Party has been able to bravely undertake historical missions and always grasp strategic initiative precisely because of the stabilizing and anchoring role of the centralized unified leadership of the Central Committee. Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, in the face of rare risks and challenges unseen in the world and history, the Party and the country's undertakings have been able to achieve historic achievements and undergo historic transformations, fundamentally because of the leadership of the Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, and because of the scientific guidance of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. Practice has fully proved that the "Two Establishes" are a major political achievement of the Party in the new era, and are the greatest certainty, greatest confidence, and greatest guarantee for the Party and the people to deal with all uncertainties.
Once the main rope is grasped, the meshes naturally spread; once the fundamental is grasped, the secondary naturally follows. On the path forward, to effectively respond to major challenges, resist major risks, overcome major obstacles, and solve major contradictions, we must further strengthen the Party's political construction, guide Party members and cadres to be loyal to the Party, protect the Party, fully revitalize the Party, and strengthen the Party, take the Party's basic theory, basic line, and basic strategy as the fundamental guidelines for the Party and the country's undertakings, and continuously improve political judgment, political understanding, and political execution. We must take the "Two Upholds" as the highest political principle and fundamental political rule, take the implementation of the major decisions and deployments of the Central Committee as the fundamental requirement for upholding the authority and centralized unified leadership of the Central Committee, unswervingly embrace the core, trust the core, be loyal to the core, and protect the core, so that our Party always remains the most reliable backbone of the entire people when storms come.
II. Persistently use Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era to consolidate the soul and strengthen the foundation, transforming it into a powerful weapon to transform the subjective and objective worlds
The reason why the Chinese Communist Party has been able to continuously develop and strengthen through hardships, and why it has been able to follow the trend of development and always stay at the forefront of the times, is largely due to its high emphasis on ideological Party building and theoretical Party strengthening. Over the past 105 years, our Party has been determined to pursue truth, insisting on the unity of consolidating the foundation and strengthening the root, and upholding fundamental principles and breaking new ground, continuously promoting the sinicization and modernization of Marxism, using this "arrow" tempered to a sharp edge to shoot at the "target" of China, and continuously opening up new situations in recognizing changes, adapting to changes, and seeking changes. Our Party has insisted on ideological unity as the deepest, most lasting, and most reliable guarantee of the Party's unity and unity. From the Gutian Conference and the Yan'an Rectification Movement to the great discussion on the criterion of truth, it has always used ideological rectification and the ideological line as the guide to anchor the course of advance, so that the entire Party maintains firm will, coordinated action, and strong combat effectiveness. History has proven that the Chinese Communist Party can, and socialism with Chinese characteristics is good, ultimately because Marxism works, and because the sinicized and modernized Marxism works.
Since the new era, our Party has continuously promoted theoretical innovation based on practice in deepening the application of the "Two Integrations," creating Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. This thought, as the Marxism of contemporary China and the Marxism of the 21st century, not only contains important ideas of the Party's governance of the country, but also runs through the requirements of the political character, value pursuit, spiritual realm, and work style and integrity of Chinese Communists, demonstrating powerful truth force and personality force. It is both the "golden key" for us to transform the objective world and provides rich nourishment for the majority of Party members and cadres to transform the subjective world, like a towering lighthouse illuminating the journey ahead. Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, our Party has successively carried out nine intra-Party centralized education campaigns, each time making the study and implementation of the Party's innovative theory the top priority of ideological armed forces. Through the whole Party's great learning, the ideological foundation for strengthening firm beliefs and grasping historical initiative has been further consolidated.
He who plants trees must cultivate their roots; he who cultivates virtue must cultivate his heart. To continuously grasp ideological construction, which is the foundational construction of the Party, the most fundamental thing is to persistently use Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era to consolidate the soul and strengthen the foundation. We must improve the long-term mechanism for implementing the use of learning to cast the soul, learning to increase wisdom, learning to correct the style, and learning to promote work, guide Party members and cadres to adhere to never forgetting the original intention and keeping the mission firmly in mind, adhere to tempering a strong Party spirit, transform the learning results into the inner consciousness of strengthening ideals and beliefs, casting loyalty to the Party, cultivating feelings for the people, purifying moral character, and maintaining integrity and honesty, and effectively cultivate the "mind science" of Communists. We must deeply comprehend the worldview and methodology contained in it, focus on improving the ability to scientifically foresee changes, promptly discern risks, and effectively respond to challenges, and improve the level of Marxist theory and the ability to modernize.
III. Unswervingly implement the Party's organizational line for the new era, providing a strong organizational guarantee for the building of a strong country and the rejuvenation of the nation
The Party's strength comes from organization. Lenin once said, "Give us an organization of revolutionaries, and we will turn Russia upside down." General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out, "If our primary-level Party organizations are unbreakable, our Party membership is indestructible, then the Party's ruling position will be as solid as a rock, and the cause of the Party and the people will be invincible." Looking back at the Party's history, from incorporating democratic centralism into the Party Constitution, to the Sanwan Reorganization establishing the Party branch on the company, to emphasizing that "after the political line is determined, cadres are the decisive factor," our Party has continuously promoted the development of the Party and the people's cause with the actual results of organizational construction. Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, the Central Committee has put forward and adhered to the Party's organizational line for the new era, implemented and practiced the criteria for good cadres in the new era, focused on cultivating and creating a high-quality professional cadre contingent that is loyal, clean, and responsible, focused on building an excellent talent team that is determined to love the country and contribute, and is brave in innovation and creation, and focused on improving a strict organizational system that is connected up and down and has strong execution, and fully played the role of primary-level Party organizations as battle fortresses and the vanguard and exemplary role of Party members in promoting reform, development, and stability.
General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized that to respond to changes in the situation, cultivate new opportunities, open up new situations, and seek rejuvenation, the key is to build and strengthen the Party's leading bodies and cadres at all levels well. Since the new era, our Party has resolutely rectified the official personnel system, highlighted political standards in selecting and appointing talents, and continuously improved the cadre work system of quality training, understanding people through affairs, selection and appointment, strict management, and positive incentives. On the new journey, we must focus on building a high-quality cadre contingent capable of shouldering the heavy task of national rejuvenation, adhere to the principle of having both moral integrity and professional competence, putting moral integrity first, recruiting from all corners of the land, and appointing people on their merits, improve the cadre assessment and evaluation mechanism, improve the working mechanism for effectively preventing and correcting deviations in the view of political performance, promote the normalization of leading cadres being able to go up and down, and form a correct orientation where the capable are promoted, the excellent are rewarded, the mediocre are demoted, and the inferior are eliminated. We must persist in combining strict management with care, and equal emphasis on incentives and constraints, clearly support and encourage those who dare to take responsibility and act, and stimulate the endogenous motivation and overall vitality of the cadre contingent to start undertakings and create businesses.
Our Party has a strict organizational system, which is a powerful advantage that no other political party in the world possesses. Only when all levels of the Party's organizations are sound and strong can the Party's leadership be "like the body directing the arms, and the arms directing the fingers." Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, in response to phenomena such as "road-blocking tigers," "middle obstructions," and "broken-ended roads" in some Party organizations' implementation of the Central Committee's decisions and deployments, and problems such as the weak or even lax and scattered battle fortress role of some primary-level Party organizations, we have continuously strengthened the political function and organizational function of Party organizations, established a clear orientation of grasping the grassroots with great effort. We must coordinate the advancement of Party organization construction in various fields, strictly and realistically grasp the construction of the Party membership team, highlight the Party building work in new economic organizations, new social organizations, and new employment groups, and provide strong support for the comprehensive construction of a socialist modernized country.
IV. Deeply advance the fight against corruption and the construction of a clean and honest Party and government, and gather the mighty force to promote China's development and progress with a clean and upright political ecosystem
The Party's work style is a barometer for observing the relationship between the Party and the masses, and the support or opposition of the people. If the Party's work style is correct, the people's hearts are smooth, and the Party and the people can share hardships. Over the past 105 years, our Party has always attached great importance to work style construction, cultivating and forming excellent work styles and glorious traditions with the characteristics of the times at different historical stages. Entering the new era, in the face of prominent problems such as the "four forms of decadence" within the Party, General Secretary Xi Jinping warned the entire Party, "If we do not resolutely correct bad practices and allow them to develop, it will be like an invisible wall separating our Party from the masses, and our Party will lose its foundation, its bloodline, and its strength." The Central Committee started with the formulation and implementation of the Central Eight-Point Regulation (中央八项规定), persistently corrected the "four forms of decadence," opposed privileged thinking and privileged phenomena, severely cracked down on unhealthy practices such as using public funds to give gifts, dine, travel, and engage in extravagance and waste, solved problems that the masses strongly reflected and that harmed the interests of the masses, stopped some unhealthy trends that were previously considered impossible to stop, corrected some stubborn and chronic diseases that had not been eliminated for many years, and the Party conduct, government conduct, and social atmosphere were renewed.
Corruption is the greatest threat our Party faces, and the nature and purpose of the Party determine that our Party and corruption are incompatible. Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, the Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, with the mission of "offending a few thousand, not failing 1.4 billion," has removed diseases and brought order, carried out an unprecedented anti-corruption struggle, with the courage of 刮骨疗毒 (guā gǔ liáo dú - "scrape the bone to remove poison," to make a painful self-reform) and 壮士断腕 (zhuàng shì duàn wàn - "a brave man cuts off his wrist," to make a decisive sacrifice), unswervingly "hunted tigers," "swatted flies," and "chased foxes," made great efforts to pull out "rotten trees," treat "sick trees," and straighten "crooked trees," eliminating serious hidden dangers within the Party, the military, and the government, winning the historical initiative to ensure that the Party does not change its nature, color, or taste, and winning the historical initiative for the Party to unite and lead the entire people to jointly strive for the great cause of building a strong country and rejuvenating the nation.
Since the new era, the fight against corruption and the construction of a clean and honest Party and government have been unprecedented in intensity, and the results are obvious to all. However, we must be clearly aware that the construction of work style is always on the road, and the fight against corruption is always on the road. We must consolidate and expand the achievements of work style construction since the 18th National Congress of the Party, consolidate and deepen the achievements of the education and learning activities on thoroughly implementing the spirit of the Central Eight-Point Regulation, fully apply the important experience of promoting full and rigorous Party self-governance starting from grasping work style construction, and promote the normalization and long-term effectiveness of work style construction with the determination of "not dismounting the horse or loosening the reins." Unhealthy practices and corruption are mutually reinforcing and share the same root; unhealthy practices breed and conceal corruption, and corruption fuels and aggravates unhealthy practices and even breeds new work style problems. We must be clearly aware that the current situation of the anti-corruption struggle is still severe and complex, and the task of eradicating the soil and conditions for corruption is still arduous and heavy. We must adhere to grasping Party spirit, Party conduct, and Party discipline together, integrate rectifying conduct, enforcing discipline, and fighting corruption, deeply promote the simultaneous investigation and treatment of corruption and misconduct, integrate the promotion of not daring to be corrupt, not being able to be corrupt, and not wanting to be corrupt, and resolutely fight the tough, protracted, and overall battle against corruption.
V. Use strict discipline and rules to firmly tie the institutional cage of governing the Party, fully demonstrating the unique advantages of the governance of the Chinese Communist Party
Strengthening discipline, the revolution is invincible. Comrade Mao Zedong once pointed out that the line is the "kingly way" and discipline is the "overbearing way." Forging oneself with iron discipline and rules is an important tradition of our Party. The first Party Constitution formulated at the Second National Congress of the Party specifically listed "discipline" as a chapter. In the process of leading the creation of the people's army, the Party put forward the "Three Main Rules of Discipline and Eight Points for Attention," which had a profound impact on the construction of the Party and military discipline system. To strictly enforce the Party's discipline and rules, we must rely closely on the construction of the Party's internal regulations system. From the Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee proposing "should formulate a kind of Party regulations," to the 13th National Congress of the Party proposing "effectively strengthen the construction of the Party's system," our Party has increasingly recognized that institutional governance is fundamental, overall, and long-term.
Entering the new era, the Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has incorporated discipline construction into the overall layout of Party building, insisted on discipline being stricter than the law, discipline before the law, realized the separation of discipline and law, and insisted on using strict discipline to govern the entire Party. General Secretary Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out, "The Party must govern the Party and govern it strictly. What does it rely on to govern? It must rely on strict discipline." Our Party has focused on establishing clear rules, breaking hidden rules, adhered to institutional governance of the Party and governance according to regulations, incorporated governance according to regulations into the socialist rule of law system with Chinese characteristics, successively compiled three "Outline of the Central Committee's Plan for the Formulation of Party Regulations," promoted the formation of a complete system of Party regulations, and provided an important guarantee for improving the Party's governance capacity and leadership level, and promoting the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity.
Party self-supervision is the "Goldbach's conjecture" of national governance. To solve this problem, we must give full play to the role of discipline as the "ruler" of the Party, start from basic systems, start from daily norms, and fully release the powerful governance effectiveness of the Party's internal regulations system. On the new journey, we must strengthen discipline construction as the fundamental policy for full and rigorous Party self-governance, use strict political discipline to drive the comprehensive strictness of all disciplines, effectively tighten the cage of Party discipline and Party rules, set power according to law, regulate power, restrict power, and supervise power, and use the system more to govern the Party, manage power, and govern officials. We must strengthen the implementation of the system, let the system "grow teeth" and "become electrified," and avoid discipline and rules becoming "scarecrows," "plasticine," or "paper tigers." We must use governance according to regulations to penetrate the Party's heart to promote the rule of law to penetrate the people's hearts, give play to the political guarantee role of governance according to regulations for the development of the Party and the country's undertakings, form a pattern where national laws and regulations and Party regulations complement each other, and use the governance of the Chinese Communist Party to provide strategic guidance for the governance of China, and contribute Chinese solutions to the governance of the world.
Great affairs and difficult matters test responsibility; when the sea is in turmoil, true character is revealed. Over the past 105 years, the Chinese Communist Party, which has focused on strengthening itself, has always maintained a clear and self-disciplined awareness of how to shoulder the responsibility of governing and building the Party well. Especially since the new era, it has continuously tightened and consolidated the main responsibility, supervision responsibility, first responsible person responsibility, and "one post with dual responsibilities" for governing the Party, improved the responsibility system with clear subjects and clear requirements, and provided a strong guarantee for the historic and pioneering achievements of full and rigorous Party self-governance. On the path forward, we must adhere to the implementation of the political responsibility of governing the Party as the "ox nose" that must be firmly grasped in full and rigorous Party self-governance, ensure the full coverage of content, full coverage of objects, and full connection of systems with the full chain of responsibility, continuously improve the system of full and rigorous Party self-governance, better gather the joint force of Party building, and make our Party always the strong leading core of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics.
Return to TopBy: 田培炎
Carry Forward and Enhance the Excellent Traits of the Communist Party of China
Tian Peiyan (田培炎)
General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out profoundly at the conference celebrating the 105th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China: "The reason why the Communist Party of China has been able to continuously create brilliance in its 105-year struggle, and the reason why history and the people have chosen the Communist Party of China, lies fundamentally in the fact that our Party possesses excellent traits that no other political party or political force can match." The Party's excellent traits run through history, the present, and the future, forming an organic whole that is closely linked, mutually reinforcing, and internally unified. They concentrate on embodying our Party's advanced nature and distinctive characteristics. They are the key code to why the Communist Party of China is capable, and also the fundamental reason why the Party can lead the people to continue creating new great history. Studying, comprehending, and carrying forward and enhancing the excellent traits of the Communist Party of China is of great significance for always maintaining the Party's advanced nature and purity, continuously enhancing the Party's political leadership, ideological guidance, mass organization, and social appeal, and opening up new prospects for Chinese-style modernization.
Determinedly Pursue Truth, Always Keep the Direction of Advance Correct
Marxism is the most advanced system of thought and theory of mankind to date; it is universal truth repeatedly proven by practice; it is the greatest tool of understanding of mankind. Possessing the scientific theoretical guidance of Marxism, scientifically foreseeing the future, actively transforming reality, enabling people to know where to go and to unite and strive, are the remarkable advantages of a Marxist political party. Over the past 105 years, our Party has taken Marxism as a powerful ideological weapon for transforming the subjective world and the objective world, insisted on emancipating the mind (jiěfàng sīxiǎng - "liberate thought," to free one's thinking from outdated notions), seeking truth from facts (shí shì qiú shì - "seek truth from facts," to base every action on actual conditions), keeping pace with the times (yǔ shí jù jìn - "advance with the times," to keep abreast of the times), and being realistic and pragmatic (qiú zhēn wù shí - "seek truth and be practical," to be down-to-earth and practical), emphasized revealing and applying truth in the movement of social contradictions, been good at testing and developing truth in practice, and constantly guided new practice with new theory, ensuring that the cause of the Party and the people advances in the correct direction.
Pursuing truth is a process full of hardship. During the period of the New Democratic Revolution, our Party once had painful lessons in dogmatizing Marxism and sanctifying the resolutions of the Comintern and the experience of the Soviet Union. After suffering the bitterness of dogmatism and experiencing severe setbacks in the revolution, it gradually came to understand that "what we want is fragrant Marxism, not stinking Marxism; is living Marxism, not dead Marxism," and that it was necessary to use the "arrow" of Marxism to shoot at the "target" of the Chinese revolution, making Marxism concrete in China. Our Party combined the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete realities of China, made theoretical summaries of a series of original experiences accumulated through arduous exploration and enormous sacrifice, blazed the correct revolutionary path of encircling the cities from the countryside and seizing political power by armed force, founded Mao Zedong Thought, and pointed out the correct direction for winning the New Democratic Revolution. After the founding of New China, our Party, based on the new realities, advanced the "second integration," enriched and developed Mao Zedong Thought, and put forward a series of important ideas on socialist construction. These original theoretical achievements still have important guiding significance to this day. After reform and opening up, our Party, starting from the new realities and the characteristics of the times, persisted in and developed Marxism, scientifically answered a series of basic questions concerning the construction of socialism with Chinese characteristics, such as the development path, development stage, fundamental task, development momentum, development strategy, political guarantee, reunification of the motherland, diplomacy and international strategy, and the leading force and relying force, formed the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and provided scientific guidance for opening up a new situation in the development of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics.
For a nation to stand at the forefront of the times, it cannot for a moment do without theoretical thinking, nor can it for a moment do without correct ideological guidance. Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, our Party, based on new changes in the domestic and international situation and new practical demands, has persisted in combining the basic principles of Marxism with China's concrete realities and with the fine traditional Chinese culture, profoundly answered a series of major epochal questions concerning the development of the Party and the state's cause and the Party's governance of the country, deepened understanding of the laws of governance by the Communist Party, the laws of socialist construction, and the laws of the development of human society with a completely new perspective, founded Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, and opened up a new realm of sinicization and modernization of Marxism. On the new journey of the new era, we must fully implement Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, persist in deep study and meticulous comprehension, internalization in the mind and conscious practice, turning scientific theory into a powerful material force for advancing Chinese-style modernization. Adhere to treating science with a scientific attitude, pursuing truth with the spirit of truth, vigorously promote theoretical innovation on the basis of practice, seek new ideas, new thinking, and new methods in solving new contradictions and new problems, and constantly write a new chapter in the sinicization and modernization of Marxism.
Deeply Rooted in the People, Always Possess a Solid Foundation
The people are the masters of history, the creators of material and spiritual wealth, the drivers of social change; only by firmly relying on the people can great historical achievements be created. This is the fundamental basis for a Marxist political party to establish its nature and purpose. The Communist Party of China is born for the people and thrives because of the people. It embodies respect for the people's principal position in history and their pioneering spirit, working for the happiness of the Chinese people and the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, throughout all its theory and practice. Over the past 105 years, our Party has kept in mind that the country is the people, and the people are the country (江山就是人民、人民就是江山), persisted in building the Party for the public good and exercising power for the people, consciously practiced the fundamental purpose of serving the people wholeheartedly, firmly stood together with the people, thought together with the people, and worked together with the people, possessing a solid foundation that no storm can shake.
As early as the revolutionary war years, our Party deeply understood that "revolutionary war is a war of the masses; only by mobilizing the masses can the war be waged, and only by relying on the masses can the war be fought." It was because of the impenetrable fortress built by the masses of the people that the revolutionary base areas could be established and developed. It was because the masses of the people sincerely and selflessly raised grain and funds, gathered intelligence, and rescued the wounded that the Red Army could stand proudly in the face of difficulties and turn danger into safety in life-and-death moments during the Long March. It was because of the extensive guerrilla warfare waged by the masses, such as ambushes, mine warfare, tunnel warfare, and sparrow warfare, that the Japanese aggressors were plunged into the vast ocean of people's war. It was because of the broad participation and support of the masses that the War of Liberation could proceed like a hot knife through butter. After the founding of New China, the people became masters of the country, masters of society, and masters of their own destiny, and threw themselves into the cause of socialist revolution and construction with vigor and enthusiasm, contributing their wisdom and strength to changing the country's backwardness and poverty. Similarly, the great historical drama of reform and opening up was starred by hundreds of millions of people. Many new things, such as the household contract responsibility system and township enterprises, were explored by the masses in practice. Not a single major task of reform and opening up proposed by the Party was accomplished without the hard work of the people.
For our Party to achieve long-term governance, it must forever maintain its flesh-and-blood ties with the masses, coming from the masses and going to the masses. Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, our Party has persisted in governing for the people and relying on the people, and has embedded the political stance and value pursuit of putting the people first throughout the entire process and all aspects of governance. Persisting in development for the people, development relying on the people, and development achievements shared by the people, we have focused on winning the battle against poverty and successfully solving this world problem of eradicating poverty, on ensuring and improving people's livelihood and solving the people's urgent, difficult, and anxious problems, on maintaining social fairness and justice and stimulating social creativity, and on promoting the all-round development of people and common prosperity for all. We have continuously enhanced the people's sense of gain, happiness, and security, won the people's sincere support, and made the Party's ruling foundation even more solid. On the new journey of the new era, we must firmly establish the Marxist view of the masses, adhere to the consistency of respecting the laws of social development and respecting the principal position of the people in history, the consistency of striving for lofty ideals and seeking benefits for the vast majority of the people, and the consistency of completing the Party's various tasks and realizing the interests of the people. Deeply root the growth of political wisdom, the enhancement of governing ability, and the improvement of leadership art in the fertile soil of the masses' practice, and forever be of one heart and mind with the people, share weal and woe with the people, and unite and struggle with the people.
Brave in Shouldering Historical Mission, Always Grasp Strategic Initiative
Combining lofty ideals with realistic goals, unifying historical inevitability with the staged nature of development, determining the goals of struggle according to the laws of social development, anchoring goals and continuing to struggle and forge ahead, are the unique advantages of a Marxist political party. Over the past 105 years, our Party has cherished the lofty ideal of communism and is determined to achieve the millennium cause of the Chinese nation. It has firmly shouldered the heavy responsibilities entrusted by history and the people, persisted in unifying long-term goals with phased goals, adapted to changes in the principal social contradictions to establish central tasks, formulated and implemented correct lines, principles, and policies, and firmly grasped the leadership and initiative in the development of the cause.
During the period of the New Democratic Revolution, the main task our Party faced was to strive for national independence and people's liberation. The Party deeply understood from bloody lessons that "political power grows out of the barrel of a gun," used armed revolution to oppose armed counter-revolution, and raised the storm of the agrarian revolution. It was the first to raise the banner of armed resistance against Japan, persisted in the line of total resistance, and became the mainstay of the entire nation's war of resistance. Facing the all-out civil war flagrantly launched by the Kuomintang reactionaries, the Party led the broad masses of military and civilians to resolutely win the three major campaigns and the cross-river campaign, overthrow the reactionary rule of the Kuomintang, overthrow the three big mountains of imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucratic capitalism, and establish New China. During the period of socialist revolution and construction, our Party restored the economy, consolidated the newborn regime, carried out reforms in various aspects of society, established an independent and relatively complete industrial system and national economic system on the basis of a poor and blank foundation, and provided valuable experience, theoretical preparation, and material foundation for pioneering socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new historical period. During the new period of reform, opening up, and socialist modernization, our Party made the historic decision to shift the focus of the work of the Party and the state to economic construction and to implement reform and opening up, concentrated on construction and devoted all attention to development. Our country achieved a historic transformation from a highly centralized planned economy system to a vibrant socialist market economy system, from a closed or semi-closed state to all-round opening up; achieved a historic breakthrough from relatively backward productive forces to becoming the world's second largest economy; and achieved a historic leap in people's lives from insufficient food and clothing to an overall well-off society, and then to building a moderately prosperous society in all respects.
One period has the historical mission and tasks of that period; one generation has the historical responsibility and accountability of that generation. Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, our Party, with great historical initiative, tremendous political courage, and a strong sense of responsibility, has coordinated the domestic and international overall situations, implemented the Party's basic theory, basic line, and basic strategy, adhered to the general working principle of making progress while maintaining stability, introduced a series of major policies, launched a series of major measures, advanced a series of major tasks, overcome a series of major risks and challenges, solved many long-standing problems that needed solving but were unresolved, accomplished many major events that were desired but not achieved in the past, and promoted historic achievements and historic changes in the cause of the Party and the state. On the new journey of the new era, we must follow the Party Central Committee's strategic plan for basically realizing socialist modernization, be firm in our confidence in victory, maintain strategic sobriety, accurately grasp the times and trends, dangers and opportunities, advantages and disadvantages in the changes in the situation, consolidate and expand advantages, break through bottlenecks and constraints, strengthen weak links and shortcomings, promote major breakthroughs in strategic tasks related to the overall situation of Chinese-style modernization, ensure decisive progress in basically realizing socialist modernization, and lay a solid foundation for achieving the Second Centenary Goal.
Conform to the Trend of Development, Always Walk at the Forefront of the Times
Productive forces are the most revolutionary and active factor in social development, and are the ultimate and most important driving force of social change. Whoever conforms to the requirements of the development of productive forces can stand at the forefront of the times. As the representative of advanced productive forces, a Marxist political party always takes the liberation and development of productive forces as its mission, can correctly judge the general trend of the times, actively change the relations of production and the superstructure that do not adapt to the development of productive forces, and promote comprehensive social development and progress. Over the past 105 years, our Party, with a high degree of historical self-awareness and a broad world vision, has soberly grasped China's national conditions and the themes of the times, promoted the Party's various tasks to reflect the character of the times, grasp the laws, and be creative, leading the country and the nation to advance in the logic of historical progress and develop in the trend of the times, becoming an undisputed vanguard of the times and the backbone of the nation.
Revolution is the locomotive of history. Our Party's leadership of the New Democratic Revolution achieved complete victory, completely abolishing the decayed relations of production and superstructure that severely constrained the development of social productive forces. After the founding of New China, we carried out socialist transformation, established the basic system of socialism, and successfully achieved the most profound and greatest social change in Chinese history, laying the fundamental political prerequisite and institutional foundation for all development and progress in contemporary China. During the new period of reform, opening up, and socialist modernization, our Party regarded reform as China's "second revolution," resolutely promoted economic system reform, explored and established and continuously improved the socialist market economy system, simultaneously carried out reforms in political, cultural, social and other fields, and constantly formed and developed institutional mechanisms that conform to contemporary China's national conditions and are full of vitality, enabling the cause of the Party and the state to catch up with the times in big strides.
The world is changing, the times are advancing, practice and development are endless, and our journey to continuously open up new prospects for our cause is also endless. Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, our Party has used scientific theory to observe the times, grasp the times, and lead the times. It has coordinated the strategic overall situation of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the major changes unseen in a century in the world, deeply advanced comprehensive deepening of reform, improved and developed the socialist system with Chinese characteristics, promoted the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity, focused on removing institutional and mechanism obstacles that hinder high-quality development, and achieved major results in better adapting the relations of production to the productive forces, the superstructure to the economic base, and national governance to social development, injecting strong momentum and vitality into our country's development. On the new journey of the new era, we must solidly promote high-quality development, seize the first opportunities in technology and industrial development in a timely manner, accelerate the construction of a modernized industrial system. Simultaneously advance the development of education, science and technology, and talent, and accelerate the realization of high-level scientific and technological self-reliance and self-strengthening. Strengthen the domestic major cycle, smooth the domestic and international dual cycles, and form a unified, open, competitive, and orderly market system. Promote deep-level reform, expand high-level opening up, and win advantages, initiative, and the future in the fierce international competition.
Dare to Struggle and Be Good at Struggle, Always Maintain Confidence in Victory
The world is full of contradictions; society advances in the movement of contradictions, and where there are contradictions, there will be struggle. The cause pursued by a Marxist political party is an unprecedented pioneering cause, a just cause representing the progress of human civilization. In the historical process of smashing the old world, building a new society, and promoting social development forward, it is destined to encounter various risks and challenges, and to face encirclement and interception by various old forces. Daring to struggle, and opening up new horizons for the cause through struggle, is an innate excellent character of Marxist political parties. Over the past 105 years, our Party has persisted in and carried forward the spirit of fearing no sacrifice and heroic struggle, for the people, the country, the nation, and for ideals and beliefs, cutting through brambles and thorns, forging ahead, and with the iron will of remaining steadfast despite storms, inspiring the people of the whole country to continuously move from victory to victory.
Our Party, with the heroic spirit of daring to overcome any difficulty without being overwhelmed by any difficulty, daring to struggle against any powerful enemy without being intimidated by any powerful enemy, and even if only the last person remains, fighting to the bloody end, has repeatedly defeated enemies many times its strength. On the battlefield to resist U.S. aggression and aid Korea, the Chinese People's Volunteers, with "less steel but more spirit," overcame the strong enemy with "more steel but less spirit," winning the strategic initiative of "fighting to open a punch, avoiding a hundred punches." In the long-term struggle, our Party not only maintains the spirit of daring to struggle, but also has accumulated rich experience in being good at struggle. Pay attention to judging the struggle situation, be vigilant in peace, prepare for a rainy day, prepare for the worst, and strive for the best results. Pay attention to struggle strategies, despise the enemy strategically, treat one as ten, and regard the enemy as a "paper tiger"; pay attention to the enemy tactically, treat ten as one, and regard the enemy as a "real tiger." Pay attention to struggle methods and effects, grasp the main contradiction and the main aspect of the contradiction, grasp the intensity of the struggle, and carry out struggle that is justified, advantageous, and restrained.
If you seek security through struggle, security exists; if you seek security through weakness and compromise, security is lost. If you seek development through struggle, development flourishes; if you seek development through weakness and compromise, development declines. Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, our Party has profoundly understood and accurately grasped the characteristics of the great struggle in the new era, maintained strategic focus, carried forward the spirit of struggle, withstood tests and challenges from politics, the economy, ideology, nature, and other aspects, and provided a strong guarantee for the prosperity, development, and long-term stability of the Party and the state. On the new journey of the new era, we must thoroughly implement the holistic view of national security, adhere to bottom-line thinking and extreme thinking, play the first move well, and fight active battles. In the face of external suppression, we must take a clear stand and struggle, firmly safeguard national sovereignty, security, and development interests. In the face of difficulties in economic and social development, we must meet challenges head-on, overcome difficulties, and remove all obstacles with the pioneering and enterprising spirit of opening roads through mountains and building bridges over waters. In the face of various unhealthy tendencies, we must adhere to principles, dare to criticize, eliminate the turbid and promote the clear, and promote positive energy.
Focus on Strengthening Itself, Always Full of Vitality
The advanced nature and purity of a Marxist political party will not naturally arise, nor will it be automatically obtained, nor can it be achieved overnight, nor can it be accomplished once and for all. As the environment in which the Party operates and the membership of the Party develop and change, problems such as ideological impurity, political impurity, organizational impurity, and style impurity in the Party will emerge at any time and always exist. To maintain the advanced nature and purity of the Party, it is necessary to remove impurities, eliminate viruses, and strengthen immunity with the determination and courage to turn the blade inward, continuously enhancing the Party's creativity, cohesion, and combat effectiveness. Over the past 105 years, our Party has been good at examining itself in light of the requirements of the development of the times, alerting itself with a strong sense of urgency, and perfecting itself with the spirit of self-revolution. It has attached great importance to its own construction, resolutely eliminated all factors that harm the Party's advanced nature and purity, and eliminated all viruses that erode the healthy body of the Party, so that our Party is always full of vigor and vitality.
During the revolutionary war years, focusing on building "a Bolshevikized Communist Party of China that is nationwide, mass-based, and fully consolidated ideologically, politically, and organizationally," our Party creatively proposed focusing on building the Party ideologically, reforming the Party according to the face of the proletarian vanguard, and striving to overcome the influence of various non-proletarian ideologies on Party members. It carried out the Yan'an rectification movement, mainly to rectify the style of study, the style of work, and the style of writing, which greatly improved the Marxist level of the whole Party and enhanced the unity and solidarity of the whole Party. As the revolution was about to triumph, our Party timely sounded the alarm to the whole Party, proposing that we must remain modest, prudent, and free from arrogance and rashness; and we must maintain the style of hard struggle. After taking state power nationwide, our Party, with the spirit of "taking an examination," worked hard to govern and remained vigilant in peacetime, strengthened the Party's ideological, organizational, and style construction, and prevented the Party from separating from the masses and becoming corrupt. Entering the new period of reform, opening up, and socialist modernization, our Party, based on the new requirements of changes in the situation and tasks, solemnly proposed to solve the problem of whether the ruling party is qualified or not, and whether Party members are qualified or not. It solidly carried out various forms of ideological and political education, continuously intensified the strict management of cadres, focused on solving style problems affecting the relationship between the Party and the masses and between cadres and the masses, and promoted important progress in solving the two major historical issues of improving the Party's leadership level and governance level, and enhancing the ability to resist corruption, prevent degeneration, and withstand risks.
Those who overcome themselves are strong; those who are strong overcome themselves. The greatness of the Communist Party of China lies not in making no mistakes, but in never concealing its faults, daring to face problems directly, and possessing extremely strong self-repair capability. Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, our Party has advanced full and rigorous Party self-governance with unprecedented determination and intensity. It has adopted strong measures to remove ailments, severe punishments to rectify chaos, scraping the bone to cure poison, and removing decay to regenerate. It has led Party building in all aspects with the Party's political construction, started by formulating and implementing the Central Eight-Point Regulations, persistently corrected work styles and tightened discipline, and waged an unprecedented anti-corruption struggle. It has halted some unhealthy practices that had long been unchecked, corrected some chronic problems that had not been resolved for years, fundamentally reversed the lax and soft situation in managing and governing the Party, and made the Party stronger and more powerful through revolutionary forging. On the new journey of the new era, we must fully implement Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, with the sobriety and firmness of always being on the road, persistently advance full and rigorous Party self-governance, deeply comprehend the decisive significance of the "Two Establishes," and resolutely achieve the "Two Upholds." Adhere unwaveringly to the strict tone, strict measures, and strict atmosphere, focus on solving deep-seated problems, recurring problems, and newly emerging problems within the Party, continuously enhance the ability to self-purify, self-improve, self-reform, and self-improve, and ensure that the Party never changes its nature, color, or flavor.
Author: Member of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, former Deputy Director of the Policy Research Office of the CPC Central Committee
Return to TopBy: 冀永义
How to "Decode" the Chinese Communist Party
Ji Yongyi
"Everything that happens in China draws the world's attention. The academic community often discusses to what extent China's achievements are the credit of the Chinese Communist Party. In my view, China's development must be attributed to the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party. Looking back on China's modern history — from traversing the 25,000-li Long March, winning the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the War of Liberation, to advancing socialist construction, promoting the reform and opening-up endeavor, and achieving the nation's rapid development — it has always been the Chinese Communist Party that has pointed the way forward for the Chinese people. Precisely for this reason, to understand China, one must understand the Chinese Communist Party." On the occasion of the 105th anniversary of the founding of the Chinese Communist Party, these words from German scholar Michael Geiger expressed the sentiments of many insightful people in the international community. In today's world, more and more people admire the way the Chinese Communist Party governs the Party and the country, and want to understand the success code of how the century-old Party has forged brilliance.
On July 1 this year, at the conference celebrating the 105th anniversary of the founding of the Chinese Communist Party, General Secretary Xi Jinping, from the six dimensions of ideological guidance, people's stance, historical responsibility, epochal character, fighting spirit, and strengthening the self, comprehensively and systematically summarized the excellent traits of our Party that are unmatched by other political parties and political forces, and explicitly designated them as "the key code for why the Chinese Communist Party can." How to understand this "code"? In plain terms, it is the golden key, the navigation instrument, and the direction indicator that have achieved the Party's century-long brilliance. Only by unswervingly pursuing truth can the cause of the Party and the people always advance in the correct direction; only by deeply rooting itself in the people can the Party have a solid foundation that no storm can shake; only by boldly shouldering historical missions can the Party firmly grasp the leadership and initiative of the cause's development; only by conforming to the trend of the times can the Party become a worthy vanguard of the era and the backbone of the nation; only by daring and being good at struggle can the Party unite and lead the people to continuously move from victory to victory; only by focusing on strengthening the self can the Party forever maintain its vigor and vitality through revolutionary tempering. The six major traits interact and support each other, jointly forging the unique political advantage of the Chinese Communist Party. And focusing on strengthening the self is the fundamental guarantee that ensures the Party always possesses the ability to practice excellent traits. Pursuing truth, serving the people, shouldering missions, leading the times, and persisting in struggle all require excellent self-quality as support. Only through continuous self-purification, self-improvement, self-renewal, and self-enhancement can the Party's excellent traits be upheld for a long time and never fade.
All things endure because they are constantly renewed; a great Party thrives because it cultivates itself. A history of more than one hundred years of the Party is a history of daring to engage in self-revolution and continuously strengthening the self. During the period of the New Democratic Revolution, our Party carried forward the great founding spirit of the Party, implemented and advanced the great project of Party building, put forward the principle of building the Party ideologically, adhered to democratic centralism, adhered to the three fine styles of integrating theory with practice, maintaining close ties with the masses, and conducting criticism and self-criticism, formed the three magic weapons of the united front, armed struggle, and Party building, and strived to build a Marxist political party that is national, broadly mass-based, and fully consolidated ideologically, politically, and organizationally. On the eve of the nationwide victory of the War of Liberation, Comrade Mao Zedong put forward the "two musts" for the entire Party. After the founding of New China, the Party emphatically raised the major issue of Party building under the conditions of governance, strengthened Party building and consolidated Party leadership ideologically, organizationally, and in style, enhanced the Party's purity and the unity of the entire Party, and strengthened the Party's ties with the masses. After reform and opening up, our Party emphasized that to govern the country, the Party must first be governed, and governing the Party must be strict, concentrated on doing a good job in Party building, initiated and advanced the new great project of Party building, and continuously explored solutions to the two major historical issues of improving the Party's leadership and governance level, and improving the ability to resist corruption, prevent degeneration, and withstand risks. Entering the new era, the Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, with great political courage and a strong sense of responsibility, unswervingly promoted full and rigorous Party self-governance, starting with formulating and implementing the Central Committee's Eight-Point Regulation to break the ice, proposing and implementing the general requirements for Party building in the new era, using the Party's political construction to lead all aspects of Party building, launching an unprecedented anti-corruption struggle, fundamentally reversing the situation where the implementation of Party leadership was weakened, diluted, and downplayed, and where Party management and governance were lax, loose, and soft, eliminating serious hidden dangers within the Party, the state, and the military, and making the Party stronger and more resolute through revolutionary tempering.
History has eloquently proven that our Party is a Marxist political party with lofty ideals, aspirations, and noble mission pursuits. Daring to face problems directly and being brave in correcting mistakes are our Party's distinctive features and advantages. From consolidating the foundation ideologically and casting the soul politically, to cleaning the dust of work style and binding the body with discipline, to vigorously combating corruption and 刮骨疗毒 (guā gǔ liáo dú - "scrape the bone to heal the poison," a metaphor for thorough and resolute self-reform), a set of interlocking and progressively advancing systems for managing and governing the Party has enabled our Party to remove ailments and strengthen its body through repeated self-examination, propping up the fundamental confidence for the century-old Party to 行稳致远 (xíng wěn zhì yuǎn - "walk steadily to go far," to advance steadily and achieve long-term goals). The Party has weathered 105 years of wind and rain yet remains as firm in its original aspiration as a rock and as vigorous as ever, precisely because of the Party's sober recognition that "打铁必须自身硬" (dǎ tiě bìxū zìshēn yìng - "to forge iron, one must be strong oneself," one must be competent and upright to do tough work), because the Party always examines itself with the requirements of the times, alerts itself with a strong sense of urgency, perfects itself with the spirit of self-revolution, persistently purifies itself, and works tirelessly to strengthen the self.
"The spring river surges vast and wide, yet pauses for a while; then climbs the layered peaks, opening the view to the eye." Through the revolutionary tempering of full and rigorous Party self-governance since the 18th National Congress, the Party's political leadership, ideological guidance, mass organization, and social appeal have been significantly enhanced. At the same time, we must also soberly see that outstanding problems such as ideological impurity, organizational impurity, and style impurity within the Party have not yet been fundamentally resolved. Some problems that have been resolved may 死灰复燃 (sǐ huī fù rán - "dead ashes rekindle," resurgence of problems), and new situations and problems keep emerging. The "four major tests" and "four dangers" facing the Party will exist for a long time. In particular, some Party members and cadres still have emotions such as relaxing and resting, fearing difficulties and retreating, passively coping, or even deliberately resisting full and rigorous Party self-governance, lowering their self-requirements, relaxing their inner cultivation, and suffering from "sub-healthy body" and "spiritual rickets." Some are ideologically deficient in calcium, slack and lying flat, with theoretical study becoming mere formality and superficial, their ideals and beliefs degenerating from "the foundation of standing" to "slogans on paper." In their work, the sharpness of entrepreneurship and innovation is weakened and blunted. Faced with contradictions, they delay as much as they can, bypass as much as they can, losing the spirit of hard work and striving. Some have forgotten their original aspiration, with a drifting work style, emphasizing packaging over implementation, emphasizing statements over steadfast action. Their deployments are vigorous, but implementation is perfunctory. Their slogans are resounding, but work results have no trace. Faced with the urgent and difficult concerns of the masses, they shift blame and shirk responsibility, completely indifferent to the purpose of serving the people. Some are lax in discipline, degenerate and corrupt, with weak awareness of rules and lack of reverence, perfunctory in dealing with organizational life, selectively implementing regulations and systems, relaxing requirements and lowering the bottom line in small matters and details. Over time, they inevitably slide into the abyss of violating discipline and law. Some have insufficient ability, find it difficult to shoulder their missions, relying on old experience, clinging to old routines, rejecting new breakthroughs. Faced with the rapidly changing development situation and the iteratively upgraded work tasks, they are deeply mired in the predicament of ability panic and capability shortcomings. At critical moments, they cannot stand out or step up, and their vanguard and exemplary role is out of the question.
The above various stubborn diseases and ills, including problems of Party members and cadres lacking Party spirit tempering, failing to guard their self-discipline front, even glossing over mistakes and 讳疾忌医 (huì jí jì yī - "hide illness and avoid treatment," conceal one's faults and refuse to correct them), as well as problems of the Party organizations' daily management and supervision being too lax, soft, and loose, with insufficient "pulling ears and tugging sleeves" and "red faces and sweating." In the final analysis, it is a lack of skill and a gap in strengthening the self. A small ant nest can collapse a thousand-li dike; a tiny lesion can erode a towering giant tree. The existence of various problems among Party members and cadres may seem like individual defects or local flaws, but in reality, they shake the foundation and cause great harm. From the perspective of individual Party members and cadres, one inch of ideological slack leads to one foot of behavioral slack, which will eventually lead to the collapse of faith and behavioral misconduct, delaying personal growth and betraying the Party's cultivation. From the perspective of the Party's own construction, the spread and proliferation of individual Party members' ills will inevitably weaken the Party's cohesion, creativity, and combat effectiveness, damage the Party's flesh-and-blood ties with the masses, and affect the consolidation of the Party's ruling position and the realization of its ruling mission. From the perspective of the development of the cause, if the work style is not strong, the ranks are not pure, and the ability is not sufficient, it will inevitably lead to obstacles in policy implementation, discounts in livelihood practical matters, and insufficient development quality, affecting the smooth progress of the great cause of building a strong country and national rejuvenation.
At present, the basic realization of socialist modernization has entered a critical period of solidifying the foundation and making comprehensive efforts. Strategic opportunities and risk challenges coexist, and uncertain and unpredictable factors increase. Leading cadres at all levels need to be ready at all times to withstand major tests of high winds and rough waves, even stormy seas. To overcome one "Loushan Pass" and "Lazikou" after another on the march forward, we must answer the new era's "Cave-Dwelling Question" with unremitting tenacity, persistently advance full and rigorous Party self-governance, continuously strengthen the Party's body, and forever maintain the Party's vigor and vitality. The vast majority of Party members and cadres should use theoretical casting of the soul to cure "rickets," take supplementing the calcium of ideals and beliefs as a lifelong required course, deeply study and thoroughly understand the Party's innovative theories, examine ideological deviations, sweep away spiritual dust, strengthen the foundation of faith, and cultivate a political character that is unshakable by wind and rain and unwavering in will. They should use self-reflection and self-cultivation to constantly look into the "mirror of dress and appearance," integrate self-examination into daily life, make good use of the weapon of criticism and self-criticism, dare to expose shortcomings and ugliness, be brave in correcting mistakes and errors, do not indulge minor shortcomings, do not ignore subtle lesions, and continuously achieve ideological purification and quality improvement as a normal state. They should use real work and practical results to correct the "idle rotation wind," adhere to the original aspiration of serving the people, temper a strong work style, take the initiative to go deep into the grassroots and the masses, resolutely say "no" to formalism and bureaucracy, completely abandon flashy postures, and eliminate falseness and emptiness. All work should focus on effectiveness, closely target problems, and be implemented down to the details. They should use discipline to bind the body and build a "firewall," always tighten the string of discipline and rules, start from the daily details, be strict from small matters and minor issues, resolutely abandon the fluke mentality, and eliminate the slack mentality. Party organizations at all levels should shoulder the political responsibility of managing and governing the Party, insist on combining strict management with care and love, and equal emphasis on encouragement and restraint, and continuously cultivate a clean and upright political ecology.
Flowing water does not rot, and door hinges do not get worm-eaten; self-cultivation brings constant renewal, and self-strengthening brings lasting endurance. Focusing on strengthening the self is the key to "decoding" how the governance of the Chinese Communist Party leads the governance of China. Looking back, our Party has created one glory after another by strengthening the self; looking forward, the efforts of Chinese Communists to strengthen the self have no rest. We must deeply study and implement Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, constantly cultivate the virtue of standing, always cherish the heart of self-reflection, and continue to strengthen revolutionary tempering on the new journey of the "exam," thereby achieving the century-old Party's clean ranks, healthy body, enduring vitality, and everlasting foundation.
Return to TopBy: 《求是》杂志评论员
Fight the Critical Battle for Building a Strong Science and Technology Nation
Commentator of Qiushi Journal
On July 8, the National Science and Technology Awards Conference, the 22nd Academician Conference of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and the 18th Academician Conference of the Chinese Academy of Engineering, and the 11th National Congress of the China Association for Science and Technology were held in Beijing. This is a science and technology grand meeting held in the first year of the 15th Five-Year Plan. General Secretary Xi Jinping delivered an important speech, fully affirming the major achievements made in China’s science and technology endeavors, deeply analyzing the new situation and new tasks facing scientific and technological development, and putting forward a series of clear requirements, pointing the direction for doing a good job in science and technology work for the current and future period.
Scientific and technological innovation is an inexhaustible driving force for the progress of human civilization. Facing the accelerated breakthroughs of a new round of scientific and technological revolution and industrial transformation, and the intense and complex situation of major-country gaming, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has always placed scientific and technological innovation in a prominent position in modernization, drawing up the blueprint for building a strong science and technology nation, and promoting the implementation of the innovation-driven development strategy. Since the 20th National Congress of the Party, from clarifying the strategic goal of building a strong science and technology nation by 2035, to establishing the Central Science and Technology Commission (中央科技委员会) to coordinate and solve major strategic, directional, and overall issues in the field of science and technology, from accelerating the development of new quality productive forces (新质生产力) with scientific and technological innovation as the core element, to further deepening the reform of the science and technology system, a series of forward-looking and strategic plans and deployments have pushed China’s scientific and technological strength to continuously leap to new levels. Major original achievements in fields such as artificial intelligence, quantum science and technology, and life sciences continue to emerge; Chang’e-6 achieved the first human sampling and return from the far side of the moon; emerging industries such as integrated circuits, biomedicine, and intelligent robots are flourishing… China is accelerating its transformation from a global participant and contributor in science and technology to a pioneer and leader, becoming one of the countries with the fastest rising innovation capabilities.
Currently, the group breakthroughs and widespread penetration and empowerment of cutting-edge technologies such as artificial intelligence are profoundly changing human production and lifestyle and the world development pattern. Countries are competing to lay out high-tech fields, increase investment in scientific and technological innovation, and strive to seize a competitive advantage position for the future. Individual countries are building “small yards, high fences” (小院高墙) and strongly promoting “decoupling and severing supply chains” (脱钩断链). If we do not storm fortresses, we will be passive and fall behind; if we do not make breakthroughs, we will be controlled by others for a long time. China needs more than ever to give play to the supporting and leading role of scientific and technological innovation, continuously promote the conversion of old and new driving forces, accelerate the development of new quality productive forces, promote high-quality economic and social development, and improve the quality of people’s lives. Advancing from a large scientific and technological country to a strong scientific and technological country, we already have a solid foundation. However, as General Secretary Xi Jinping deeply analyzed, there are still problems in China’s scientific and technological development such as insufficient original innovation capability in some fields, a not fully reasonable structure of the talent team, and low efficiency of scientific and technological investment. There are also some blocking points and bottlenecks in the ideological understanding and institutional mechanisms of scientific and technological work. These factors hinder the overall efficiency of the innovation system and limit the release of the huge potential of science and technology as the primary productive force.
“The situation urges us, and also forces us.” There are only nine years left until we build a strong science and technology nation and basically realize socialist modernization. The 15th Five-Year Plan period is a critical period for us to consolidate the foundation and exert full efforts to basically realize socialist modernization, and also an important stage for the construction of a strong science and technology nation to 攻坚克难 (gōng jiān kè nán - “storm fortresses and overcome difficulties,” to tackle hard problems) and 闯关夺隘 (chuǎng guān duó ài - “break through passes and seize defiles,” to overcome difficulties). Facing the situation and tasks of the critical period of storming fortresses, General Secretary Xi Jinping put forward clear requirements from six aspects: enhancing the systematic ability to tackle key problems in scientific and technological innovation, promoting deep integration of scientific and technological innovation and industrial innovation, vigorously cultivating outstanding young scientific and technological talents, improving the efficiency of scientific and technological innovation investment, making good use of the baton of scientific and technological evaluation, and strengthening scientific and technological ethics and safety governance. These further provide fundamental guidance for fully implementing the various deployments of the science and technology enterprise during the 15th Five-Year Plan period, and for fighting the critical battle for building a strong science and technology nation. We must enhance our sense of responsibility, urgency, and mission, closely focus on the important requirements of the General Secretary and the goals and tasks established by the 15th Five-Year Plan, identify the main direction of attack and the points of exertion, and continuously promote new progress and new achievements in the construction of a strong science and technology nation.
Bringing into play the advantages of the system and promoting systematic tackling of key problems is an important guarantee for fighting the critical battle. Scientific and technological innovation is a systematic project. In recent years, a series of major scientific and technological projects with high organizational complexity, large span of fields, and involving multiple key core technologies have won successive victories, precisely because we have brought into play the advantages of the new nationwide system for mobilizing resources (新型举国体制), gathered and integrated national strategic scientific and technological forces and social resources to jointly tackle key problems, achieving maximum resource allocation benefits and optimal efficiency. However, compared with the requirements of a strong science and technology nation, the overall efficiency of China’s innovation system is not yet high enough; there are still many key core technologies to be broken through in frontier fields; the capacity for regional collaborative innovation still needs to be strengthened; and phenomena of “involution” competition and homogeneous development still exist in some places. To promote the continuous leapfrogging of China’s science and technology enterprise, we must bring into play the greatest political advantage of the leadership of the Party, adhere to the strategic orientation of the “four orientations” (四个面向), ensure high-level self-reliance and self-strengthening in science and technology with the new nationwide system for mobilizing resources, further strengthen coordination in areas such as science and technology strategic planning, policy measures, major tasks, scientific research forces, resource platforms, and regional innovation, and strive to firmly grasp the lifeline of science and technology and the initiative in development in our own hands.
Possessing strong basic research and original innovation capabilities is the foundation and base of a strong science and technology nation. Today’s China has leaped to become an important pole of global innovation, with basic research moving from breakthroughs at points to improvement of systematic capabilities, but the forward-looking layout of some fields is insufficient, there are not many major original achievements, the diversified long-term stable investment mechanism is not yet complete, and the underlying basic technology and basic process capabilities of some industries are not yet strong. Only when the foundation is laid solidly can the building of the science and technology enterprise be built high. We must improve the degree of organization of basic research, strengthen strategic, forward-looking, and systematic layout, and promote the continuous emergence of major original and disruptive scientific and technological achievements. On the one hand, grasp the world’s scientific and technological frontiers, strengthen original innovation “from 0 to 1”; on the other hand, based on the urgent needs of national development, reverse-sort scientific problems, and promote breakthroughs in underlying scientific principles in key areas such as integrated circuits, industrial machine tools, and high-end instruments, and in people’s livelihood fields such as medicine, safety, and ecology.
Promoting deep integration of scientific and technological innovation and industrial innovation is the key to leading the development of new quality productive forces with high-level self-reliance and self-strengthening in science and technology. At present, the low conversion rate of scientific and technological achievements remains a prominent problem. There are still barriers to the flow of innovation elements among universities, research institutes, and enterprises. The connection between industry, academia, and research sometimes stays at the “face work” of “signing agreements and putting up plaques”, and sometimes is limited to a specific project, and once completed, “part ways after one deal” (一拍两散). To promote innovation and creation through integrated development, we must follow the requirements that scientific and technological innovation should highlight application orientation and industrial innovation should raise scientific problems, so that patents and papers can cross the “fence wall” from knowledge to industry, and the innovation needs of enterprises are closely aligned with the technological research and development of research institutions, promoting the common prosperity and mutual support of education, science and technology, and talent.
The field of science and technology is the field that most needs continuous reform. Since the new era, the reform of the science and technology system has been launched in all directions, with breakthroughs at multiple points and in-depth development. The management system of science and technology has been reshaped, and the vitality of innovation entities and talents has been further released. However, there are still some blocking points and bottlenecks that need to be solved urgently. For example, problems such as waste of research funds and inefficient and repetitive investment in science and technology still exist; the phenomena of “one-size-fits-all” and “cooking in one pot” in scientific and technological evaluation, and the trend of indiscriminately issuing “hats” and “plaques” have not been eradicated. In addition, scientific and technological ethics and safety governance face many new problems and new challenges. We must continue to deepen the reform of the science and technology system, improve institutional mechanisms, improve management methods, give full play to the role of fiscal funds as a weather vane, and mobilize more social forces to support scientific and technological innovation. Effectively play the role of the baton of scientific and technological evaluation, act according to the laws of scientific research, and strengthen the orientation of innovation capability, quality, effectiveness, and contribution. Strengthen the construction of the science and technology governance system and capacity, and effectively respond to the rule conflicts and ethical challenges faced by key areas such as artificial intelligence and life sciences.
Return to TopBy: 《求是》杂志特约评论员
Boost Household Consumption Rate by Smoothing the Economic Cycle
Special Commentator of the Qiushi Journal
Consumption occupies a fundamental position in the national economy. The Fourth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China set “a marked increase in the household consumption rate” as one of the main objectives for China’s economic and social development during the 15th Five-Year Plan period, reflecting profound strategic considerations and practical relevance. In 2025, China’s household consumption rate was 40.0%, a notable gap compared with some countries. How to view the issue of China’s household consumption rate? There has been much discussion both domestically and internationally, along with some misconceptions. To analyze China’s household consumption rate, we must not simply discuss numbers in isolation or talk about consumption in isolation; we must start from the evolution of the economic development stage and the national economic cycle, deeply understand and implement the decisions and deployments of the Party Central Committee, effectively enhance residents’ consumption capacity, fully unleash residents’ consumption potential, so that consumption can better play its important role in expanding domestic demand, driving supply-side upgrading, and improving people’s wellbeing.
Some argue that the low household consumption rate in China indicates that the people’s living standards are not high. At first glance this seems plausible, but in fact it is not so; the consumption rate does not directly equal the standard of living. The household consumption rate is a structural indicator that measures the proportion of household consumption in GDP, whereas household consumption expenditure, especially per capita consumption expenditure, is the economic indicator that reflects the actual value of goods and services purchased by residents. The two concepts must not be conflated. World Bank data show that in 2024, China’s household consumption rate ranked outside the top 100 globally, but per capita consumption expenditure was significantly higher than that of many middle-income economies. This stark contrast indicates that judging living standards by the consumption rate is unreliable. Looking at the Human Development Index, which more comprehensively measures development outcomes, China is the only country in the world that has moved from the low human development group to the high human development group since the index was first compiled in 1990. This more truly reflects the tremendous improvement in the living standards of the Chinese people.
From a global perspective, a direct reason for China’s relatively low household consumption rate is price differences. According to statistics, the prices of basic public services in China are far lower than those in developed countries such as the United States. In 2021, the prices of education, health, and housing services in China were only 54.2%, 30.7%, and 32.2% of those in the United States, respectively, significantly lowering household consumption expenditure in statistical terms. This difference is related to the stage of development and also to the mode of public service provision and the price formation mechanism. In developed countries such as the United States, the marketization of healthcare, higher education, and housing services is relatively high, while high costs such as labor, insurance, and land often push up market prices. In China, however, compulsory education, basic medical care, affordable housing, and utilities such as water, electricity, and gas have a strong public attribute. Through fiscal investment, government pricing, and universal provision, the monetary cost for residents to obtain basic public services is reduced. Furthermore, the achievements of public services and social governance, such as the high-speed rail network covering the whole country, the deep penetration of mobile payments, and the continuous improvement of public security, have greatly enhanced people’s wellbeing but cannot be fully measured in household consumption statistics. Ultimately, China’s systematic institutional arrangements allow the fruits of development to benefit all people more equitably. This is a concrete manifestation of the people-centered development philosophy in improving people’s livelihoods, which has not been fully reflected in statistical data. The fact that many low-income countries have high household consumption rates but significantly lower living standards is precisely the counter-evidence. Therefore, when viewing the issue of the household consumption rate, we must first abandon the “digital anxiety” and “indicator-only” mindset that simply compares with other countries without regard to reality.
If the household consumption rate does not directly reflect the standard of living, then what does it actually reveal? In national accounts, the consumption rate reflects the structural relationship between consumption, investment, and net exports. It is an important indicator for observing a country’s development stage, demand structure, and characteristics of the economic cycle, and to a certain extent reflects the features of the economic development model. Looking back at the period of rapid economic growth after reform and opening up, China relied on high savings and high investment, and took the opportunity of joining the World Trade Organization to achieve leapfrog development in industrialization and urbanization in a relatively short period. During this period, investment and exports grew rapidly and continuously. Even though household consumption levels kept rising and total consumption expanded, the household consumption rate was inevitably depressed. From 1978 to 2025, China’s household consumption expenditure grew by 318 times, while gross capital formation grew by as much as 394 times, causing the household consumption rate to fall from a historical high of 53.3% in 1981 to a low of 34.9% in 2010. From this perspective, China’s low household consumption rate is precisely a profound reflection of the inherent characteristics of the catch-up development model, an inevitable result of optimal resource allocation under specific conditions, and thus historically reasonable. Moreover, from a developmental perspective, the rapid accumulation of physical capital, the continuously strengthened industrial base, and the increasingly complete infrastructure network, though seemingly not directly converted into immediate consumption, actually provide strong support for the improvement of people’s livelihoods and the upgrading of consumption in the current and future periods. World Bank data show that in 2024, the household consumption rates of low-income, lower-middle-income, upper-middle-income, and high-income countries and regions were 82.0%, 73.4%, 48.8%, and 58.6%, respectively. The relatively high household consumption rates in many countries and regions actually reflect the predicament of weak savings accumulation and insufficient investment capacity, and are by no means a manifestation of superior people’s wellbeing or economic structure.
However, historical reasonableness does not mean long-term reasonableness. As China’s economy shifts to the stage of high-quality development, the internal and external conditions that previously supported large-scale investment and massive exports are undergoing profound changes. The marginal returns on investment in traditional infrastructure and industrial sectors are declining, and the space for maintaining growth through a high investment rate has narrowed significantly. Global economic growth is slowing, trade protectionism is rising, and geopolitical risks are intensifying, leading to more uncertainties for export growth. At a deeper level, the continuous expansion of China’s economic scale will inevitably bring about a regular structural transformation, shifting from being mainly driven by investment and exports to being led by domestic demand and driven by consumption. The current low household consumption rate is no longer a “desired outcome” of a specific stage, but rather a “mismatch signal” between the development model and the development stage. The supporting conditions for the traditional growth logic are weakening, and a new development model urgently needs to be established. More attention must be paid to the fundamental role of consumption, providing relatively stable and more sustainable demand support for healthy economic development. Only by deeply grasping this historical logic can we fully understand the profound implications and strategic considerations of raising the household consumption rate.
Therefore, at the current stage, the key to raising China’s household consumption rate lies in promoting the optimization of the demand structure and smoothing the economic cycle, accelerating the formation of a new development model that is dominated by domestic demand, driven by consumption, and based on endogenous growth. It does not lie in boosting indicators through short-term stimulus policies such as “helicopter money,” and still less should it be simplified into a rigid assessment task. The change in the household consumption rate depends on the relative relationship between the growth rate of household consumption expenditure and the growth rate of GDP. If investment, foreign trade, and others expand rapidly, causing GDP growth to outpace household consumption expenditure, the household consumption rate will decline, and vice versa. It is impossible to suppress investment and foreign trade activities in order to raise the household consumption rate; the focus should be on promoting a higher level of virtuous cycle among investment, foreign trade, and consumption. Furthermore, household consumption is a slow variable. Short-term consumption subsidies can boost data, but they are prone to overdrawing future potential. Once the policies are phased out, growth may slow down, making it difficult to drive a fundamental transformation of the development model.
To promote a reasonable increase in the household consumption rate, we must rely on a smooth and efficient national economic cycle. Investment drives employment, employment generates income, income is converted into consumption, and consumption in turn provides value realization for investment. These links are interconnected and indispensable. However, in reality, this process cannot be achieved automatically; there are still many blockages and bottlenecks. For example, investment has not been fully converted into resident employment and income. Some regions engage in homogeneous competition around similar industries and projects, and some enterprises rely more on suppressing costs and prices to maintain competitiveness, limiting the growth of residents’ wage income and business income. For another example, the distribution mechanism constrains the increase of residents’ income and consumption. In the primary distribution, the mechanisms for wage determination, reasonable growth, and payment guarantee for workers are not yet perfect, and the proportion of labor remuneration in primary distribution still needs to be increased. In redistribution, policies such as taxation, social security, and transfer payments still have considerable room for optimization. Residents still have large rigid expenditures in high-level livelihood areas such as education, medical care, and elderly care, leading to a strong propensity for precautionary savings—having money but not daring to spend. For another example, there are still obstacles of supply-demand mismatch in converting residents’ income into consumption. Residents’ consumption demand is accelerating its shift toward development-oriented and quality-oriented types, and the consumption structure is shifting to paying equal attention to goods consumption and service consumption. However, the supply of high-quality, personalized consumption is insufficient—people want to spend money but have nowhere to spend it. If any link “fails,” it will affect the increase of the household consumption rate.
In summary, raising the household consumption rate is a profound economic governance transformation and a systematic project that affects the economic structure, distribution pattern, market mechanism, and so on. In recent years, the Party Central Committee, focusing on the strategy of expanding domestic demand, has made systematic deployments to boost household consumption, launched policies for trading in old consumer goods for new ones, implemented special actions to boost consumption, coordinated efforts to promote employment, increase income, and stabilize expectations, promoted a virtuous interaction between consumption and investment, and closely integrated investment in physical goods with investment in people. The practical results have gradually become apparent. In 2025, China’s household consumption rate reached 40.0%, an increase of 5.1 percentage points from 2010, maintaining an overall upward trend. However, transforming the economic development model is a long-term process. We must maintain historical patience and strategic focus, proceed from the overall situation of the national economic cycle, smooth the cycle through reform, expand space through structural adjustment, stabilize expectations through institutions, unblock the blockages and bottlenecks in all links that constrain consumption, better play the fundamental role of consumption, and inject lasting and strong endogenous momentum into high-quality development.
We must place the recovery and expansion of household consumption in a more prioritized position, and systematically resolve the multiple constraints faced by some residents, such as “no money to spend,” “dare not spend,” and “no place to spend.” We must strive to increase the proportion of residents’ income in the national income distribution, increase the proportion of labor remuneration in primary distribution, improve the mechanism for production factors such as labor, capital, technology, and data to participate in distribution according to their contributions, strengthen the regulatory role of redistribution through taxation, transfer payments, etc., and continuously expand the size of the middle-income group. We must expand the coverage of social insurance, bringing more workers in new forms of employment and flexible employment into the security system. We must steadily promote the equalization of basic public services, strive to reduce the pressure of rigid expenditures on residents in areas such as education, medical care, and elderly care, and continuously alleviate residents’ worries about spending. In line with the trend of consumption upgrading, we must systematically remove access barriers and implicit restrictions in areas such as elderly care, childcare, and health, encourage the participation of social forces, and expand the supply of high-quality services.
We must focus on unblocking the transmission chain of the economic cycle, by expanding effective investment and high-level opening up to drive growth, create employment, stabilize income expectations, boost social confidence, and thereby promote the expansion and upgrading of consumption. Increasing investment may lower the consumption rate in the short term, but as long as the direction of investment aligns with the requirements of high-quality development and focuses on driving employment and improving people’s livelihoods, it can enhance residents’ consumption capacity and willingness. We must adhere to the close integration of investment in physical goods and investment in people, strengthen the planning and construction of the “six networks,” stabilize the basic investment plate in traditional areas, and continue to expand investment in key areas such as optimizing and upgrading traditional industries, cultivating and expanding emerging industries and future industries, and expanding capacity and improving quality in the service sector, thereby enhancing the supply of inclusive, basic, and safety-net public services. We must deepen the construction of a unified national market, resolutely break down local protection and market segmentation, and abolish various regulations and practices that hinder unified markets and fair competition. We must thoroughly rectify “involution-style” competition, guide enterprises to pursue quality improvement, technological innovation, and brand building, and forge new competitive advantages in fair competition. We must coordinate development and security, steadily and orderly advance the prevention and resolution of risks in key areas, stabilize residents’ expectations, enhance market confidence, and turn the continuously improved institutional environment into a solid foundation for unleashing consumption potential.
Written by: Xu Qiyuan (徐奇渊)
Return to TopBy: 浙江省习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想研究中心
The Theoretical Connotation and Era Value of the "Yiwu Development Experience"
Zhejiang Provincial Research Center for Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era
Yiwu, located in central Zhejiang, has a deep commercial and trade culture. Before reform and opening up, Yiwu was a relatively backward agricultural county. The spring breeze of reform and opening up ignited the business tradition and entrepreneurial passion of the Yiwu people. From "chicken feathers for sugar" to "world supermarket," Yiwu grew from a "child" into a "strapping adult" and became a trade center for the whole world. During his work in Zhejiang, General Secretary Xi Jinping went to Yiwu for research 11 times, continuously promoting Yiwu's deepening of reform, expansion of opening up, and innovative development, and in 2006 he summarized and promoted the "Yiwu Development Experience." Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, General Secretary Xi Jinping has always been deeply concerned about Yiwu's development. In April 2026, General Secretary Xi Jinping made an important instruction, pointing out that "Yiwu's small commodities broke into a big market and built a big industry, forming the 'Yiwu Development Experience.' This is a successful practice of developing county-level economies according to local conditions." Over the past 20 years, the "Yiwu Development Experience" has continued to enrich and develop, constantly radiating vigorous vitality and strong momentum.
1. General Secretary Xi Jinping Summarized and Promoted the "Yiwu Development Experience"
Being adept at summing up experience, grasping regular understanding and using it to guide practice is a fine tradition of our Party as a Marxist political party. At the beginning of the 21st century, Zhejiang was in a critical period of great development and great transformation, facing "inherent deficiencies" such as resource shortages and "growing pains" in the development process. Comrade Xi Jinping, then Secretary of the Zhejiang Provincial Party Committee, set the direction for Zhejiang's economic and social development under the new situation, systematically proposed the "Eight-Eight Strategy" of further leveraging "eight advantages" and advancing "eight measures," and based on long-term attention and in-depth research, summarized and elevated the innovation and creation of the Yiwu people into the "Yiwu Development Experience," organizing study and promotion throughout the province.
(1) Focusing on the overall development situation, clearly putting forward "using typical examples to guide the way, letting pacesetters lead the way, inspiring the people of the province to work hard and stay at the forefront."
On December 27, 2002, only two months after arriving in Zhejiang, Comrade Xi Jinping came to Yiwu, the first county-level city he visited for research after starting work in Zhejiang. Thereafter, with each deepening research visit, Comrade Xi Jinping felt that "Yiwu's development is solid, and in some aspects very outstanding," that Yiwu's "achievements are remarkable, and the experience behind them is thought-provoking." These experiences "have both unique aspects and many aspects with universal reference significance." Summarizing and promoting the "Yiwu Development Experience" was the result of Comrade Xi Jinping's assessment of the situation and careful deliberation, focusing on the major issues of "how to work hard and how to stay at the forefront" for Zhejiang. First, he emphasized that it was necessary to "conscientiously refine, deeply summarize, comprehensively elevate, and vigorously promote" a series of innovations and creations in Zhejiang. Summarizing and promoting the "Yiwu Development Experience" was to dissect Yiwu as a "sparrow," thereby deeply interpreting the underlying logic and code of Zhejiang's development, to better guide future practice. Second, he emphasized that it was necessary to "use advanced models to inspire the people of the province to work hard and stay at the forefront." "Yiwu is a typical example of county-level economic development in Zhejiang since reform and opening up, and also a microcosm of the current economic and social development of the province," and "the typical example of Yiwu's development is a typical example of comprehensive development." Summarizing and promoting the "Yiwu Development Experience" was to "use typical examples to guide the way, let pacesetters lead the way, inspire the people of the province to work hard and stay at the forefront." Third, he emphasized that it was necessary to "promote economically strong counties to further expand and strengthen." Summarizing and promoting the "Yiwu Development Experience" aimed not only to answer "why Yiwu could do it" but also to answer "what should other places do," by studying the expansion of management authority for economically strong counties (cities) like Yiwu, and striving to elevate the overall level of county economic development. After long-term observation and reflection, Comrade Xi Jinping believed that Yiwu's experience and practices were "firm and reliable." Within six months from October 2005 to April 2006, Comrade Xi Jinping made five consecutive instructions, calling for the summary and promotion of the "Yiwu Development Experience." On April 30, 2006, the Zhejiang Provincial Party Committee and Provincial Government issued the "Notice on Studying and Promoting the 'Yiwu Development Experience'." On June 8 of the same year, Comrade Xi Jinping made a special trip to Yiwu for research and held a symposium on studying and promoting the "Yiwu Development Experience."
(2) Focusing on the essential meaning, clearly stating that the "Yiwu Development Experience" is mainly reflected in persisting in promoting the city through commerce, promoting industrial linkage, emphasizing urban-rural coordination, advancing harmonious development, enriching cultural heritage, and striving for proactive Party and government.
Based on the operational laws of the socialist market economy and the inherent logic of county-level economic development, Comrade Xi Jinping systematically summarized the six aspects of the "Yiwu Development Experience." First, "persisting in promoting the city through commerce," emphasizing "promoting the expansion and upgrading of specialized markets, which is the leading and foundational element of Yiwu's development." During his first research visit to Yiwu, Comrade Xi Jinping clearly pointed out that "Yiwu's goal of building an international commercial and trade city is accurately positioned and suitable for Yiwu's reality." With Comrade Xi Jinping's guidance and support, Yiwu firmly grasped the development strategy of "promoting the city through commerce" without letting go, continuously promoting the iterative upgrading of market forms. Second, "promoting industrial linkage," emphasizing "the market drives industry, industry supports the market, and the market and industry develop linked together — this is the unique path of Yiwu's development." The key reason Yiwu's small commodity market can flourish enduringly lies in the mutual support and two-way empowerment between its market and industry. In this regard, Comrade Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out: "A city without a market is not a city; but if there is a market, there must be industry. A city without industry is an 'empty shell city'." With Comrade Xi Jinping's guidance and support, Yiwu, with the mindset of "emptying the cage to change the birds" and the courage of "phoenix nirvana," fully promoted economic structural adjustment and transformation of the growth mode, continuously shaping the competitive advantage of "market + manufacturing." Third, "emphasizing urban-rural coordination," emphasizing "industry nurturing agriculture, commerce strengthening agriculture, city driving countryside, urban-rural mutual promotion — these are the powerful measures of Yiwu's development." The vigorous development of Yiwu's commercial trade not only accelerated Yiwu's urbanization process but also laid a solid foundation for the feedback to agriculture. In June 2006, Comrade Xi Jinping pointed out during his inspection of Yiwu: "The construction of a new socialist countryside is a comprehensive construction and also a long-term task. The key is to develop production so that the people's lives can become more prosperous, and to effectively guarantee the development of various undertakings in rural areas." With Comrade Xi Jinping's guidance and support, Yiwu fully leveraged the feedback role of industry and commerce to agriculture and the driving role of the city to the countryside, promoting the transformation of villages into communities and farmers into urban residents. Fourth, "advancing harmonious development," emphasizing "focusing on the harmonious coexistence of production, life, and ecology, focusing on the harmonious interaction between economy and society, focusing on the harmonious coexistence of various social members — these are important characteristics of Yiwu's development." In response to the contradictions brought by the continuous expansion of the market, Yiwu innovatively explored the trade union rights protection mechanism and actively optimized the employment and entrepreneurship environment. With Comrade Xi Jinping's guidance and support, Yiwu actively adapted to the profound changes in population structure and labor relations, actively created a national environmental protection model city, and through innovation in social governance systems and mechanisms, built a good pattern of harmonious and orderly social relations. Fifth, "enriching cultural heritage," emphasizing "inheriting profound cultural traditions, carrying forward unique humanistic spirit, developing advanced culture with the characteristics of the times — these are the inexhaustible sources of Yiwu's development." Under the conditions of large population, little land, scarce resources, lack of regional advantages, and no special policy support, Yiwu became one of the most dynamic regions in Zhejiang. The deep reason lies in the power of culture, in Yiwu's profound cultural heritage, and in Yiwu's cultural tradition that can better adapt to the market economy. With Comrade Xi Jinping's guidance and support, Yiwu inherited the business tradition of "chicken feathers for sugar," promoted the dare-to-try, dare-to-create "rattle drum culture" and the "six righteousnesses" culture of integrity, loyalty, filial piety, benevolence, chivalry, and trustworthiness, and carried forward the Yiwu spirit of "diligent farming and studiousness, uprightness and courageous action, integrity and tolerance," forming a commercial and trade culture with era connotations, Yiwu characteristics, and modern market economy qualities. Sixth, "striving for proactive Party and government," emphasizing "the Party committee exercises overall leadership and grasps the development direction, the government regulates appropriately and provides good public services — these are the fundamental guarantees of Yiwu's development." Comrade Xi Jinping repeatedly affirmed Yiwu's valuable experience in handling the relationship between government and market, evaluating Yiwu: "Yiwu has done an excellent job in using the market's foundational role in resource allocation, but it has also done very well in the government's strong hand guiding the economy." With Comrade Xi Jinping's guidance and support, Yiwu insisted on handling the relationship between government and market, and through effective institutional mechanism innovation and government services, firmly grasped the initiative in development.
(3) Focusing on study and promotion, clearly putting forward the practical requirements of "five combinations."
Comrade Xi Jinping clearly pointed out: "There is much to learn from advanced models! The most critical thing is to learn their spirit, quality, and methods." To promote the study and promotion of the "Yiwu Development Experience," on June 8, 2006, Comrade Xi Jinping went to Yiwu for research and held a symposium, clearly putting forward the practical requirements of "five combinations." First, "the implementation of the central spirit and the deployment of the provincial party committee must be closely integrated with local realities." Conditions vary greatly across regions; development cannot be molded into a single template, simply copying others' experiences. Therefore, "we should learn from Yiwu's experience of creatively implementing central spirit and provincial party committee deployments from its own reality, and learn from Yiwu's experience of basing itself on local basic conditions, inheriting local historical traditions, and pioneering a development path suited to local characteristics." Second, "inheriting predecessors must be closely integrated with promoting innovation." Adhering to the dialectical unity of inheritance and innovation is an inherent requirement for advancing the cause. "Yiwu's development experience is the experience of correctly handling the relationship between inheritance and innovation, the experience of taking over the 'relay baton' and running a good 'relay race'." Inheritance is not being complacent, and innovation is not starting anew; "innovation must be innovation with inheritance and development, innovation that conforms to reality and adapts to the situation, innovation that conforms to the laws of development and has a bright future." Third, "promoting economic development must be closely integrated with promoting comprehensive social progress." Promoting development must be balanced, paying attention to overall balance, and preventing attending to one thing while losing sight of another. "The Yiwu development experience is the experience of following the path of scientific development and promoting comprehensive, coordinated, and sustainable development." Studying the "Yiwu Development Experience" "requires firmly establishing the concept of scientific development and overall planning, paying more attention to the humanistic connotation of development, paying more attention to the overall coordination of development, paying more attention to the long-term sustainability of development, and continuously improving the quality and level of development." Fourth, "the role of the government's 'visible hand' must be organically combined with the role of the market's 'invisible hand'." "Correctly handling the relationship between government and market, the government manages what it should and lets go of what it should, allowing the market to fully play its foundational role in resource allocation on the track of the rule of law, so that the government truly returns to its duties of economic regulation, market supervision, social management, and public service, realizing the organic combination of the government's 'visible hand' and the market's 'invisible hand'. This is one of the important contents of the Yiwu development experience." Yiwu's innovative measures have positive inspiration and reference significance for other places in correctly handling the relationship between government and market. Fifth, "promoting reform and development must be closely integrated with achieving social harmony and stability." "Reform, development, and harmony and stability are always organically unified." Studying the "Yiwu Development Experience" "requires promoting development practice with the spirit of reform, solving new problems arising in development with reform measures, allowing the fruits of development to lay the foundation for social harmony and stability, and allowing social harmony and stability to ensure the smooth progress of reform and development."
(4) Focusing on grasping the laws, clearly stating that "Yiwu's development is simply 'inexplicable' development, 'out of nothing' development, 'turning stone into gold' development."
Comrade Xi Jinping exclaimed, "Yiwu's development is simply 'inexplicable' development, 'out of nothing' development, 'turning stone into gold' development." "Inexplicable" broke the "fatalism" of development. On July 11, 2006, Comrade Xi Jinping pointed out in the article "Let Dialectics Integrate into Every Business Opportunity": "Yiwu, lacking natural resources, lacking industrial foundation, lacking foreign investment promotion, lacking preferential policies, seems to have developed 'inexplicably', but actually there is 'its subtlety'!" If viewed from the general laws of economics, Yiwu's development indeed seems baffling. So, where exactly is the "subtlety" of Yiwu's development? A story in the interview record "Xi Jinping in Zhejiang" gives the answer: whenever Comrade Xi Jinping went to the grassroots for research, he would occasionally chat with everyone about local cultural anecdotes. Once he mentioned Luo Binwang, a Tang Dynasty poet from Yiwu, and quipped: "I say Yiwu's development is 'inexplicable', but actually the subtlety lies in its rich cultural heritage." Under the influence of cultural traditions of "valuing literature and learning," "valuing martial courage and action," and "valuing profit and enterprise," Yiwu has always adhered to seeking truth from facts, acting according to laws, and on the basis of respecting the pioneering spirit of the masses and promoting their creative practice, found its own track, continuously using the "bitterness" of "forced transformation" to exchange for the "sweetness" of development. "Out of nothing" expanded the "methodology" of development. Comrade Xi Jinping once pointed out, "Zhejiang's economy is a 'heaven-made' economy. Resource scarcity forces you to learn to create 'something out of nothing' and go out to 'explore the world'." Yiwu's development history is a history of creating miracles "out of nothing." In September 2023, when General Secretary Xi Jinping visited Yiwu International Trade City during his inspection of Zhejiang, he said with emotion: "This place is neither near the sea nor near the border. How did it become a trade center for the whole world? Because the Yiwu people achieved 'out of nothing' and 'inexplicable'." "'Nothing' does not mean absence. Yiwu's 'nothing' is the aggregation of many things into 'something'." Practice has proved that daring to blaze new trails in reform, being good at finding opportunities in the market, and excelling at making articles out of characteristics can turn "impossible" into "no, it's possible!" "Turning stone into gold" sublimated the "value theory" of development. Initially, Yiwu's market, this "stone," was somewhat ordinary or even crude. But through systematic forging that continuously released vitality through institutional innovation, increased added value through technological innovation, and expanded space through model innovation, the "stone" was transformed into "gold" that generated huge fission effects, brand effects, and driving effects. Exploring the ingenious use of the four-character idioms "inexplicable," "out of nothing," and "turning stone into gold" to vividly summarize the laws of market economy development behind Yiwu reflects Comrade Xi Jinping's dialectical grasp and skillful application of Marxist philosophical categories such as matter and spirit, objective conditions and subjective initiative, quantitative change and qualitative change, and the whole and the part.
(5) Focusing on deepening development, clearly stating "further enriching, developing, summarizing, and refining Yiwu's practical experience in keeping with the times."
During the process of the formation, study, and promotion of the "Yiwu Development Experience," Comrade Xi Jinping attached great importance to its continuous deepening, summary, and systematic refinement. First, he continuously promoted exploration and innovation. On June 8, 2006, Comrade Xi Jinping required during his research in Yiwu to "learn more from the strengths and experiences of others, and further enrich, develop, summarize, and refine Yiwu's practical experience in keeping with the times." In October 2006, when Comrade Xi Jinping heard the report on the implementation of the "Eight Projects" for cultural construction, he once again emphasized that "the Yiwu development experience still needs continuous exploration and innovation." On this basis, Comrade Xi Jinping also emphasized the need to "guide all localities to further summarize, refine, promote, and develop good practices and experiences created by grassroots and the masses, and promote exploration and innovation in all aspects." Second, he deepened theoretical interpretation and public opinion propaganda. Comrade Xi Jinping clearly required "to pay attention to collecting the research materials on Yiwu from relevant central authorities, together with the relevant materials from our province, they can be compiled into a volume, and further in-depth research and summary of the Yiwu experience should be conducted." Third, he continuously endowed it with new era connotations. After moving to central work, Comrade Xi Jinping still paid close attention to Yiwu's reform and development, requiring "in-depth thinking on Yiwu's comprehensive reform of international trade, and advance it at the right time," emphasizing the need to "effectively grasp the pilot comprehensive reform of international trade in Yiwu." Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, General Secretary Xi Jinping has repeatedly mentioned and praised Yiwu on important occasions at home and abroad, promoting the comprehensive reform of Yiwu's international trade and the opening of the China-Europe Railway Express (Yiwu-Xinjiang-Europe). At the critical juncture of the start of the "15th Five-Year Plan," General Secretary Xi Jinping made an important instruction, requiring that in conjunction with carrying out the study and education on establishing and practicing a correct view of political achievements, the "Yiwu Development Experience" should be further summarized and applied well. The General Secretary's important instruction profoundly reveals the overall significance and era value of the "Yiwu Development Experience."
2. The "Yiwu Development Experience" Provides a Vivid Example for Studying and Implementing Xi Jinping's Economic Thought
Under the guidance of the "Yiwu Development Experience," Yiwu has grown rapidly. In 2025, Yiwu's regional GDP reached 269.33 billion yuan; foreign trade exports reached 730.7 billion yuan, accounting for 2.71% of the national export share; the per capita disposable income of urban and rural residents reached 101,816 yuan and 57,965 yuan respectively, narrowing the income ratio between urban and rural residents to 1.76. The "Yiwu Development Experience" fully demonstrates General Secretary Xi Jinping's overall strategic vision and foresight, and profoundly confirms the historical and creative force generated by the mutual interaction between the great thinking of the people's leader and the great practice of the masses.
(1) The "Yiwu Development Experience" has led Yiwu from "persisting in promoting the city through commerce" to building a world "small commodity capital," serving as a vivid practice at the county level of the important exposition in Xi Jinping's economic thought on "creating a new development pattern with domestic circulation as the main body and domestic and international dual circulations mutually promoting each other."
During his work in Zhejiang, Comrade Xi Jinping fully affirmed Yiwu's development positioning as an "international commercial and trade city," "this direction is correct, with such a good foundation, they should have such ambition." In October 2004, he attended and addressed the opening ceremony of the China Yiwu International Commodities Fair, expressing the hope that it would "play a greater role in promoting international and domestic economic and trade exchanges and cooperation, and integrating Zhejiang's economy into the global economy." Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, General Secretary Xi Jinping, based on changes in China's development stage, environment, and conditions, proposed creating a new development pattern with domestic circulation as the main body and domestic and international dual circulations mutually promoting each other. In September 2023, General Secretary Xi Jinping encouraged the "trade city to create new brilliance and make greater contributions to expanding the domestic and international markets and smoothing domestic and international dual circulations." Under the guidance of the "Yiwu Development Experience," Yiwu has insisted on the development strategy of "promoting the city through commerce" without wavering, continuously innovating and perfecting the market system, achieving a leap from a national market to a global market, from traditional trade to digital trade, and from buying and selling nationwide to buying and selling worldwide. As the world's "small commodity capital," Yiwu market gathers over 2.1 million types of goods, sold to more than 230 countries and regions worldwide, serving the development of 110 industrial belts nationwide, the operation of 2.1 million small and micro enterprises, and the employment of 32 million people. Yiwu's practical exploration profoundly demonstrates that the rarest resource in today's world is the market, and the key to strengthening economic and trade exchanges lies in promoting complementary advantages and mutual benefit through an open, stable, and predictable market environment. For a county to serve and integrate into the new development pattern, it must continuously consolidate and enhance market advantages, take domestic circulation as the main body, continuously improve the quality and efficiency of the domestic economic cycle, and at the same time promote international circulation through high-level opening up, achieving the linkage and mutual promotion of two markets and two resources, domestic and international.
(2) The "Yiwu Development Experience" has led Yiwu from "promoting industrial linkage" to developing new quality productive forces, serving as a vivid practice at the county level of the important exposition in Xi Jinping's economic thought on "building a modern industrial system and consolidating and strengthening the foundation of the real economy."
In July 2003, Comrade Xi Jinping pointed out at the Fourth Plenary Session of the 11th Zhejiang Provincial Party Committee: "The block-style characteristic industries dominated by small and medium-sized enterprises are the characteristics and advantages of our province's industrial development, occupying a pivotal position in the province's economic development, presenting an industrial pattern of small commodities and large markets, a comparative advantage of low cost and high efficiency, a cluster effect of small enterprises and large cooperation, and a group scale of small capital and large agglomeration." For Yiwu, to participate in domestic and international economic cooperation and competition on a larger scale, wider field, and higher level, it must "make characteristic industries larger in scale and stronger in competitiveness." Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, General Secretary Xi Jinping has attached great importance to the development of the real economy, clearly stating that "no matter when the economy develops, the real economy is the foundation of China's economic development and our initiative in international economic competition." Under the guidance of the "Yiwu Development Experience," Yiwu has deeply implemented a new "trade-industry linkage" strategy, continuously promoted industrial transformation and upgrading, achieving a shift from "front shop, back factory" to a dual-wheel drive of "digital trade + digital intelligent manufacturing," embedding at a higher level into the global industrial chain and value chain. Yiwu's practical exploration profoundly demonstrates that promoting industrial linkage and strengthening the real economy is the "ballast stone" for stable growth and the "fixed star" for tackling uncertainty and seizing the initiative in development. For a county to build a modern industrial system and consolidate the foundation of the real economy, it must focus on accelerating the cultivation of new quality productive forces, coordinate scientific and technological innovation with industrial innovation, coordinate the development of traditional industries, emerging industries, and future industries, and coordinate policy support with reform and innovation, making the foundation of the real economy stronger and more resilient, and continuously improving the international competitiveness of economic development.
(3) The "Yiwu Development Experience" has led Yiwu from "emphasizing urban-rural coordination" to building a county-level model of common prosperity, serving as a vivid practice at the county level of the important exposition in Xi Jinping's economic thought on "solidly promoting the common prosperity of all the people."
Coordinating urban and rural development is the necessary path to break the dual structure and achieve common prosperity. During his first research visit to Yiwu, Comrade Xi Jinping pointed out: "We must pay attention to the production and living conditions of low-income farming households, effectively help them solve practical difficulties, leave no one behind on the road to a moderately prosperous society in all respects, and achieve common prosperity and a comprehensive moderately prosperous society." Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, General Secretary Xi Jinping has made a series of important expositions on promoting urban-rural integration and solidly advancing common prosperity. In September 2023, during his inspection of Lizu Village in Houzhai Street, Yiwu, General Secretary Xi Jinping praised Lizu Village for solidly promoting common prosperity, calling it a microcosm of the remarkable achievements of Zhejiang's "Thousand-Village Demonstration, Ten-Thousand-Village Improvement" project (千万工程). Under the guidance of the "Yiwu Development Experience," Yiwu has empowered urban-rural integrated development through the market, used the "Thousand-Village Demonstration, Ten-Thousand-Village Improvement" project as a driving force to continuously narrow the "three major gaps," coordinated the three articles of "strengthening the city," "revitalizing the village," and "integration," and explored an effective path towards urban-rural integration and the prosperity of all people. Yiwu's practical exploration profoundly demonstrates that coordinating urban and rural development and promoting urban-rural integration is an inevitable choice for promoting mutual support between industry and agriculture, complementarity between urban and rural areas, and coordinated development. To solidly promote common prosperity for all people, we must firmly follow the path of urban-rural integrated development, improve the institutional mechanism and policy system for prioritizing the development of agriculture and rural areas, actively coordinate new-type industrialization, new-type urbanization, and comprehensive rural revitalization, promote the two-way flow of urban and rural factors, narrow the urban-rural gap, promote common prosperity and development of urban and rural areas, and enable all people to share the fruits of development.
(4) The "Yiwu Development Experience" has led Yiwu from "advancing harmonious development" to promoting the modernization of county-level governance, serving as a vivid practice at the county level of the important exposition in Xi Jinping's economic thought on "promoting a positive interaction between high-quality development and high-level security through high-efficiency governance."
Facing the rigid constraints of increasingly tense environmental resources, Yiwu has seized the source of resource utilization and the key of industrial structure adjustment to actively promote harmonious coexistence between humans and nature. Facing the massive influx of migrant population, Yiwu has actively implemented a "localization of migrant population" policy, gradually granting migrant builders the treatment of citizens. In response to the characteristics of a large floating population, Yiwu has vigorously promoted and continuously innovated the "Fengqiao Experience," focusing on curbing the emergence of conflicts and disputes at the source. During his work in Zhejiang, Comrade Xi Jinping fully affirmed Yiwu's practical results in trade unions' lawful rights protection, maintaining social order, and coordinating development and security, requiring "careful summarization, in-depth research, continuous improvement, and striving to create good experience for the country in this regard." Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, General Secretary Xi Jinping creatively proposed a holistic view of national security, repeatedly emphasizing the need to "adhere to coordinating development and security, attach equal importance to development and security, and achieve a positive interaction between high-quality development and high-level security." Under the guidance of the "Yiwu Development Experience," Yiwu has deeply explored a new path to modernize city-level governance, promoting production safety, ecological stability, and social stability. Facing the reality of a floating population of over 2.4 million, a resident foreign business population of over 38,000, an annual inbound foreign business population of over 680,000, and the presence of all 56 ethnic groups, Yiwu adheres to Party building leading the efficient integration of self-governance, rule of law, rule by virtue, and smart governance, enabling people from different countries, different ethnic groups, and different cultures to live together harmoniously in Yiwu. Yiwu's practical exploration profoundly demonstrates that development is the absolute principle, and security is also the absolute principle. To promote a positive interaction between high-quality development and high-level security through high-efficiency governance, we must seize the variable of "governance," coordinate security and development, consolidate security through development, seek development through security, effectively prevent and defuse various risks, and enhance economic and social resilience.
(5) The "Yiwu Development Experience" has led Yiwu from "enriching cultural heritage" to cultural empowerment of economic and social development, serving as a vivid practice at the county level of the important exposition in Xi Jinping's economic thought on "humanistic economics."
During his work in Zhejiang, Comrade Xi Jinping deeply pondered the relationship between economy and culture, pointing out that culture endows economic development with "profound humanistic value," "high organizational efficiency," and "stronger competitiveness," emphasizing the need to "better grasp the laws of interaction between culture and economy, seize strategic opportunities, enhance the vitality and strength of cultural development, and use the power of culture to upgrade product quality and industrial level." Comrade Xi Jinping once cited examples of various places in Zhejiang relying on folk cultural traditions to develop and strengthen local economies, praising Yiwu for "using a small rattle drum to 'rattle' out the world's largest small commodity market." Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, General Secretary Xi Jinping has profoundly revealed the internal logic of the integration and interaction of culture and economy in the process of Chinese-style modernization, proposing the major theoretical and practical proposition of "humanistic economics," pointing out that "places with developed culture can still have their economy at the forefront. The humanistic economics within this can be studied." Under the guidance of the "Yiwu Development Experience," Yiwu has fully leveraged its unique advantages of "merchants gathering from ten thousand directions, goods flowing to the four seas," systematically excavated the era value of the "six righteousnesses" culture, and continuously polished the cultural brand of "Yi'you qing yi, world Yiwu" (有义有情 - having affection and righteousness; the phrase plays on the homophone "义" meaning righteousness and "义乌" Yiwu). Yiwu's practical exploration profoundly demonstrates the practical power of humanistic economics. What humanistic economics pursues is far more than the supply of goods and services; it includes the symbiotic relationship where culture and economy mutually achieve, tangible and touchable spiritual experiences, and ultimately the comprehensive development of human beings. We must firmly grasp the inherent requirement that "culture is an important fulcrum for promoting high-quality development," fully leverage the unique role of the productive value of local characteristic cultural resources, promote the blending and interaction of economy and culture, and coordinate the promotion of material civilization and spiritual civilization.
(6) The "Yiwu Development Experience" has led Yiwu from "striving for proactive Party and government" to building a modern service-oriented government, serving as a vivid practice at the county level of the important exposition in Xi Jinping's economic thought on "adhering to the combination of an effective market and a proactive government."
Building a complementary governance structure between government and market is the core task of economic system reform. During his work in Zhejiang, Comrade Xi Jinping clearly pointed out that "action and inaction are not opposed, but unified." Using Yiwu as an example, he deeply elaborated on how to use the "two hands" of government and market: "In the formation and development process of Yiwu's small commodity market, the government has always adhered to the market orientation of resource allocation, insisted on privatization and marketization in specific market operation links, fully leveraged the group advantage of 'Yiwu merchants' strong awareness of market economy, and turned the market into 'Yiwu's market' rather than 'Yiwu government's market'." Facing new problems in Yiwu's extraordinary rapid development, Comrade Xi Jinping pointed out the need to "give a big coat to a fast-growing child." In March 2007, the first batch of 472 economic and social management authorities were officially delegated to Yiwu. Yiwu, having changed into a "big coat," significantly improved its efficiency and investment environment. From 2011 to 2024, with Comrade Xi Jinping's support, Yiwu successively carried out the pilot comprehensive reform of international trade and deepened the practice of comprehensive reform of international trade, continuously changing into a second and third "big coat." Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, General Secretary Xi Jinping has made a series of important expositions on coordinating the relationship between government and market, emphasizing that "we must coordinate the relationship between an effective market and a proactive government, forming an economic order that is both 'vibrant' and 'manageable'." Under the guidance of the "Yiwu Development Experience," Yiwu has always insisted on the coordinated force of an effective market and a proactive government, effectively and forcefully responding to the severe challenges of changes in the external environment. Yiwu's practical exploration profoundly demonstrates that the core of a proactive government is to ensure an effective market, and an effective market is the test standard for a proactive government. To adhere to the combination of an effective market and a proactive government, we must give full play to the decisive role of the market in resource allocation, while better playing the role of the government, ensuring that what should be delegated to the market is fully and properly delegated, and what the government should manage is well and properly managed, striving to build a unified, open, competitive, and orderly market system.
3. Important Insights from the 20-Year Practice of the "Yiwu Development Experience"
The "Yiwu Development Experience" is an experience that advances with the times and an experience of sustained development. The 20-year practice of the "Yiwu Development Experience" has important implications for guiding all regions to firmly establish and practice a correct view of political achievements, base themselves on their own resource endowments, respect the pioneering spirit of the grassroots and the masses, reform and innovate, work hard and achieve concrete results, persevere with long-term effort, explore and follow a high-quality development path suited to their own realities, and better serve and integrate into the overall national development.
(1) For development, "must adapt measures to local conditions" and pioneer a development path suited to local characteristics.
Among thousands of development paths, adapting measures to local conditions comes first. The key reason Yiwu could bloom trade prosperity from barren land lies precisely in basing itself on reality, adapting measures to local conditions, accurately breaking through problems on the basis of understanding the "foundation," and by promoting strengths and avoiding weaknesses, promoting strengths and overcoming weaknesses, promoting strengths and compensating for weaknesses, writing a legend in China's county economic development. This profoundly enlightens us that to promote development, we must proceed from reality, use one key to open one lock, base ourselves on our own resource endowments, location advantages, history and culture, and industrial foundation, break the situation with "characteristics," break through with "differences," and truly walk out a high-quality development path that conforms to our own realities.
(2) Respect the pioneering spirit of the grassroots and the masses, "reform in whatever way is conducive to development."
Yiwu's development is a process of "the market sets the topic, reform writes the article," a process of "reform in whatever way is conducive to development." Looking back at Yiwu's reform and development journey, it has always adhered to "proactive Party and government, effective market, beneficial enterprises, benefiting the people," promoting the dialectical integration of the government's "visible hand" and the market's "invisible hand." The spiraling upward path of "masses pioneer exploration, government timely refinement, policy precise empowerment, practice iterative upgrading" profoundly interprets the inherent logic that "reform relies on the people, and reform has momentum." This profoundly enlightens us that to promote development, we must adhere to reform and innovation, respect the people's principal position and pioneering spirit, guide the situation and follow the trend, fully stimulate and mobilize the enthusiasm, initiative, and creativity of the broad masses to participate in reform.
(3) Only by working hard and achieving concrete results with perseverance can we create achievements that stand the test of practice, the people, and history.
True political achievements are run lap by lap in the long-term development relay race. During his work in Zhejiang, Comrade Xi Jinping once pointed out: "Yiwu's development experience fully shows that for a correct regional economic development strategy that has been tested by practice, we must consistently implement it, one term after another, one session after another, take over the 'relay baton' and run a good 'relay race', absolutely cannot change course arbitrarily. This is all related to the view of political achievements. The correct view of political achievements is to continue doing it." "Only in this way can we truly develop the local economy, enrich the local people, both create a century-old foundation for the people and enable each term and each session to achieve their own real achievements." This profoundly enlightens us that to promote development, we must adhere to long-term perseverance, carry forward the spirit of the nail, vigorously promote the style of loyal work, pragmatic work, responsible work, innovative work, united work, and honest work, hold on to the green mountain without letting go, and implement steadily like water dripping through stone, making the pace of development more solid.
(4) Development cannot deviate from the fundamental issue of "people"; "the fundamental purpose of establishing political achievements is to seek benefits for the people."
The essence of political achievements lies in benefiting the people. During his work in Zhejiang, Comrade Xi Jinping clearly pointed out: "It must be clear that economic development is not the ultimate goal; people-centered social development is the ultimate goal." "The fundamental purpose of establishing political achievements is to seek benefits for the people." Therefore, studying the "Yiwu Development Experience" "requires running the promotion of people's comprehensive development through the entire process of economic and social development." In the surging tide of "promoting the city through commerce," Yiwu has always calibrated its development concept, "doing its utmost to realize, safeguard, and develop the interests of the masses." This enlightens us that to promote development, we must adhere to the people-centered development thought, stick to the value pursuit of benefiting the people, guarantee and improve people's livelihood in development, expand development space while meeting people's livelihood needs, let the fruits of development benefit all people more and more fairly, and continuously meet the people's yearning for a better life.
(5) To establish and practice a correct view of political achievements, we must coordinate the relationship between "one region" and "the whole," and better serve and integrate into the overall national development.
Those who do not plan for the overall situation are insufficient to plan for a single area. During his work in Zhejiang, Comrade Xi Jinping repeatedly emphasized "must have strategic thinking and a global vision, look at Zhejiang from beyond Zhejiang," encouraging the Yiwu people to "strive to create new brilliance in Yiwu's development and make new contributions to the overall situation of the province and the country." Yiwu's development cannot be separated from the solid support of national manufacturing and the strong support of a unified large market. This enlightens us that to promote development, we must proceed from the overall and holistic perspective, keep the "greatest country in mind," strengthen strategic thinking, firmly establish the concept of "the whole country as a single chess game," consciously plan and advance all work within the overall framework of the Party and the state, find the correct positioning in the overall situation, and strive to win glory for one region while adding luster to the whole.
Return to TopBy: 信长星
To firmly establish a correct view of political performance, we must focus on laying foundations and benefiting the long term
Xin Changxing (信长星)
Doing more work that lays foundations and benefits the long term is both an important part of establishing and practicing a correct view of political performance, and an inherent requirement for Party members and cadres in undertaking endeavors. In July 2023, when General Secretary Xi Jinping inspected Jiangsu, he emphasized that we must insist on laying foundations and benefiting the long term, and not pursue quick success and instant benefits, 竭泽而渔 (jié zé ér yú - "drain the pond to catch the fish," to pursue short-term gains at the expense of long-term sustainability), or 劳民伤财 (láo mín shāng cái - "exhaust the people and waste resources"). This requires that when we plan and advance work, we cannot only look at the immediate effects and short-term gains and losses, but should instead persist in taking a long-term view, uphold an attitude of being responsible to the people and responsible to history, work down-to-earth to consolidate the foundation for development, and do all foundational and preparatory work well with a pragmatic attitude.
In governance, constancy is valuable; in administration, continuity is necessary. Once major policies, directional principles, plans, and blueprints are determined, maintaining the continuity and stability of work, and ensuring that one blueprint is carried through to the end, is a major political advantage of our Party’s governance. This political advantage manifests the materialist view of history that “historical development is the unity of continuity and stages,” and is conducive to maintaining the continuity of the cause and ensuring that the cause of the Party and the state moves forward steadily and far-reachingly. Since the founding of New China, our Party has, through the successive formulation and successful implementation of 14 five-year plans (programs), step by step driven our country from an impoverished and weak agricultural country to becoming the world’s second-largest economy, and is now striding forward on the new journey of comprehensively building a modern socialist country. Entering the “Fifteenth Five-Year Plan” period, to achieve major breakthroughs in the strategic tasks that concern the overall situation of Chinese-style modernization, and to lay an even more solid foundation for basically achieving socialist modernization, we need all the more to leverage this political advantage, and in accordance with the blueprint drawn by the Party Central Committee, unswervingly implement it, ensuring it is carried through thoroughly and effectively.
Looking at Jiangsu’s practice, when General Secretary Xi Jinping inspected Jiangsu in 2014, he personally envisioned for Jiangsu the grand blueprint of building a “new Jiangsu that is economically strong, with a prosperous people, a beautiful environment, and a high level of social civilization.” In a series of subsequent important speeches on Jiangsu’s work, he further conferred on Jiangsu the overall requirements of “striving to be a model, striving to be an exemplar, and walking at the forefront,” the strategic positioning of “walking at the forefront and acting as a model in advancing Chinese-style modernization,” and the major responsibility of “major economic provinces should shoulder a bigger share of the load and contribute to the overall national development situation.” He emphasized that major economic provinces “must make efforts in studying new situations and solving new problems, and produce experience.” These important requirements are both consistent and also advance with the times, pointing the way for Jiangsu’s modernization. We bear in mind General Secretary’s earnest instructions, establish a clear orientation of doing more work that lays foundations and benefits the long term, insist that all work is premised on implementing the Party Central Committee’s decisions and deployments, work year after year, hammer blow after hammer blow, handle one thing after another, and resolutely guard against behaviors such as new officials ignoring old accounts, “turning over the cake” of policies and plans, blindly “changing tracks,” or “starting a new stove.” We continue to carry forward the spirit of the nail, with the tenacity of 抓铁有痕、踏石留印 (zhuā tiě yǒu hén, tà shí liú yìn - "grip iron and leave a mark, step on stone and leave an imprint," to work with unyielding determination and tangible results), steadily and surely build small victories into big victories, strive to transform the grand blueprint envisioned by the General Secretary for Jiangsu into a “construction drawing” and “route map,” and with solid, tangible work turn the beautiful vision into real development results.
Proceeding from reality and acting according to laws are the basic requirements for Party members and cadres in undertaking endeavors. Facing a profound and complex domestic and international situation, and facing ever-changing and highly varied new situations and new problems, grasping the laws behind complex phenomena is indeed not always easy; it requires genuine effort. This means we must, in accordance with the requirements of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s instructions, go deep into reality to understand the true state of things, discover the inevitable connections within things from chaotic phenomena, proceed from the laws of the existence and development of objective things, and act according to objective laws in practice. Jiangsu’s high-quality development has been at the forefront for many years, and Party members and cadres have generally good qualities. However, in a few localities and on a few cadres, there are still deviations in the view of political performance, with specific manifestations and cases in areas such as being divorced from reality, violating laws, and acting recklessly. Some, when grasping economic development, still have not truly jumped out of the GDP-only mindset, paying any cost and ignoring consequences for short-term growth rates, even artificially lowering environmental protection thresholds and crossing legal bottom lines. Some, when grasping industrial cultivation, blindly follow trends regardless of conditions; when grasping investment attraction, make blind promises; when grasping project construction, are greedy for scale and speed. For example, a few years ago, a certain county-level city hastily launched an automobile project without effective feasibility studies, only to fall into an investment trap, causing major losses to state assets. Some, when grasping urban construction, engage in large-scale demolition and construction and carry out “image projects,” leaving a pile of “messy leftover problems” for the locality. For example, a certain county, in order to create so-called “four major scenic spots,” illegally borrowed and raised funds, only to end up unable to cover expenses and unsustainable. Furthermore, some, when grasping green and low-carbon transformation, are impatient for success, simply withdrawing from or shutting down traditional industries with a single stroke. These erroneous concepts and practices deviate from our Party’s ideological line of seeking truth from facts and violate the objective laws of economic and social development. In response, we clearly require resolute prevention of undesirable tendencies such as political performance impulses, investment impulses, and project impulses. We organize special rectifications for “prominent problems of deviation in view of political performance,” and at the provincial, city, and county levels jointly investigate and rectify a number of “half-finished projects,” “image projects,” and 面子工程 (miànzi gōngchéng - "face projects," projects done for appearance's sake). At the same time, we draw inferences from one example, use cases to promote reform and governance, further improve decision-making mechanisms, perfect decision-making procedures, dynamically update the negative list of “new image projects,” standardize local government economic promotion behaviors institutionally, and drive the entire province to fully, accurately, and comprehensively implement the new development philosophy, always promoting high-quality development on the correct track. Party members, cadres, and especially leading cadres, when thinking about problems, making decisions, and handling affairs, must proceed from reality in everything, based on local resource endowments, foundational conditions, and development levels, adapt measures to local conditions, leverage each locality’s strengths, and actively explore characteristic and differentiated paths of high-quality development. Be good at seeing the essence through phenomena, analyze specific problems concretely, follow the inherent laws of things’ development, grasp the work rhythm, intensity, and progress well, and steadily advance all work.
How to correctly handle the relationship between latent achievements and visible achievements tests and reflects the realm, pattern, and responsibility of Party members and cadres. Latent achievements are the foundation of visible achievements, and visible achievements are the result of latent achievements; the two are unified in the vivid practice of benefiting the people. All work in economic and social development has its inherent laws and characteristics. For those tasks that are urgent, of course, they must be grasped and handled quickly; but for those long-term tasks that require a great deal of preparatory work, strategic resolve and historical patience must be maintained. For example, grasping scientific and technological innovation, especially basic research, has a long cycle, high risk, and slow effect; “十年磨一剑 (shí nián mó yī jiàn - ‘ten years to sharpen a sword,’ taking a long time to prepare or achieve something)” is the norm, and experiencing twists and even failures is also the norm. Without long-term support, stable investment, and 久久为功 (jiǔ jiǔ wéi gōng - ‘persevere over a long period to achieve results’), it won’t work. Jiangsu’s regional innovation capability is at the forefront, but the proportion of basic research investment is relatively low. For this reason, we have specially set up patient capital such as the provincial-level basic research special fund, and established four provincial basic science centers, with the orientation of encouraging researchers to carry out high-risk, high-value basic research and seize the commanding heights of science and technology. Another example: grasping industrial development. Introducing and building some individual projects may be relatively fast, but nurturing a complete industrial chain and industrial cluster with supporting facilities, and fostering a good industrial ecosystem, requires a process of continuous effort, comprehensive advancement, and 久久为功 (persevering over a long period to achieve results). Jiangsu has 14 national advanced manufacturing clusters, covering all 13 districted cities; the number of specialized and sophisticated “little giant” enterprises and tech-based small and medium-sized enterprises is at the forefront. This is all thanks to the foundation laid over many years of adhering to the real economy, advancing the construction of a strong manufacturing province, and continuously strengthening, supplementing, and extending the chain. Another example: grasping ecological protection. We must both fight the tough battle of pollution prevention and control, and unswervingly promote the systematic protection and restoration of the ecological environment. Jiangsu once faced the dilemma of “heavy chemical industries surrounding the river.” Since implementing the Yangtze River Great Protection strategy, we have always insisted on grasping the rectification of prominent environmental problems with one hand, and grasping ecological restoration and green transformation with the other. A total of 3,877 chemical enterprises along the river have been closed down, 86.5 kilometers of riverfront shoreline have been vacated, the proportion of ecological shoreline has increased to 64.5%, the governance effect of the Nantong Wushan (南通五山) area was praised by General Secretary Xi Jinping as “great changes over time,” and Taihu Lake, after many years of continuous governance, has reached the level of a good lake for two consecutive years.
In fact, no matter in which aspect or which field of work, it requires long-term solid effort to truly see good results. We must continuously cultivate the spiritual realm of not claiming credit for achievements that will benefit the future but which we may not personally witness (功成不必在我), and the historical responsibility of ensuring that achievements are made with our involvement (功成必定有我). We must do both visible work and latent work, handle both current contradictions and solve historical legacy problems. For those tasks that have immediate effects and are sustainable in the long term, we should put effort into doing them, making early moves and early layouts. For those tasks that are difficult to show effects now but lay the foundation for the long term, we should also put effort into doing them, not being greedy for the achievements of the moment or counting the gains of the moment. For those tasks that have large contradictions now but cannot be avoided in the long term, we should also actively find ways to do them, dare to face problems, not evade or delay, and not “击鼓传雷 (jī gǔ chuán léi - ‘drumming and passing the thunderbolt,’ passing on problems or risks to others).” At the same time, we must pay attention to promptly discovering and correcting problems in work such as valuing visible achievements over latent achievements, only leaving traces but not achievements, only caring about the present regardless of the long term, and resolutely put an end to “image projects” and “political performance projects,” preventing short-term behaviors from draining development potential and harming the foundation of the cause.
We Communists undertake endeavors and create political performance for the purpose of benefiting the people. Only by insisting on creating political performance for the people, and consciously taking whether the common people support it, approve it, are happy with it, agree with it, and truly benefit from it as the fundamental criterion for measuring the gains and losses of work, can the achievements we create be the political performance that the Party and the people need, and truly be the political performance that lays foundations and benefits the long term. Jiangsu has always adhered to a people-centered approach, actively promoted the simultaneous improvement of the people’s living standards and the level of economic development. Under conditions of fiscal tight balance, it has insisted every year on investing more than three-quarters of its financial resources in people’s livelihoods, arranging and implementing a large number of practical projects that are warmly welcomed by the masses. The people’s sense of gain, happiness, and security has continuously improved. However, there are also individual localities and cadres who have twisted the “good sutra” during implementation. A former county party secretary, in the work of controlling livestock and poultry pollution, oversimplified and applied a one-size-fits-all approach, which affected the livelihoods of the local people. A former district party secretary, to pursue personal political performance, blindly built an animation theme park, which ended up as a “half-finished project” before it even started operating. In practical work, some people’s livelihood projects become “people’s anger projects,” some so-called “grand moves” become failures that leave a bad reputation, and some things that could have been done well with a little money accumulate into popular resentment. The root cause is that the mass standpoint was not firmly established, mass demands were ignored, and the interests of the masses were disregarded. If these problems are not rectified in time and allowed to spread, they not only shake the foundation of high-quality development, but also erode the Party’s governing foundation. In response, we insist on combining the concentrated rectification of unhealthy tendencies and corruption problems around the masses with the rectification of deviations in the view of political performance, promptly solve various problems that harm the interests of the masses, and focus on normalizing and long-term effectiveness, promoting the improvement of institutional mechanisms in the field of people’s livelihoods, guiding leading cadres at all levels to use systems such as “going down to the grassroots on four fronts,” and effectively achieve “thinking what the people think, and doing what the people instruct.”
The ancients, when serving as officials, still had the sentiment that “every twig and leaf is bound up with our feelings” (一枝一叶总关情), and still understood that “wearing the people’s clothes, eating the people’s food, do not bully the people, and know that you yourself are also one of the people.” As Communists, we must work with deep feelings for the masses, consciously regard ourselves as one of the masses, and treat the masses’ affairs as our own affairs; always plan and advance work from the immediate needs of the masses; as long as it is something welcomed by the people, no matter how difficult, we must see it through to the end, truly doing good deeds and practical things that touch the hearts of the masses; we must never make subjective assumptions, let alone do things that harm the interests of the masses under the banner of thinking for the masses. We must always focus on improving mass work methods, be good at transforming the Party’s correct propositions into the masses’ conscious actions, and truly uphold and implement the Party’s mass line in the new era. In this process, we must focus on unifying the exertion of subjective initiative with respect for objective laws, unifying the people’s immediate interests with their long-term interests, insist on doing our best and acting within our capacity, not issuing empty promises, and carrying out what we say we will do, winning the support and endorsement of the people with tangible political performance.
Matters that lay foundations and benefit the long term are related to the will of the people and to the development of the Party and the state’s cause. No matter how difficult, they must be unswervingly done; not only must they be done, but they must also be done to the best of our ability, and as much as possible within our capacity, we should plan and do more. We must take the in-depth development of study and education on establishing and practicing a correct view of political performance as an opportunity, promote full and rigorous Party self-governance with higher standards and more concrete measures, improve the political performance assessment and evaluation system, make good use of the assessment baton, establish a clear orientation, educate and guide all Party members and cadres to continuously improve their ideological awareness, spiritual realm, and moral cultivation, insist on establishing themselves, building their careers, speaking, and acting based on Party spirit, truly focus their minds and energy on undertaking endeavors for the Party and the people, and strive to create solid achievements that can stand the test of practice, the people, and history.
Author: Secretary of the CPC Jiangsu Provincial Committee and Chairman of the Jiangsu Provincial People's Congress Standing Committee
Return to TopBy: 张合成
From institutional mechanisms, consolidate the foundation of national food security
Zhang Hecheng (张合成)
Recently, during an inspection in Dezhou City, Shandong Province, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that ensuring a stable supply of grain and other important agricultural products is the top priority in agricultural production, emphasizing the need to implement various supportive policies for grain production, do a good job in ensuring the supply and stabilizing prices of agricultural inputs, actively promote advanced and suitable varieties, technologies, and equipment, steadily increase per-unit yield and efficiency, and strive for a bumper grain harvest for the whole year. General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important instructions provide the fundamental guidance for us to accurately grasp the strategic positioning of food security and continuously enhance the capacity to guarantee grain supply.
During the "14th Five-Year Plan" period, under the guidance of the Party Central Committee’s policies emphasizing agriculture and strengthening agriculture, China’s grain output has steadily climbed to new levels. The national grain output has remained above 1.3 trillion jin since 2015, reached 1.4 trillion jin for the first time in 2024, and reached 1.43 trillion jin in 2025. Per capita grain possession exceeds 500 kilograms, surpassing the international food security line of 400 kilograms, and the foundation of food security has been further consolidated. China’s stable and high grain output ensures that the Chinese people’s rice bowl is firmly held in their own hands, laying a solid foundation for accelerating agricultural and rural modernization and solidly promoting comprehensive rural revitalization, and also making a positive contribution to stabilizing the global grain market and maintaining world food security.
However, against the backdrop of high-level grain production increases, one-sided views such as "grain supply exceeds demand," "consumption is declining," and "there is no need to increase production anymore" also emerge from time to time. First, the blindly optimistic argument that "food security is already 高枕无忧 (gāo zhěn wú yōu - "pillow high without worry," to rest easy with no concerns)." This view holds that China’s per capita grain possession has already exceeded the international security line, so there is no need for high-intensity investment in grain production. In fact, the long-term pattern of a tight balance between grain supply and demand in China has not changed; grain production can only be strengthened, not relaxed. Once slackened, it is easy to see a decline in output. Second, the fallacy of "growing is not as good as buying, relying on the international market is more economical." This view ignores the special security value of grain as a strategic material and denies China’s farmland red-line policy. In fact, food security cannot be measured solely by market costs; over-reliance on imports is equivalent to handing over the rice bowl to external forces, harboring enormous risks. Third, the short-sighted proposal of "reducing production to adjust grain prices." After the new corn came on the market in 2024, there were calls to "compress production to raise grain prices and protect farmers’ incomes," and in 2025, voices also emerged that "the domestic rice planting area is too large, leading to oversupply, and the rice planting area should be reduced." Such views ignore the stability of grain production and the long-term interests of farmers. In fact, artificially reducing production not only damages production capacity but may also trigger irrational market fluctuations, which is no different from 饮鸩止渴 (yǐn zhèn zhǐ kě - "drink poison to quench thirst," to seek temporary relief at the cost of future disaster). Fourth, the one-sided interpretation that "inventory overhang means grain surplus." This view simply judges that the total domestic grain supply exceeds demand based solely on temporary inventory overhangs, ignoring the policy, cyclical, and variety-structure factors behind inventory formation. In fact, changes in inventory do not equal a fundamental shift in supply and demand, and this cannot be used as a basis for relaxing grain production. Overall, these erroneous views interfere with the enthusiasm of various regions and departments for emphasizing agriculture and grasping grain production. If allowed to spread, they may mislead social cognition, misjudge the food security situation, and shake the foundation of grain production.
Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, our country’s capacity to ensure food security has been continuously strengthened, and grain production has remained stable at a relatively high level for consecutive years. However, the fact that the foundation of food security has become more solid does not mean that the relationship between grain supply and demand has entered a relaxed state. It must be soberly recognized that the grain supply-demand relationship still faces multiple challenges such as aggregate balance pressure, structural contradictions, and external uncertainties; the string of food security must never be loosened at any time. Looking at the comparison of production and sales increments, from 2014 to 2025, grain output increased by 75.23 million tons, while apparent consumption increased by 114.19 million tons. The increment in apparent consumption is about 1.5 times the increment in output, meaning the expansion speed of consumer demand continues to outpace the speed of production capacity improvement. Looking at changes in per capita consumption, from 2014 to 2025, China’s per capita apparent grain consumption rose from 536 kg/person to 606 kg/person, a cumulative increase of 13.1%. In the same period, per capita grain possession rose from 465 kg/person to 509 kg/person, a cumulative increase of 9.5%. The growth rate of China’s per capita apparent grain consumption has long been consistently higher than the growth rate of per capita possession. Looking at import dependence, from 2014 to 2025, China’s grain imports increased from 100.42 million tons to 140.56 million tons, a cumulative increase of 40.0%, with an average annual growth of about 3.1%. The proportion of grain imports in apparent consumption rose from 13.6% to 16.5%, indicating that the domestic grain supply-demand gap is widening and the pressure of a tight grain balance is increasing. Overall, consecutive bumper grain harvests do not mean that the rice bowl of more than one billion people is securely held; the long-term pattern of a tight balance between grain supply and demand in our country has not changed.
Why does a tight balance between grain supply and demand emerge? There are several reasons. First, China’s grain consumption structure is undergoing profound changes, shifting from a single rations consumption to diversified growth in rations, feed grain, and industrial grain. Compounded by factors such as changes in total population and dietary upgrades for urban and rural residents, the total demand for grain maintains a rigid growth trend, exerting pressure on the supply-demand balance and cumulatively forming the current potential supply-demand gap. Second, after years of stable production and increased output, China’s comprehensive grain production capacity is at a historical high, and the hard constraints on further expansion continue to increase. Resource bottlenecks such as the red line for cultivated land retention, tension in regional water resource allocation, and the long cycle of land fertility restoration are difficult to break through in the short term. The space for per-unit yield increase is narrowing, and marginal costs are rising. The path of relying on extensive additional resource input to achieve substantial grain output increases is becoming narrower. In recent years, in some years, the average annual growth of per-unit grain yield has been negative, and the supply-demand gap for certain grain varieties cannot be completely filled by domestic production. Third, the volume of grain imports is still rising, and the method of relying on imports to fill the domestic gap harbors hidden dangers. Currently, factors such as global geopolitical conflicts, extreme climate, and trade protectionism continue to intensify volatility in the global grain market. International grain prices, export quotas, and transport channels all involve uncontrollable risks. At the same time, if our country increases grain imports, it will conversely push up international grain prices, further increasing the cost and risk of import-based supply assurance. For a large country like ours, imported grain can only serve as a phased adjustment tool; it cannot stably and without limit make up for the long-term domestic supply-demand gap.
Why will the pattern of a tight grain balance persist for a long time? The root lies in the special strategic attributes of grain that distinguish it from ordinary commodities. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out, "I have repeatedly emphasized that having a little more or a little less grain is a tactical issue, but food security is a strategic issue," and "It is better to produce and store a little more; the pressure of having too much and the pressure of having too little are not comparable," and "Grain cannot be treated as an ordinary commodity, only calculating the economic account and not the political account, only calculating the immediate account and not the long-term account." Grain is a special commodity that possesses both commodity attributes and strategic attributes; its core characteristic is the low elasticity of both supply and demand. So-called low elasticity of grain supply means that fluctuations in grain prices are difficult to rapidly drive significant adjustments in domestic production capacity. Due to the long-cycle rigidity of grain production, the influence of technology, constraints from natural resource conditions, and the lag in farmers’ response to price signals, even if grain prices rise sharply, it is difficult to rapidly expand production and achieve a leap in production capacity in the short term. So-called low elasticity of grain demand means that the volume of grain consumption reacts weakly to price fluctuations. Because of the absolute rigidity of rations, the stickiness of indirect consumption, and the weak substitution effect, grain demand does not change significantly with price rises or falls. The low elasticity on both the supply and demand sides of grain means there is a lack of buffer space for rapid adjustment and smoothing out gaps, and it also means that small supply-demand gaps can easily be amplified, triggering large price fluctuations, further increasing the difficulty of regulating the tight grain balance. When grain prices rise, if market fluctuations are left unchecked, they will push up the consumer price index and affect people’s livelihoods; if price controls or reserve releases are implemented, they will distort price signals and suppress farmers’ enthusiasm for grain production. When grain prices fall, if the market is not supported, it will hit production; if the market is supported by purchasing and storage, it will increase the fiscal burden and lead to inventory overhangs. The dilemma of policy intervention also makes the adjustment of grain supply lag behind price changes. No matter what regulatory means are adopted, it is impossible to solve the supply-demand mismatch in one go. The effect of policy regulation will be delayed and transmitted to the next grain production cycle, causing price fluctuations to amplify cyclically and ultimately impacting production and market stability. It can be said that this is an important reason why food security risks have emerged many times in human history.
Through the arduous efforts of several generations, our country, with 9% of the world’s arable land and 6% of its freshwater resources, has nurtured nearly one-fifth of the world’s population, moving from the inability to feed 400 million people back then to the ability to feed more than 1.4 billion people well today, powerfully answering the question "Who will feed China?" On the issue of food security, the Party Central Committee has never been the slightest bit negligent or careless, and has never counted on relying on the international market to solve our eating problem. The "15th Five-Year Plan" outline clearly states, "The national security system and capacity will be further strengthened, and the comprehensive grain production capacity will reach approximately 1.45 trillion jin." The binding target for grain production capacity has been raised from 1.39 trillion jin in 2025 to about 1.45 trillion jin in 2030, requiring an increase of 60 billion jin. The "Accelerating Agricultural and Rural Modernization '15th Five-Year Plan'" issued by the State Council makes a series of deployments on enhancing the supply guarantee capacity for grain and other important agricultural products, adhering to grasping both output and production capacity, both production and ecology, and both output increase and income increase together, deeply implementing the strategy of storing grain in the land and storing grain in technology, intensifying efforts to implement a new round of the 100-billion-jin grain production capacity enhancement action, promoting large-area per-unit yield increases for major crops such as grain and oil, and promoting the integrated efficiency enhancement of good farmland, good seeds, good machinery, and good methods.
General Secretary Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out, "The tight balance: first, it solves the basic balance of grain supply and demand; second, it prevents grain prices from falling due to relaxed grain supply, affecting the enthusiasm for grain production. This is a dilemma. The tight balance is a technical task; it is walking a tightrope, adjusting a little here, adjusting a little there; if the adjustment is not done well, it becomes unbalanced. We want to achieve an ideal state, but the ability to handle the discretion depends on our level and also on the broader environment." We must take General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important discourse on the tight grain balance as the fundamental guide, always keep the string of food security taut, keep an eye on the domestic market while also considering the domestic and international environment, always adhere to the food security strategy of self-reliance, basing on domestic conditions, ensuring production capacity, moderate imports, and technological support, focus on building an institutional mechanism for scientifically judging the grain supply-demand relationship, ensure that grain production is never relaxed, and firmly hold the initiative in national food security.
First, research and establish a grain supply-demand balance sheet system, strengthening the analysis, forecasting, and monitoring of the grain supply-demand relationship. The supply-demand balance sheet is a scientific system for monitoring and early warning in the international grain market. Through mature mechanisms such as real-time data analysis, automatic triggering of regulation, inter-departmental policy linkage, and market expectation transmission, it uses scientific methods to more accurately predict supply-demand trends, upgrading market regulation from manual operation to institutional operation. The establishment of a China-characteristic grain supply-demand balance sheet system that conforms to national conditions and reality should be accelerated, consolidating the foundation of grain supply-demand balance, price stability, and market security from the institutional and mechanistic level.
Second, further improve the grain price formation mechanism, emphasizing reliance on strengthening the macro-regulation of grain to maintain a reasonable price level. Under market economy conditions, it is necessary to avoid both excessively rapid price increases caused by insufficient grain supply that affect basic livelihoods, and blind production and resource waste caused by distorted price signals, as well as the impact on domestic industries from low-priced imported agricultural products. The main operating entities, dominated by smallholder farmers, have relatively weak voice in grain prices; even prolonged low grain prices do not necessarily represent oversupply, but are more an external manifestation of weak market expectations. Constructing a reasonable grain price formation mechanism means achieving a dynamic balance between the two, satisfying both consumers and producers, and more accurately reflecting the market supply-demand relationship.
Third, improve the coordination mechanism between agricultural trade and production to prevent low-price-driven imports from leading to misjudgment of supply-demand relations. It is necessary to both fully utilize foreign markets and resources to meet domestic diversified grain consumption needs, and avoid excessive impact of trade on domestic production. In specific operations, against the background of a long-term inverted price relationship between international and domestic grain prices, it is essential to focus on preventing and defusing import risks, optimizing the import structure, and grasping the timing of imports. This can effectively prevent misjudgment of supply-demand relations caused by low-price-driven excessive imports. When the central and local governments increase grain reserves, priority should be given to purchasing domestically produced grain, directing regulatory resources first to stabilizing the domestic market and production.
Fourth, improve the linkage monitoring mechanism between population changes and grain consumption, accurately reflecting the new demands brought about by the adjustment of the urban-rural population structure. Currently, over 10 million people still move to cities permanently each year nationwide. This part of the population experiences increased income, accelerated pace of life, smaller households, and transformation of dietary structure, driving changes in grain consumption towards higher-quality rations, rigid growth in feed grain, refined processing grain, and convenient consumption scenarios. Investigations and analysis of trends in the quantity, structure, and pattern of grain consumption should be strengthened, establishing a coordinated system of supply adaptation, circulation assurance, processing upgrade, and policy guidance, precisely matching new demands, and holding the bottom line of food security.
Author: Member of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, former Party Secretary of the Chinese Academy of Agricultural Sciences
Return to TopBy: 杨志勇
Valuing and Strengthening Scientific Fiscal Management
Yang Zhiyang (杨志勇)
The way of managing finances concerns the rise and fall and survival of the nation. Fiscal is the foundation and important pillar of national governance, and also an important means for the state to regulate the economy. In recent years, the Party Central Committee, based on the profound changes in China's development conditions, has made important decisions and major deployments to strengthen scientific fiscal management, and has written "strengthening scientific fiscal management" into the outline of the 15th Five-Year Plan and this year's government work report. Strengthening scientific fiscal management is not a single-dimensional improvement in management techniques, but rather a deep-level systemic reshaping of the entire process of fiscal work, covering all aspects such as zero-based budget reform, coordination of fiscal resources and budgets, fiscal and accounting supervision, and fiscal digitalization. It plays a very important role in solving the problem of fiscal tight balance, implementing a more proactive fiscal policy, deepening the reform of the fiscal and tax system, and improving the national governance system.
This year, the scale of China's general public budget expenditure is expected to reach a historic 30.01 trillion yuan for the first time. The national fiscal strength is steadily growing, but the pressure of rigid expenditure continuously expanding and the contradiction between revenue and expenditure intensifying is simultaneously prominent. From 2012 to 2025, the national general public budget revenue increased from 11.73 trillion yuan to 21.60 trillion yuan, while general public budget expenditure increased from 12.60 trillion yuan to 28.74 trillion yuan, and the revenue-expenditure gap expanded from less than 1 trillion yuan to over 7 trillion yuan. During the 14th Five-Year Plan period, fiscal investment in people's livelihoods approached 100 trillion yuan. From January to May this year, people's livelihood expenditure further expanded, with social security and employment expenditure reaching 2.1324 trillion yuan and health expenditure reaching 989.8 billion yuan, and the pressure of fiscal tight balance continuously increasing. Under conditions where the room for total fiscal revenue expansion is limited, extracting additional financial resources through refined and scientific fiscal management, so that every fiscal fund achieves actual results and generates value, has become an inevitable choice for stabilizing fiscal operations. The person in charge of the Ministry of Finance, when answering reporters' questions during the two sessions this year, did the math: if the efficiency of fiscal expenditure increases by 1%, then with an annual expenditure scale of 30 trillion yuan, it means an additional 300 billion yuan in financial resources in one year, which can be used to do many things.
Valuing and strengthening scientific fiscal management means effectively solving the problem of "money not being spent well." Currently, there are still some unscientific and inefficient problems in fiscal management. First, the problem of inefficient sedimentation of fiscal funds. Local finances to varying degrees exhibit the phenomenon of "lacking money on one side while money lies idle on the other." In many localities, various types of funds such as special bonds and transfer payments lie idle in accounts in large amounts and cannot play their role. The reasons for this are very complex, involving multiple aspects such as insufficient project reserves, incomplete preliminary procedures, lagging project implementation progress, and poor cross-departmental coordination mechanisms. A problem in any one link will affect the efficiency of fiscal fund use. This urgently requires systematically sorting out the entire chain of funds through strengthening scientific fiscal management to find solutions. Second, the problem of poor policy transmission mechanisms. In recent years, the Party Central Committee has implemented a more proactive fiscal policy and strengthened counter-cyclical and cross-cyclical adjustment. However, at the implementation level, there are still deep-level problems such as the disconnection between budget preparation and policy objectives, the softening of performance constraints, and the difficulty of controlling hidden local government debt, which discounts the efficiency of fiscal fund use. The key to solving the problem lies in strengthening scientific fiscal management, fundamentally unblocking the bottlenecks in each link of budget preparation, execution, supervision, and evaluation, and achieving overall optimization of the policy transmission mechanism. Third, the problem of insufficient governance efficiency. Fiscal is an important policy tool for achieving national governance goals. The distribution of government financial resources must be more scientifically adapted to the goal requirements of modernizing national governance. All budget departments and units at the central and local levels are the main entities using national fiscal funds, and they must strengthen management over the entire chain of revenue and expenditure and each link of work. Currently, the scale of annual central transfer payments to local governments exceeds 10 trillion yuan, and local fiscal expenditure accounts for about 85% of the national total. How to properly straighten out central-local fiscal relations? Fiscal revenue and expenditure have entered a state of tight balance, the requirements for integrating fiscal funds have significantly increased, and the tension between the constraint orientation of the fiscal side and the development orientation of the business side has become more apparent. How to achieve effective coordination between fiscal departments and industry competent authorities? Only by linking scientific fiscal management with national governance can these problems be effectively solved.
In 2025, 12 provinces across the country launched local scientific fiscal management pilots and explored a batch of quantifiable and verifiable practical results that improve the efficiency of fiscal fund use. First, implementing coordination of fiscal resources and budgets, incorporating all government revenues and expenditures, stock assets and debt scale into a unified "big ledger," integrating scattered idle "small change" from different departments and levels into "whole money" that can be coordinated for use, expanding fiscal space without increasing social burdens, concentrating financial resources to accomplish major tasks, and effectively solving the problem of policy implementation fragmentation caused by dispersed financial resources and vertical-horizontal segmentation. For example, Anhui Province cleaned up 185 provincial expenditure policies and comprehensively expanded to areas of people's livelihood and public services such as education, medical care, and elderly care. The reform effect of maintaining some and compressing others and precise allocation became more evident; the intensity of coordinated use of non-fiscal appropriations was further strengthened, and the scale of funds transferred from government-managed fund budgets and state capital management budgets to the general public budget increased by 48.5% compared with before the reform. Second, implementing zero-based budget reform and hard performance constraints. Zero-based budget reform breaks the dependence on expenditure bases from the source of budget compilation, requiring all expenditure items to be demonstrated as needed and re-verified; performance management directly links the efficiency of fund use with subsequent budget arrangements and runs through the entire chain of budget compilation, execution, supervision, and evaluation. The two coordinate with each other, promoting the transformation of fiscal resource allocation from "base-driven" to "performance-oriented," thereby achieving dynamic optimization of expenditure structure and maximizing the leverage effect of fiscal funds "four ounces moving a thousand pounds." Shandong Province constructed a budget mechanism "with zero as the starting point, budget projects as the basis, financial resource capacity as the upper limit, and categorized guarantees as the core." In 2025, it cumulatively eliminated over 800 low-efficiency projects and reduced funds by nearly 4 billion yuan. The Wuhan Economic and Technological Development Zone (武汉经开区) in Hubei Province comprehensively cleaned up and reduced inefficient and non-rigid expenditures, and in 2025, freed up and revitalized 630 million yuan in funds throughout the year, used to increase investment in rigid demand areas such as industrial upgrading and people's livelihood guarantees. Third, standardizing local government debt management, establishing and improving a full-caliber local debt monitoring and supervision system and a long-term mechanism for preventing and resolving hidden debt risks, effectively preventing the liquidity risk of "unable to repay money" and the linkage risk of fiscal and finance, and holding the bottom line of sustainable fiscal operations. In addition, multiple central departments, relying on zero-based budget reform, have cleaned up and cancelled cross-repetitive projects, effectively breaking the pattern of fiscal expenditure solidification.
From the reform practices in various places, the scientific fiscal management pilots have achieved significant results, laying a good foundation for further reform. At the same time, it must be recognized that scientific fiscal management is a long-cycle systematic project. Deep-seated problems under the traditional fiscal management model, such as the solidification and rigidity of expenditure, fragmentation of fund allocation, emphasis on input over efficiency, and the disconnect between budget and asset management, have still not been thoroughly resolved. Strengthening scientific fiscal management requires focusing on promoting the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity, implementing well the Party Central Committee's deployments on scientific fiscal management, basing on the current realistic constraints of fiscal tight balance, changing the past habit of only staring at "money," establishing the concept of "big finance," concentrating on key links for precise发力, coordinating the ways of generating, gathering, and using financial resources, and striving to comprehensively transform the beneficial experience formed in pilots into governance effectiveness.
First, properly handle the major relationships involved in scientific fiscal management. The first is the interactive relationship between the central and local governments. Scientific fiscal management should be used as a starting point to promote the construction of central-local fiscal relations with clear powers and responsibilities, coordinated financial resources, and regional balance. The central level focuses on ensuring the consistency of national fiscal governance objectives. The local level, based on regional development levels, revenue source structures, and actual expenditure needs, explores differentiated paths for fund coordination and performance management within the national unified institutional framework. Seek the optimal balance between institutional uniformity and local autonomy, give full play to the enthusiasm of both central and local authorities, and achieve incentive compatibility between central and local finances. The second is the synergistic relationship between fiscal departments and industry competent authorities. Use scientific fiscal management as a link to establish cross-departmental coordination mechanisms, resolving the misalignment between the fiscal constraint orientation and the business development orientation. Clarify the refined and standardized management requirements for the use of fiscal funds, solve the problems of fund sedimentation and inefficient allocation, and achieve a simultaneous improvement in the efficiency of fiscal resource allocation and the quality of public service supply. The third is the iterative relationship between pilot exploration and institutional formation. The main purpose of pilots is to break through the limitations of existing institutional frameworks and explore new ways to improve the efficiency of fiscal fund use. Grant sufficient space for exploration to units piloting scientific fiscal management, encourage them to take the lead in trying out innovations in key areas such as coordination of fiscal resources and budgets, budget performance management, debt risk prevention and control, and fiscal digital transformation, accumulating experience and providing demonstrations for comprehensive reform. Improve the level of rule-of-law in scientific fiscal management, insist on advancing pilot innovation within the framework of the rule of law, promote the upgrading of local explorations into systematic governance institutions, and achieve a virtuous cycle of reform pilots and long-term construction.
Second, effectively grasp the performance evaluation of scientific fiscal management pilots. Anchor the key goal of improving quality and efficiency under fiscal tight balance, set quantifiable and verifiable multi-dimensional evaluation indicators. Pay attention both to indicators of "expenditure reduction and potential tapping" such as the proportion of low-efficiency projects reduced and the effectiveness of revitalizing stock assets, measuring the fiscal release effect brought by management upgrades; also evaluate indicators of "quality improvement and efficiency enhancement" such as the degree of guarantee for people's livelihood expenditure, the intensity of investment in key areas, and the timeliness of policy implementation transmission, testing the public service supply effectiveness of fiscal funds; also incorporate indicators of "bottom-line prevention and control" such as the progress of debt risk resolution and the sustainability of fiscal operations, evaluating the capacity for fiscal security assurance. Pilot performance evaluation should adhere both to vertical self-comparison over time and incorporate horizontal cross-regional comparison. Current pilots include comprehensive pilots under a unified national deployment as well as reform practices where localities autonomously expand scope and proactively explore. Pilot schemes in different regions have different emphases; the realistic constraints and reform paths faced by large economic provinces and other provinces are not the same. In the evaluation, it is necessary to fully consider the differences in pilot types and avoid a "one-size-fits-all" evaluation. For common problems revealed in pilots, promptly extract replicable solving experiences. For individual problems, support localities in exploring differentiated solutions. Mature experiences can be accelerated for promotion through on-site exchange meetings and other forms, amplifying the spillover effect of reforms.
Third, fully leverage the positive role of the main entities using fiscal funds. The responsibility for scientific fiscal management must ultimately be implemented on every fund-using entity. It is necessary to strengthen the transmission of responsibility across the full cycle and full chain, making "spending money must be asked about effectiveness" a rigid constraint. Achieve full-cycle budget management, from setting performance targets in the budget compilation stage, to performance monitoring during execution, to performance evaluation and application of results in the final accounts stage, achieving full coverage of hard performance constraints. Advance the reform of the financial management system of public sector entities, so that the use of fiscal funds conforms to the development laws of various undertakings. Place the use of funds under various kinds of supervision, including fiscal and accounting supervision and audit supervision, promptly correcting problems such as idle sedimentation, misappropriation and diversion, and inefficiency and ineffectiveness of funds. Improve the evaluation mechanism for fiscal affordability, actively explore effective evaluation methods, and eliminate over-commitment of expenditures and irrational decisions that deviate from the level of local economic development. Whether investing in things or investing in people, both must be done by doing one's best and acting within one's means (尽力而为、量力而行), making scientific decision-making the norm and making national financial management more professional.
Fourth, effectively implement the plan for deepening the reform of the fiscal and tax system. Strengthening scientific fiscal management is an inherent requirement of deepening the reform of the fiscal and tax system, and is an important measure proposed from the perspective of improving management. Currently, China's economy is shifting to high-quality development, the external environment is complex and changeable, and the complexity of national governance is continuously increasing, placing higher goals and requirements on fiscal management. The measures related to strengthening scientific fiscal management are systematically linked and promoted in integration with the reform of the fiscal and tax system, and are highly consistent with the Party Central Committee's deployments on further comprehensively deepening reform and improving the modern fiscal system. Some schemes of scientific fiscal management are themselves content of the fiscal and tax system reform. For example, firmly securing the "three guarantees" (三保) bottom line at the grassroots level is highly consistent with the requirement of increasing local autonomous financial resources as demanded by the reform of central-local fiscal relations. Seize the opportunity, and while strengthening scientific fiscal management, further deepen the reform of the fiscal and tax system, providing effective support for promoting the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity.
Author: President and Researcher of the Chinese Academy of Fiscal Sciences (中国财政科学研究院)
Return to TopBy: 文平
Let Technology Forever Be a Tool for Humans
By Ping
Large language models are redefining the possibilities of human-computer interaction, embodied intelligence allows machines to achieve the unity of perception and action, and multi-modal large models realize the deep fusion of vision, hearing, and reasoning... these scenarios, which once existed only in science fiction, are gradually becoming a living reality. As strategic technologies leading a new round of scientific and technological revolution and industrial transformation, artificial intelligence is profoundly restructuring the global innovation landscape, development paradigms, and human modes of production and life with unprecedented breadth and depth.
However, in the process of rapid technological development, some concerning anxieties are gradually emerging: as the predictive capabilities of artificial intelligence become increasingly sophisticated, will humans abandon autonomous judgment and succumb to algorithmic output? As the efficiency of intelligent systems continuously improves, will human labor degenerate into an appendage of data labeling and process optimization? When machine-generated text, images, and even videos are sufficient to deceive the eye, how should truth and fiction be distinguished in the digital world? Behind these various anxieties lies an ancient yet ever-new proposition—is technology serving humans, or do humans succumb to technology?
As a powerful engine driving the era forward, artificial intelligence undoubtedly deserves our open arms in embrace. But while enjoying the technological dividends, one must also maintain clarity and vigilance against those discourses that elevate it to an altar. Currently, some viewpoints excessively elevate the status and role of algorithms, data, and computing power, even regarding them as decision-making standards, believing that algorithms can and should dominate commercial logic, social operation, and institutional design. Tracing the source, this cognitive bias that views technology as a decisive force stems from the historical context of technology profoundly reshaping human modes of existence since the Industrial Revolution, and is rooted in the modern thinking paradigm that uses efficiency as its yardstick; it is yet another echo of Western instrumental rationalism in the era of the new technological revolution. In fact, in the view of Marx, machines are the objectification of man's essential powers, tools for extending human capabilities and liberating human labor, and should not be alienated into a force that dominates humans. This proposition from over a hundred years ago is like a bright mirror traversing time and space, profoundly reflecting and revealing that no matter how exquisite the algorithms, how massive the computing power clusters, or how complex the model architectures, the essence of artificial intelligence remains an extension of objectified labor and human intelligence.
While the rapid development of technology improves human life, promotes industrial leaps, and prospers the commercial economy, it also brings the problem of the dissolution of human subjectivity. Once technological logic is internalized as the default framework for perceiving the world, understanding the self, and establishing relationships, humans are unconsciously incorporated into the disciplinary system of technology: "parameters" become the sole language for describing growth, "user personas" replace the recognition of the complexity of others, and "input-output ratios" quietly permeate the fabric of emotional connections. A deeper danger lies in the fact that when artificial intelligence seizes the decision-making power over information distribution, resource allocation, and opportunity distribution, while the general public has no way to understand or power to question its operational logic, humans are no longer the masters of technology but degenerate into data nodes and computational objects; society is no longer the organic connection of a community but becomes a giant experimental field for algorithmic optimization. Therefore, clearing up this myth of discourse is by no means 杞人忧天 (qǐ rén yōu tiān - "the man from Qi worries about the sky," to engage in groundless or unnecessary anxiety), but is a mandatory question for guarding the bottom line of human civilization and ensuring that technology develops toward goodness.
Currently, the speed of artificial intelligence technological iteration, the breadth of its penetration, and the depth of its impact far exceed any previous technological revolution; if lacking effective value guidance and institutional constraints, technology developing toward goodness can only remain at the level of a slogan. To this end, top-level institutional design should be improved, and the acceleration of perfecting relevant laws and regulations systems should be carried out, establishing a clear normative framework in key links such as data collection, algorithmic decision-making, and model evaluation, using the certainty of institutions to respond to the uncertainty brought to human society by technological evolution. Ethical review mechanisms covering the entire life cycle of technological research and development, product deployment, and scenario application should be constructed, embedding a human-centered value orientation into every node of artificial intelligence development, so that technological development always runs on tracks that are traceable, explainable, and accountable. The principal responsibility of enterprises should be pressed down, the ethical bottom lines and legal boundaries of platforms and developers should be clarified, and effective accountability mechanisms should be established to prevent the misuse of technology from infringing upon public rights and interests or dissolving the subjective status of humans. At the same time, the digital literacy and artificial intelligence cognitive abilities of the entire population should be vigorously enhanced, helping the public understand technological logic and strengthen their ability to identify algorithmic recommendations, so that humans maintain clear judgment and autonomous right of choice in the intelligent era. In a word, the more powerful the technology and the more precise the algorithms, the more timely institutional norms must follow. Only by continuously weaving a dense institutional net of being human-centered and intelligent toward goodness can we ensure that artificial intelligence truly becomes a positive force that benefits humanity and promotes the free and comprehensive development of humans.
It needs to be emphasized that breaking the myth of "algorithms are omnipotent" is by no means about moving to the opposite side of technology, but about profoundly clarifying the proper relationship between humans and technology, letting technology return to its position as a tool. In this respect, fine traditional Chinese culture contains rich ideological resources. The I Ching says, "That which is above form is called the Dao; that which is below form is called the Qi (tool)." By using the Dao to govern the Qi, only then can the Qi fulfill its use; if the Qi replaces the Dao, then the Dao will not exist—this "distinction between Dao and Qi" is precisely the traditional wisdom for understanding the relationship between humans and technology. Under the pen of Zhuangzi, the butcher Ding's "cutting the ox with the spirit rather than with the eyes" vividly depicts a scene where one holds the tool in hand while maintaining the Dao in heart, where Dao and Qi are integrated as one. When Song Dynasty people made porcelain, they did not only seek the exquisite craftsmanship of the vessel's shape, but placed even greater importance on its character of being as warm as jade and solemn and elegant; this is precisely using the Qi to carry the Dao. In the Ming Dynasty, Song Yingxing wrote Tiangong Kaiwu (The Exploitation of the Works of Nature), and the book title itself demonstrates that the true realm of craftsmanship lies in the awe and following of the Dao of Heaven and Man. The "distinction between Dao and Qi" ultimately points toward the subjective status of humans. Confucius said, "The gentleman is not a tool," meaning that a gentleman should not be like a utensil whose function is limited to only one aspect, but should cultivate general knowledge and virtue; Qu Yuan sighed, "The road is long and far-reaching," which is an unremitting quest for spiritual values; Tao Yuanming's "picking chrysanthemums under the eastern fence" demonstrates a life posture that transcends utilitarianism. These spiritual genes deeply embedded in the bloodline of the Chinese nation remind us: the fundamental essence of being human lies not just in the high or low level of efficiency, but more in whether one can maintain the ability for independent thinking, feel the warmth of life, and question the meaning of existence. The ultimate significance of technology lies not only in the infinite improvement of efficiency, but more in whether it can augment human virtue, nourish human emotion, and fulfill human life. To put it plainly, technology should be an extension of human capability, not a replacement for human existence; it should be an expansion of human freedom, not a dissolution of human subjectivity.
On July 8, 2026, at the National Science and Technology Award Conference, the Academicians of Both Academies Conference, and the 11th National Congress of the China Association for Science and Technology, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that "frontier technologies such as artificial intelligence are accelerating in iterative application, and the 'double-edged sword' effect is increasingly appearing," emphasizing the need to "coordinate development and security, closely track the development trends of new technologies and new applications, strengthen the construction of the science and technology governance system and capabilities, and promote science and technology to move upward and toward goodness, to be safe and controllable, and to benefit the people." This important requirement contains profound insights into technological development and manifests a value orientation of letting technology benefit humanity. Today, standing amidst the surging wave of digitalization and intelligence, we should extra cherish, protect, and carry forward the human factor, letting human emotion, human thought, and human creativity forever become the masters of artificial intelligence, and letting technology forever be a tool for humans.
Return to TopBy: 沈壮海
Cultural China
The family-country sentiment of cultivating oneself, regulating the family, governing the state, and bringing peace to the world, and of the rise and fall being everyone’s responsibility
Shen Zhuanghai (沈壮海)
The family-country sentiment transmits the steadfast belief of the Chinese nation in the unity of family and country, tugs at the attachment of Chinese sons and daughters to their homes, and inspires Chinese sons and daughters to march toward the country and to step forward with responsibility. It contains warmth, manifests great righteousness, and is extremely rich in the color of Chinese culture and in spiritual appeal. Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, General Secretary Xi Jinping has repeatedly stressed the need to thicken the family-country sentiment. At the Forum on Cultural Heritage and Development convened on June 2, 2023, he used the phrase “cultivate oneself, regulate the family, govern the state, and bring peace to the world; the rise and fall is everyone’s responsibility” to summarize the connotation of the family-country sentiment in concentrated form, and from the perspectives of important elements of fine traditional Chinese culture and the outstanding characteristics jointly shaped by Chinese civilization, he profoundly revealed the value and significance of the family-country sentiment.
The discourse on “cultivating oneself, regulating the family, governing the state, and bringing peace to the world” has a very long origin; its systematic expression appears in the “Book of Rites: The Great Learning.” The opening of the “Book of Rites: The Great Learning” states: “The way of the Great Learning lies in illuminating luminous virtue, lies in renovating the people, and lies in resting in the utmost good.” “Those who wish to illuminate luminous virtue throughout the world must first govern their state; those who wish to govern their state must first regulate their family; those who wish to regulate their family must first cultivate their person.” “When the person is cultivated, then the family is regulated; when the family is regulated, then the state is governed; when the state is governed, then the world is at peace.” Cultivating the person is the root of regulating the family, governing the state, and bringing peace to the world, while regulating the family, governing the state, and bringing peace to the world are the purpose of cultivating the person — layer upon layer advancing, connecting and extending, containing within them ideals and aspirations and responsibility. From ancient to modern times, cultivating oneself, regulating the family, governing the state, and bringing peace to the world has been regarded as the order of learning and the ladder of advancing virtue and perfecting one’s work; it is the core of the Chinese scholar-official spirit. In the Qing dynasty, in his “Letter to a Friend Discussing Learning,” Gu Yanwu (顾炎武) said, “From one’s own person all the way to the world, state, and family — these are all matters of learning,” and in his “Record of Daily Knowledge” he linked “preserving the world” to every ordinary person, proposing, “Preserving the world — even a humble commoner has a responsibility for it.” This famous discourse is connected in blood to the inner spirit of cultivating oneself, regulating the family, governing the state, and bringing peace to the world. At the end of the 19th century, Liang Qichao, on the basis of Gu Yanwu’s relevant exposition, refined the expression “the rise and fall of the world is the responsibility of every commoner,” which, at a time of urgent invasion and grave calamity, quickly resounded across the length and breadth of the country, coalescing into the collective will of Chinese sons and daughters to take conscious responsibility for national salvation from extinction. In summary, “cultivate oneself, regulate the family, govern the state, and bring peace to the world” emphasizes “virtue,” focusing on a moral practice path from the inner to the outer — it is the ladder for realizing the life ideal of ancient Chinese sages and worthies. “The rise and fall is everyone’s responsibility” emphasizes “responsibility,” focusing on the awakening of the responsible subject from the outer to the inner — it is the proper meaning of the way of cultivating oneself, regulating the family, governing the state, and bringing peace to the world. The two are internally unified in the historical process of the 生生不息 (shēng shēng bù xī - “to grow and multiply without end,” continuous) development of the Chinese nation.
The family-country sentiment of cultivating oneself, regulating the family, governing the state, and bringing peace to the world, and of the rise and fall being everyone’s responsibility, was nurtured and formed in the fertile soil of China’s agricultural civilization. From ancient times China has based its state on agriculture; the agricultural civilization that stretched for several millennia laid the material foundation for the nation’s survival and engraved the cultural imprint of the Chinese nation taking the soil as its root. Chinese people regard their native land as the matrix of life and the destination of the soul, just as Fei Xiaotong (费孝通) said in “From the Soil: The Foundations of Chinese Society”: “The grassroots of Chinese society are native-soil in nature”; “only a life that directly depends on the soil can take root in one place like a plant.” Agricultural production gave birth to a mode of operation with the family as the unit; starting from the survival order of the family and lineage, taking the individual as the base point, from near to far, people sublimated the filial duty obligation within blood-relationship ethics into the responsibility of serving the state within political ethics, ultimately realizing the value isomorphism of the individual and the collective, and thereby constructing social order and state order. The state governs the people through law and morality; the family restrains its members through family rules and lineage regulations; family and state form a stable order. The native-soil roots based on the family are sublimated into a family-country sentiment that transcends clan and region, supporting the deep order of individual life, family survival, social stability, and state operation.
During the Western Zhou period, family and state were one; state order and lineage order were highly unified; lineage power and state power were merged into one; the ritual-music civilization was the bond that maintained Western Zhou political order and lineage order. In the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods, innovations in production tools and agricultural technology drove rapid productivity development, which in turn triggered profound changes in the social economy and political structure. This was a period of dissolution of the traditional family-state order, collapse of the old ritual-music system, and frequent wars among vassal states, and also an important historical period that, amid turmoil, gave birth to new thought and new order. The Hundred Schools of Philosophy, worried about the chaotic condition of “the world in great disorder, sages and worthies unclear,” actively explored paths and methods to rebuild family-state order and achieve world peace. Confucius emphasized, “The head of a state or the head of a family is not troubled by scarcity but by inequality, not troubled by poverty but by insecurity,” and advocated, “When distant people are not submissive, cultivate civil virtue to attract them.” To realize the political ideal of “the world returning to benevolence,” he led his disciples to travel through the various states; whether in haste or in distress, he was always there, displaying the determination and perseverance of “knowing it cannot be done yet doing it.” In addition, Laozi said, “Cultivate it in your person, and your virtue will be genuine; cultivate it in your family, and your virtue will be abundant; cultivate it in your township, and your virtue will grow; cultivate it in your state, and your virtue will be ample; cultivate it in the world, and your virtue will be universal.” Mozi stressed, “The doctrine of identification with the superior — if used on a grand scale by the Son of Heaven, it can govern the world; if used on a middle scale by the feudal lords, it can govern their states; if used on a small scale by the head of a family, it can govern the family.” Mencius held, “The root of the world is in the state; the root of the state is in the family; the root of the family is in the person,” and believed, “When each person loves his own parents and respects his own elders, the world will be at peace.” And so on. Although the teachings of the Hundred Schools differed from one another, the sentiment of cultivating oneself, regulating the family, governing the state, and bringing peace to the world, devoted to ordering the state and benefiting the people and pursuing world peace, was highly consistent.
At the transition between Qin and Han, the people suffered bitterly under harsh government and war. The “Huainanzi,” completed in the early Western Han, complied with the people’s desire for order. On the basis of summing up the lessons of the rise and fall of previous dynasties, it proposed the ideal of a well-governed world: “Governance and teaching are peaceful, benevolence and love are harmonious, superiors and inferiors share the same mind, ruler and ministers are cordial and harmonious, clothing and food are abundant, families are well-off and individuals are satisfied,” and it set forth the way of governance that rulers should follow to realize this ideal: “Dwelling in stillness to cultivate the person, being frugal and restrained to lead subordinates.” This view was interlinked with the idea of cultivating oneself, regulating the family, governing the state, and bringing peace to the world advocated by Dong Zhongshu (董仲舒), such as “Cultivate the person and examine oneself, illuminate the good mind to return to the Way” and “Civil virtue is noble, while military might is base — this is why the world can be eternally complete.” In the Tang and Song dynasties, enlightened rulers represented by Tang Taizong recognized that “If one wishes to pacify the world, one must first rectify his own person; there has never been a case where the person is upright but the shadow is crooked, or where the superior is well-governed but the subordinates are disorderly.” Confucian literati represented by Han Yu (韩愈) and Fan Zhongyan (范仲淹) loudly proclaimed “Take the affairs of the state as one’s own responsibility” and “Be the first to worry about the world’s troubles, and the last to enjoy its pleasures,” and when the state needed them, they adhered to “Humble in rank, yet never forgetting to worry about the state” and “I wish to devote this life to always serving the state,” manifesting the responsibility spirit of the scholar-gentleman. It was precisely the longing for world peace and the sentiment of taking the world as one’s own responsibility that inspired people in the Qin-Han and Tang-Song periods to strive to create well-governed and peaceful eras that later generations praised.
The Ming and Qing periods were an important transitional period for Chinese society. During this period, the economic mode of production quietly changed, and the traditional social structure correspondingly showed signs of loosening. Correspondingly, the family-country sentiment of cultivating oneself, regulating the family, governing the state, and bringing peace to the world, and of the rise and fall being everyone’s responsibility, was further enriched and developed in connotation. From Wang Shouren’s (王守仁) interpretation of “Everyone can become a Yao or Shun,” to Li Zhi’s (李贽) assertion “Yao and Shun are the same as commoners on the road; sages are the same as ordinary people,” from Huang Zongxi’s (黄宗羲) view that “The world is the host, the sovereign is the guest; the order or disorder of the world does not lie in the rise and fall of one surname, but in the joy and sorrow of the myriad people,” to Gu Yanwu’s judgment that “When benevolence and righteousness are blocked and abandoned, to the point where beasts are led to eat people and people will devour each other, that is called the perishing of the world,” an important characteristic running through all this is that the subjective status and fundamental value of ordinary people in “the world” were constantly being manifested. It is precisely in this sense that Huang Zongxi said, “When I go out to serve as an official, it is for the world, not for the sovereign; it is for the myriad people, not for one surname.” Here, the family-country sentiment of men of ambition and benevolence — cultivating oneself, regulating the family, governing the state, and bringing peace to the world; the rise and fall being everyone’s responsibility — distinctly points to a high regard for the conditions and suffering of the people in the world. A family-country sentiment that regards the people as though they were wounded, that cares about every leaf and twig, that values people-centeredness, and that is devoted to pleading for the people — this is deeply rooted in the hearts of the Chinese nation and has become an important spiritual gene of the Chinese nation.
The family is the smallest state; the state is the largest family. The harmony and happiness of the family and the peace of the state, the prosperity of the family and the strength of the state, are always tightly linked together. The family-country sentiment of cultivating oneself, regulating the family, governing the state, and bringing peace to the world, and of the rise and fall being everyone’s responsibility, internally contains the unity of loving the family and loving the state, and runs through the self-awareness that the state is more important than the family. On the one hand, “the root of the state is in the family”; the family is the cell of society. Only when thousands of families are good can the state be good, and the nation be good. When each “small family” is steaming with vitality, the state as the “big family” can thrive day by day. On the other hand, there is a state only when there is a family; only when the state is peaceful can the people be secure. Without the flourishing development of the state, there is no happiness and fulfillment of the family. Chinese people deeply understand the principle of the unity of family and state: to be filial at home, to be loyal to the state, to love the state as one loves the family — these are the core value cognition and steadfast adherence within the profound family-country sentiment of the Chinese people. Family and state are one; loyalty and filial piety are not separate. But when a contradiction arises between being filial at home and being loyal to the state, when “loyalty and filial piety cannot both be fulfilled,” then sacrificing the small family for the big family becomes the choice countless men of ambition and benevolence make without hesitation. “With a heart of iron and stone my whole life, I forget my home and think only of serving the state,” “If it benefits the state, I will give my life for it; how can I avoid it because of fortune or misfortune?” — what these lines express is, without exception, the resolve to take the state as the priority and to serve the state first. For thousands of years, these verses have been widely recited and passed down; what they embody is precisely people’s sincere affirmation and active praise of the value choice and responsibility contained therein. “Loyalty arises from the person, is manifested in the family, and is completed in the state.” In Chinese culture, to be public-spirited and devoted to the state is the true completion of loyalty and the highest realm of filial piety. Mr. Huang Xuhua (黄旭华) said, “Loyalty to the state is the greatest filial piety to one’s parents”; this also expresses the spiritual orthodoxy of the Chinese nation that the state is more important than the family, and loyalty and filial piety are not separate. The reason why the family-country sentiment is called a “sentiment” (情怀) rather than ordinary “emotion” (情感) is precisely that it embraces not only the family under the eaves and the individual self, but also the lights of ten thousand households and a thousand autumns of the world, inspiring generation after generation of Chinese sons and daughters to strive unremittingly for the flourishing development of the motherland.
The family-country sentiment powerfully promoted the inward cohesion of the Chinese nation.
The reason why China became China lies precisely in the fact that there are hundreds of millions of Chinese people born here, growing up here, with their emotions tied here and their identity grounded here. In the several-thousand-year history of the Chinese nation, although dynasties changed continually and the world was united and divided, in the end it all returned to unification, standing tall among the world’s nations. All ethnic groups lived and multiplied together on the land of China, with countless blood and kinship ties. In the historical process of jointly creating, developing, and consolidating the unified great motherland, they coexisted harmoniously, treated each other as brothers and sisters, and shared the same boat through storm and stress, gradually forming a community of shared destiny that is fused in blood, connected in flesh, with you in me and me in you, diverse yet integral, and inseparable. Many factors promoted the formation and ever greater consolidation of this community of shared destiny; the deep family-country sentiment is an important aspect. Following the thinking path and practice direction of cultivating oneself, regulating the family, governing the state, and bringing peace to the world, the Chinese nation’s deep affection for the family was extended outward layer by layer, reaching neighbors, reaching society: “Treat the elders of others as one’s own elders, treat the young of others as one’s own young,” “All within the four seas are brothers,” “Birds fly back to their old nests, foxes die facing their native mounds” — these ideas and concepts became powerful spiritual bonds uniting society. The value cognition that takes the family and the state as the ultimate foundation of human life and meaning, as well as the high recognition and firm pursuit of the unity of customs across the six directions, the uniformity of the nine provinces, and the world settling on “one” — deep-rooted ideological concepts and crystallized emotions — forged the common belief of the Chinese nation that the territory cannot be divided, the state cannot be disordered, the nation cannot be scattered, and the civilization cannot be severed.
The family-country sentiment nurtured and nourished the Chinese national spirit.
The family-country sentiment is not merely a feeling lingering in the breast; it is an alloy of knowledge, emotion, will, and action. Without the catalysis of “action,” it cannot be tempered into steel. In the long process of the Chinese nation creating history and shaping civilization, countless men of ambition and benevolence took “cultivate oneself, regulate the family, govern the state, and bring peace to the world” as their own mission, consciously linking their emotions and struggles closely with the destiny of the state. They understood their family-country responsibility deeply and practiced it firmly, forging the great national spirit with patriotism at its core. The Chinese national spirit, as the inexhaustible source of the Chinese nation’s vitality, cohesion, and creativity, is the synthesis of the stable modes of thinking, value orientations, psychological structures, and life habits accumulated by the Chinese nation in history. It lies at the deepest level of the Chinese nation’s culture and consciousness system. It is the glue of the Chinese nation, the basis for self-identification, and the support and driving force for survival and development. Looking at world history, ancient Egyptian, Babylonian, Indian, Greek, Roman, and other civilizations perished; only Chinese civilization, though having gone through many trials, has always maintained vigorous vitality, 生生不息 (shēng shēng bù xī - “to grow and multiply without end,” continuous) and 薪火相传 (xīn huǒ xiāng chuán - “to pass the torch from generation to generation,” the flame is handed on), becoming the only civilization in the world that has continued without interruption and developed to the present in the form of a state. This is inseparable from the Chinese national spirit. Phrases such as “Dedicate oneself to the state: what deed would one dare not do?” and “Give up one’s life to go to the national crisis, 视死忽如归 (shì sǐ hū rú guī - “look upon death as if returning home,” to face death calmly)” — the reason they are deeply etched in the heart of the Chinese nation is not merely because of their sonorous words, but because of the profound patriotic sentiment and national spirit they manifest. History and reality repeatedly show that a nation without a spiritual pillar cannot stand on its own or be strong; it cannot stand tall among the world’s nations; it cannot achieve national rejuvenation and march in the forefront of the world. The Chinese national spirit has been deeply integrated into the blood and soul of every people, becoming a powerful spiritual driving force that propels the Chinese nation to 生生不息 (shēng shēng bù xī - “to grow and multiply without end,” continuous) and to advance upward and forward.
The family-country sentiment supported the Chinese nation through wind and rain, resisting humiliation and overcoming difficulties.
The long river of history surges endlessly; at times the wind is calm and the waves are still, at times there are rapids and shallows. In the vicissitudes of several thousand years, the Chinese nation has never been smooth sailing; rather, it has encountered countless hardships, storms, and snows. In the 1930s, Deng Tuo (邓拓), in his famous work “A History of Famine Relief in China,” pointed out that the frequency of disasters in China was rare in the world. Floods, droughts, locusts, hailstorms, wind, epidemics, earthquakes, frost, snow — from the 18th century BCE to 1937, over about 3,700 years, there were more than 5,200 disasters, on average one disaster every six-odd months, “Almost every year had disasters, and almost every year there was famine.” But no matter what hardships or severe tests were encountered, the Chinese nation was able to endure and come through. An important reason is the deep family-country sentiment of the Chinese nation, and also that in times of crisis, heroes rose up all over the land, stepping forward courageously and taking responsibility. Cai Yuanpei (蔡元培) once said, “The heart of loving the country is truly the lifeblood of a nation.” In modern times, facing the unprecedented crisis of national subjugation and genocide, defending the family and the country became an overwhelming, indestructible, mighty force that erupted from the deepest recesses of the Chinese nation’s life. Hundreds of millions of Chinese sons and daughters, putting the public before the private and the state before the family, “I will shed my blood to offer to my nation,” waged unyielding struggles. In the First Opium War, Guangdong Naval Commander Guan Tianpei (关天培); the “Three General Commanders of Dinghai” Ge Yunfei (葛云飞), Zheng Guohong (郑国鸿), and Wang Xipeng (王锡朋); Jiangnan General Commander Chen Huacheng (陈化成); Liangjiang Governor-General Yu Qian (裕谦); in the Second Opium War, Zhili General Commander Le Shan (乐善); in the Sino-Japanese War, Zuo Baogui (左宝贵), Ding Ruchang (丁汝昌), Liu Buzhan (刘步蟾), Deng Shichang (邓世昌), Lin Yongsheng (林永升), Yang Yonglin (杨用霖), Yong Shan (永山) … in successive anti-aggression wars, vast numbers of patriotic officers and soldiers were brave and fearless, 视死如归 (shì sǐ rú guī - “look upon death as if going home,” to face death calmly), striking the enemy fiercely and defending the dignity of the Chinese nation. Especially in the War of Resistance Against Japan, Chinese sons and daughters were 万众一心 (wàn zhòng yī xīn - “millions of people with one heart,” united in purpose) and 同仇敌忾 (tóng chóu dí kài - “share a common hatred against the enemy,” with common hatred for the enemy), “Truly brave and also martial, ever strong and inviolable,” defying violence, fighting to the bitter end, creating a wonder in the history of war and a heroic feat of the Chinese nation.
The family-country sentiment is the spiritual lifeline that the Chinese nation has inherited and carried forward for several thousand years. It is also, on the new journey of the new era, the spiritual nourishment and spiritual strength for us to continue writing glory and fulfilling our dreams. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “Minor virtues flow like streams; great virtues transform and nourish. Why has the Chinese nation been able to continue 生生不息 and develop without end for several thousand years? A very important reason is that we have a national spirit with patriotism at its core, and a value pursuit passed down in one continuous line.” We should deeply study the new connotations and new requirements of the Chinese nation’s family-country sentiment in the new era, promote the contemporary transformation of traditional family-country narratives, transform the cultural genes deeply embedded in history into educational resources that people can feel, know, practice, and carry out, and continuously carry forward and expand the family-country sentiment. We should make full efforts to approach closely, consolidate the foundation of cultivating oneself and regulating the family, continuously improve moral cultivation, vigorously promote fine family traditions, persistently and extensively advance education in social ethics, professional ethics, family virtues, and personal character, and guide all members of society to be self-disciplined and to work together to raise the level of civility of the whole society. Strengthen patriotic education, make efforts in deepening and transforming, make efforts in concretization and subtlety, integrate the patriotic spirit into various practical activities, into relevant laws, regulations, and policy systems, and manifest it in the formulation and improvement of city residents’ conventions, village regulations and agreements, student codes, industry norms, and group charters, subtly guiding people to establish national consciousness and to enhance patriotic feelings. Assuming responsibility is the fundamental direction for leading the cultivation of oneself, regulating the family, governing the state, and bringing peace to the world, and it is also the fundamental essence running through the family-country sentiment. We should enhance the consciousness of assuming responsibility, adhere to the unity of knowledge and action, with action being more important than speech, unify the feeling of loving the state, the aspiration to strengthen the state, and the deed of serving the state, integrate the individual self into the greater self of the state, bear the responsibilities that should be borne, show the family-country sentiment in ordinary posts and in every small action, and write a new chapter of the Chinese nation’s family-country sentiment in the new era through the firm and solid action of dedicating oneself to the Party and serving the state, fulfilling duties and responsibilities.
Author: Shen Zhuanghai, Deputy Secretary of the Party Committee of Wuhan University and Professor of the School of Marxism
By: 扈强
“The strong pass is truly like iron, yet now we step over it from the start.” After the Zunyi Conference in 1935, the Red Army crossed the Chishui River for the second time, returned to Zunyi, and won the great victory at Loushan Pass (娄山关). Comrade Mao Zedong later wrote “Dream of a Maid of Honor · Loushan Pass” (《忆秦娥·娄山关》), fixing with a solemn and vigorous style the heroism of the Red Army’s breakthrough from danger. More than 90 years later, the film Four Crossings (《四渡》) brings the Red Army’s “Four Crossings of the Chishui River” (四渡赤水), a miracle in military history, to the silver screen, using a new cinematic language to retell this red past.
Four Crossings combines grand war history narrative with the fates of ordinary individuals, attempting a contemporary translation of the great Long March spirit, transforming this spirit into concrete and tangible war scenes and psychological games between characters, expanding the expressive dimensions of revolutionary historical films. The film takes the military operation of the “Four Crossings of the Chishui River” as its core narrative framework, driving the entire film’s rhythm with the 峰回路转 (fēng huí lù zhuǎn – “peaks turn, roads twist,” sudden turn of events) of mobile warfare. It does not simplify the “Four Crossings of the Chishui River” into a “proud stroke” from defeat to turnaround, but rather strives to present the real state of the Party and the Red Army when facing danger—internal differences of opinion, external enemy forces closing in; under dual pressure, how to hold fast to belief, calibrate direction through trial and error, and finally, from 九死一生 (jiǔ sǐ yī shēng – “nine deaths, one life,” a narrow escape from death), forge a path to survival. This narrative strategy of transforming “known outcome” into “process immersion” not only skillfully compensates for the suspense loss caused by “spoilers,” but also endows historical narrative with genuine pain and blazing vitality, allowing the audience to grasp the inevitability of historical choice with bated breath. It can be said that, unlike the narrative paradigm of traditional revolutionary historical films that “lay out historical facts and proclaim results,” the real breakthrough of Four Crossings lies in turning a battle with a “fixed outcome” into an immersive experience of 步步惊心 (bù bù jīng xīn – “every step startles the heart,” thrilling at every step). The film withdraws from an omniscient perspective, switching back and forth between the high-level strategic planning and the life-and-death marches of grassroots soldiers, allowing crisis to layer upon layer and suspense to continuously ferment—the audience seems to be placed inside the encirclement of 400,000 enemy troops together with the Red Army, struggling and striving for survival.
In terms of artistic technique, Four Crossings emphasizes the use of vivid and moving detailed portrayals to restore historical figures into individuals with 有血有肉 (yǒu xuè yǒu ròu – “have blood and flesh,” vivid and lifelike), allowing characters to show personality and warmth, making the narrative more real and richer. The film places the “Four Crossings of the Chishui River” in the historical context of the survival or death of the Party and the Red Army after the Zunyi Conference. The Red Army soldiers are not 刀枪不入 (dāo qiāng bù rù – “swords and guns cannot enter,” invulnerable) “divine soldiers,” but flesh-and-blood bodies that get hungry, tired, and shed tears. At the same time, it adheres to the creative principle of “major events not false, minor events not constrained,” striving for rigor in major historical facts, while carrying out reasonable artistic processing in details and character shaping—the original character of young Red Army soldier Zhao Defa (赵德发) adds a grassroots soldier’s micro-perspective to the film, showing the spiritual power of the vast Red Army officers and soldiers who, relying on belief, wisdom, and unity, turn passivity into initiative and ultimately march toward victory. Of course, if examined by a higher artistic standard, the film is not without its shortcomings. For example, the parallel three-line cross-narrative, though expanding the perspective, also brings a sense of jumpiness in editing; the switching between command-level decision-making and grassroots marching sometimes appears slightly stiff, discounting narrative coherence; the original character Zhao Defa provides a micro-perspective, but his character arc is relatively thin, strong in functionality but lacking in depth of personality, failing to fully escape the common framework of a “representative character.”
Through Four Crossings, we can re-examine the current state and problems facing the creation of revolutionary historical films. Since the new era, revolutionary historical films have made considerable progress in three directions: industrial production, genre integration, and youth-oriented narrative. The Battle at Lake Changjin and the Volunteers series present grand battlefields on screen, with audio-visual standards approaching international levels; Cliff Walkers and My People, My Country integrate genre elements such as suspense and comedy into the main melody narrative, making the rhythm faster and resonance broader; 1921 and The Revolutionary strive to break free from the stereotype of symbolizing great figures, re-entering history from a youth perspective, enabling a more genuine dialogue between red memory and contemporary hearts.
While recognizing achievements, we must soberly realize that after years of concentrated output, the bottlenecks in revolutionary historical film creation have gradually emerged. Some works have lost balance between historical truth and artistic fiction. Some forcibly rewrite historical logic in pursuit of dramatic effect and genre formulas; others reconstruct revolutionary historical narratives through an “elite perspective,” and even subtly dissolve the value weight that the subject matter should carry in playful retellings of history. The problems in narrative and character shaping are equally obvious. Some films are overly obsessed with reproducing or restoring historical appearances, yet fundamentally neglect the contemporary transformation of historical spirit. Heroic figures are confined to type-model character settings, lacking the emotional undertones and inner struggles of ordinary people, making it difficult to truly resonate with audiences. At the same time, some films also have shortcomings at the dissemination level. For example, they are accustomed to a “task-oriented” production model, lack awareness of new media communication, ignore the transmission laws and audience needs of the short-video era, and leave no room for secondary creation, causing the works to struggle to enter the public’s view. In the final analysis, the real difficulty in creating revolutionary historical films is: how, while respecting history, can the works no longer be just “completing assignments” or creating for the sake of creation, but truly enter the depths of the contemporary audience’s hearts?
To solve the above problems, the future creation of revolutionary historical films urgently requires a profound conceptual change, achieving key transformations from “restoring history” to “translating spirit,” from “completing tasks” to “dialoguing with the audience,” and from “grand narrative” to “individual resonance.” In terms of creative philosophy, we should move from “task-oriented” to “audience-oriented,” placing “empathy with the audience” at the forefront of creation. With reverence for history, we should conduct in-depth “archaeology,” excavating the texture of life from dust-like details, so that history truly enters people’s hearts. In this regard, Four Crossings has made a beneficial exploration. As the film’s creative team emotionally remarked: “Tucheng (土城), Qinggangpo (青杠坡), Loushan Pass, Taipingdu (太平渡), Erlangtan (二郎滩), Maotai (茅台), Zunyi, Guiyang… every key node in the film, we walked through them all during our research and study. It can be said that our script was written step by step with our feet on the mountains and waters of Guizhou.”
For revolutionary historical films to truly win over audiences, they should not rely solely on the subject matter itself, but must also have exquisite artistic expressiveness. In terms of narrative, one should be adept at extracting spiritual codes from historical events, breaking free from the solidified cognition and inertia of “visualizable Party history courseware,” performing a contemporary translation of historical spirit, and finding the spiritual interface between history and the present. At the same time, while adhering to historical truth, one should break through formulaic, patterned genre paradigms and camera language, using novel aesthetic experiences to alleviate aesthetic fatigue in viewing. In terms of character shaping, one should move from “spiritual symbols” to “flesh-and-blood people,” truthfully portraying the inner struggles of heroes in extreme situations and their ordinary human undertones, emphasizing youth-oriented expression, excavating the individual’s spiritual growth history in the torrent of history, so that it resonates emotionally with contemporary audiences.
Revolutionary historical films should not be merely porters of past history, but rather should be vibrant works of art capable of engaging in a spiritual dialogue with current audiences, especially the younger generation. Only in this way can revolutionary history and the people’s heroes truly “come alive” on the screen, and the spiritual wealth precipitated in those extraordinary years transcend time and space, gaining resonance in the hearts of a new generation.
Author: Hu Qiang, Deputy Party Secretary and President of the Beijing Film Academy.
Return to TopBy: 吴志成 董柞壮
From the Current Frequent Outbreak of International Conflicts to the Evolution of the World Pattern
Wu Zhicheng, Dong Zuo Zhuang
As the once-in-a-century transformation accelerates, the features of the current world being turbulent and intertwined become more pronounced, with various types of conflicts prone to frequent outbreak. The U.S.-Israel-Iran conflict that erupted at the end of February 2026 is a concentrated manifestation of the risk accumulation, morphological changes, and impact spillover of international conflicts in a new period of动荡和变革. Deeply analyzing the causes, evolutionary characteristics, and development trends of the frequent outbreak of international conflicts is of great significance for strengthening the governance of international conflicts and grasping the evolution of the world pattern.
I
In recent years, problems such as territorial disputes, resource competition, cross-border ethnic conflicts, the internationalization of civil wars, and international terrorism have emerged one after another, with diverse forms of conflict such as proxy wars and hybrid wars. The "2025 Global Peace Index" released by the Australian Institute for Economic and Peace shows that 59 inter-state conflicts are ongoing, setting a record since the end of World War II, and the global peace situation is at its lowest level since the index was established. These international conflicts are not isolated or accidental events, but the result of the superposition of multiple factors: the wanton rampage of hegemonism, the spillover of domestic governance crises, the difficulty of resolving geopolitical disputes, the accelerated evolution of technological change, and the insufficient effectiveness of security governance mechanisms.
Hegemonic powers using military force to safeguard their vested interests is an important root cause of the frequent outbreak of international conflicts. The history of international relations shows that hegemonic powers always try to impose their will on other countries through military expansion, institutional export, resource control, and the division of spheres of influence, by virtue of their own strength advantages, thereby achieving military, political, and economic control and domination over other countries. Currently, with profound changes in the international balance of power, the relative decline of the United States' global hegemony is evident. According to World Bank data, the proportion of U.S. GDP in the world has dropped from about 40% in 1960 to about 25% in 2023. This situation has intensified the strategic anxiety of the United States at the levels of global power, international status, and national security. In order to prevent the loss of hegemony, the United States frequently relies on its own military superiority to threaten and blackmail other countries, and to carry out military strikes to maintain its hegemonic status and interests. For example, the surprise attack on Venezuela and the forcible control of President Maduro and his wife, and the joint military strikes with Israel against Iran, etc.
Diverting domestic contradictions through external military adventures is an important driving force for the frequent outbreak of international conflicts. When some countries face economic difficulties, political polarization, and social division, creating external enemies, hyping security threats, and strengthening confrontation narratives often become important choices for the initiators of international conflicts to divert internal contradictions. In recent years, the mounting national debt in the United States has intensified pressure on people's livelihoods, political polarization has led to endless vicious party struggles, and the public has developed serious doubts about the domestic party politics and other systems. All this has led the U.S. government to deliberately create and strengthen the threats of existing hostile targets. Some politicians, by provoking international conflicts, seek to gain political capital and public support, intending to divert and alleviate domestic contradictions. This not only makes inter-state relations complex and fragile, but also makes regional hotspots and contradictions more susceptible to manipulation and exploitation, bringing serious harm to regional security and global strategic stability.
Geopolitical disputes are difficult to reconcile, pushing local contradictions toward camp confrontation. Differences between countries are inevitable, but geopolitical issues are highly sensitive; a slight misstep can turn disputes into confrontation, or even trigger international conflict. Geopolitical issues usually include territorial and resource disputes, ethnic and religious conflicts, ideological differences, and certain historical legacy issues. They are characterized by high emotionality and zero-sum game dynamics, leaving limited room for resolution through negotiation. The U.S.-Israel-Iran conflict, on the surface, stems from the game among the three countries over the nuclear issue, but in reality it is a concentrated outbreak of the long-term strategic confrontation between the "Resistance Front" represented by Iran and the U.S.-Israel alliance. With the development of camp-based confrontation, regional contradictions are no longer separate, isolated issues but are increasingly incorporated into a broad framework of confrontation. For this reason, the difficulty of mediating current international conflicts is constantly increasing, and the interconnectedness, spillover, and long-term nature of different hotspots are clearly rising.
The lack of binding force in governance mechanisms contributes to the frequent and easy outbreak of international conflicts. Although the international community has established a multi-tiered governance system including the United Nations and regional security mechanisms, the actual governance effectiveness has not improved correspondingly. Facing new problems and changes such as proxy wars, cyber attacks, and the weaponization of key channels, traditional governance mechanisms lag significantly in rule supply and implementation capacity, exacerbating the frequency and escalation of international conflicts. In particular, the United States, as one of the permanent members of the UN Security Council, should take the lead in upholding the international security architecture with the United Nations at its core. However, in recent years, it has gradually degenerated into a destroyer of international rules and a maker of international conflicts. When multilateral mechanisms align with its strategic interests, the United States raises high the banner of international rules and collective security; once mechanisms such as the UN Security Council limit its room for action, it chooses to bypass authorization, use unilateral force, impose sanctions wantonly, exercise "long-arm jurisdiction," and even use its veto power and alliance system to hinder the functioning of multilateral mechanisms. This practice of "using when it suits, discarding when it doesn't" essentially deliberately undermines the early warning, mediation, and conflict-stopping functions of the UN security mechanism, pushing disputes and contradictions to escalate into international conflicts.
Technological changes reshape the expectations of international conflicts and lower the decision-making threshold for initiating international conflicts. Recent international conflicts have shown that automated weapons, remote control, and AI-assisted decision-making gamify or datafy the process of conflict killing, turning the use of force from a "last resort" into a "preferred tool," making it easier for decision-makers to recklessly launch conflicts. The development of new technologies has also changed the cost-benefit structure of international conflicts, leading some countries to believe that they can rely on high-tech advantages to achieve "fast in, fast out" through unilateral suppression and rapid surprise attacks, obtaining larger strategic benefits at lower economic costs. Thus, once technology is instrumentalized to serve the initiation of conflicts, it may, to some extent, become an accelerator of the escalation of international conflicts.
II
The frequent outbreak of various international conflicts profoundly affects the regional security pattern and even the global security order, and also reflects some new trends in the evolution of international conflicts.
Various forms of international conflict are intertwined and superimposed, with a clear trend of composite transformation among different conflicts. On the one hand, domestic conflicts and international conflicts are linked. International conflicts break through sovereign boundaries, and traditional inter-state conflicts become intertwined with domestic political contradictions, local armed conflicts, and other events, blurring the boundaries between domestic conflicts and international conflicts. In the Middle East, since the turbulence in West Asia and North Africa, some countries have experienced difficult political transitions, stagnant economic development, and worsening livelihood difficulties. Extreme nationalism and terrorism have taken advantage of the situation. Social contradictions that originally belonged to the domestic sphere have evolved into regional conflicts, and regional division and turmoil have shown a long-term trend. On the other hand, traditional security issues and non-traditional security issues are compounded and intertwined, and transform into each other. Issues such as energy, minerals, and water resources were originally developmental and livelihood issues, falling under the category of non-traditional security. However, under the effects of growing resource demand, uneven distribution, and unbalanced supply chain dependence, resource acquisition and supply stability have become important issues affecting national security. Once resource competition between countries touches the security bottom line, it can quickly escalate into strategic competition or even international conflict. This transformation of non-traditional security issues into traditional security conflicts further strengthens the composite characteristics of international conflicts.
The impact of international conflicts extends beyond the security domain, continuously spreading to the economic, financial, and social livelihood spheres. At the economic and financial level, international conflicts and the sanctions and counter-sanctions they trigger not only disrupt the stable supply of energy, food, and raw materials, pushing up transportation and production costs, but also exacerbate financial market volatility, triggering capital outflows, exchange rate fluctuations, declining investment confidence, etc., weakening regional and even global economic growth expectations. In the U.S.-Israel-Iran conflict, the U.S. and Iran used the Strait of Hormuz as a tool for mutual deterrence and countermeasures, directly affecting the strategic interests of regional countries, energy-importing countries, and external powers. At the social level, conflict parties increase military spending and defense investment, squeezing public expenditures on domestic education, medical care, social security, etc. In particular, energy and food price fluctuations triggered by geopolitical conflicts directly increase the daily living burden of residents in the relevant countries. Mark Zandi, chief economist of Moody's Analytics, wrote that the war launched by the U.S. and Israel against Iran has cost the average American family about $1,000. It can be seen that the losses caused by international conflicts are not only military casualties on the battlefield, but also transform into development costs such as deteriorating livelihoods and social disorder.
The focus of conflict attack and defense has changed, and asymmetric confrontation has rewritten the rules of conflict. The focus of attack and defense in international conflicts depends on the key foundations on which national power operations rely. With the development of digitalization, key nodes such as data centers and cloud platforms have increasingly become frontline strategic strike targets. The parties involved in conflict no longer seek only to destroy single military facilities, but, by striking key digital nodes, seek to block the opponent's information flow, command flow, resource flow, and social operation chain, triggering a larger-scale system failure. The strategy of international conflicts has also become more prominent in asymmetric attrition. In the U.S.-Israel-Iran conflict, although the U.S. and Israel could rely on long-range strikes, unmanned systems, cyber attacks, intelligent operations, etc., to enhance strike efficiency, Iran used low-cost drones, missile harassment, etc., to carry out continuous attrition, forcing the U.S. and Israel to deploy expensive air defense systems, intelligence systems, and logistics systems to respond, creating a situation of attrition where "gold bricks are used to smash tiles," leading to a clear imbalance in the cost structure of the conflicting parties, profoundly affecting the direction and final outcome of the conflict.
The application of artificial intelligence and algorithms greatly compresses the time window for crisis management, continuously accelerating the pace of escalation of international conflicts. International conflicts usually go through a crisis phase. In this phase, the parties to the conflict bargain over the dispute, and mediation and good offices may play an important role in easing the conflict. Even after a conflict has occurred, the parties can still prevent the situation from spiraling out of control through information communication, clarification of intentions, and limited concessions. Essentially, the prerequisite for crisis management is that the parties to the conflict have time to identify information, revise judgments, and make prudent decisions. However, the widespread use of artificial intelligence, big data, and algorithmic systems has accelerated the speed of conflict decision-making and evolution, and also narrowed the window period for crisis management. Some links that originally relied on human participation, such as identification, assessment, authorization, and action, are gradually being replaced by intelligent combat systems. For example, on the first day of the U.S.-Israel-Iran conflict, the U.S. military used the "Maven" intelligent system to strike more than 1,000 targets, which was 10 times the efficiency of traditional strikes. This makes the military action time required for conflict shorter and the pace faster, and the traditional crisis management space that relied on time buffers is clearly squeezed.
III
The frequent and protracted outbreak of international conflicts poses severe challenges to world peace. Nevertheless, the world today is not moving toward chaos and disorder, but is accelerating its adjustment amid turbulence and transformation; the global governance system does not need to be overthrown and rebuilt, but should be reformed and improved in step with the times, responding to the calls of the times with progressive concepts.
Local conflicts have not yet led to the complete disorder of the international system. At present, under the effective deterrence of major powers, the deep interdependence of the globe, and the constraints of multilateral mechanisms, the risk of direct comprehensive conflict between major powers is still generally controllable. The main international rule system formed after World War II has institutional resilience and binding force, and remains an important basis for handling international disputes and maintaining global security. What is worrying is that individual countries, by taking advantage of local conflicts, impact international rules, undermine strategic mutual trust, and promote camp confrontation, continuously eroding the foundation of the stability of the world pattern. If allowed to develop, this will cause incalculable serious consequences for the existing international system.
The status and authority of the United Nations must not be challenged. The frequent outbreak of international conflicts has already proven that hegemonic acts that bypass the UN framework and ignore the lawful authorization of the Security Council seriously undermine strategic mutual trust between countries, exacerbate regional turbulence, and expand the security deficit. The United Nations is the irreplaceable core mechanism in the contemporary collective security architecture, and the purposes and principles of the UN Charter are the bottom line that modern international relations must jointly observe. In today's era of accelerating once-in-a-century transformation, it is even more necessary to firmly uphold the central position of the United Nations. Only by bringing international security affairs into the multilateral track and rule system can the order guardrails that contain conflicts and maintain peace be fundamentally stabilized.
An equal and orderly multipolar world is accelerating. The spillover and shocks of various international conflicts have further stimulated the independent awareness of developing countries and emerging market economies, and their representation and voice in international affairs have been continuously enhanced. World multipolarization is an unstoppable trend of the times. The multipolarization that truly meets the requirements of the times should be an equal and orderly multipolarization. Equality means adhering to the equality of all countries, big and small, opposing hegemonism and power politics, and effectively promoting the democratization of international relations; orderliness means ensuring the overall stability of the multipolarization process and opposing camp confrontation. Only in this way can the world pattern break the law of the jungle (ruò ròu qiáng shí - "the weak are prey to the strong," the law of the jungle) where the strong prey on the weak, ensuring that all countries can participate equally, make decisions equally, and benefit equally in the process of multipolarization.
Reform and improvement of the global governance system are imperative. Facing the new trends in the evolution of international conflicts, the global governance system, including security governance, must be reformed. However, reform does not mean starting from scratch or overthrowing and rebuilding, but rather reform and improvement on the basis of upholding the authority of the United Nations, the basic framework of international law, and genuine multilateralism. The direction of reform is to implement the Global Governance Initiative, so that the global governance system better reflects the current changes in the international balance of power, better responds to the legitimate demands of the majority of countries, especially the vast number of developing countries, better enhances the fairness, representativeness, and execution capacity of global governance, and more effectively addresses the common challenges facing human society.
Authors' affiliation: Institute of International Strategic Studies, Party School of the Central Committee of the CPC (National Academy of Governance); Zhou Enlai School of Government, Nankai University
Return to TopBy: 全国党建研究会调研组
深度调研
In-Depth Investigation
如何更好把新就业群体紧密团结凝聚在党的周围
How to Better Closely Unite and Gather New Employment Groups Around the Party
全国党建研究会调研组
National Party Building Research Association Research Group
Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building is an important component of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era and is the fundamental guidance for strengthening Party building in the new era. This thought clearly proposes that we must adhere to perfecting a robust, vertically integrated and effective organizational system; this is where the Party’s strengths and power lie. In recent years, emerging fields have flourished, and the scale of new employment groups has continued to expand, becoming a new broad space and important front for Party building, and also a key link and inherent requirement for perfecting a robust, vertically integrated and effective organizational system. General Secretary Xi Jinping has always had deep concern and warm care for new employment groups, and has systematically expounded on aspects such as goals and significance, principles and positions, direction and paths, concepts and methods for doing a good job in Party building among new employment groups, pointing the way forward and providing a guide for action to better unite and gather new employment groups around the Party. In order to deeply study and implement Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building and General Secretary Xi Jinping’s relevant important expositions, further perfect a robust, vertically integrated and effective organizational system, promote the comprehensive development of emerging fields and the healthy growth of new employment groups, the National Party Building Research Association established a research group, conducted research on the ideological guidance and cohesion service work for new employment groups, and on the basis of compiling information, studying characteristics, summarizing experience, and analyzing problems, has formed some thoughts and suggestions.
一、新就业群体有何特征？
First, what characteristics do new employment groups have?
New employment groups refer to socialist laborers who use emerging technologies such as internet platforms as the main vehicle for organizing production, who obtain labor remuneration as their main source of income through methods such as online order receiving and internet traffic monetization, and whose employment methods and labor relations have the characteristics of flexibility, diversity, and openness.
Overall, new employment groups have three important characteristics: First, digitization of production methods. Platform enterprises and new employment groups rely on digital platforms to build production relations, transmit production information, carry out organizational management, and settle labor remuneration, forming a production model with the platform as the hub, bringing about important changes in the organizational mode of production. Second, diversification of employment methods. The traditional “company + employee” model has transformed into a “platform + individual” model, with employment methods becoming more diverse. Currently, there are mainly direct employment models, outsourcing models, crowdsourcing models, and labor dispatch models. Third, overload of labor. Survey questionnaires show that over 40% of practitioners work 7 days a week, more than half of practitioners are online for over 8 hours a day, and the average daily online time of online delivery workers is 6-12 hours.
From a group portrait perspective, overall, male practitioners outnumber females, most are in their prime, and the monthly income of full-time workers, except for top online streamers where there is “no upper limit,” is mostly slightly higher than the average wage level of employees in local urban private units. However, in recent years, due to increased industry competition, income is facing downward pressure. Each group also has individual characteristics: truck drivers are relatively older, with strong career stability; the typical portrait is the hardworking middle-aged man who travels long distances, lives in his truck, and endures hardship. Ride-hailing drivers generally have not been in the industry long; the typical portrait is the urban young and middle-aged resident who carries passengers, shuttles through the city, and has flexible work. Online delivery workers are relatively young, with frequent job changes; the typical portrait is the young and middle-aged rider wearing a helmet and vest, delivering food on an electric scooter, and being quick and agile. Express delivery workers are relatively young, with strong career stability; the typical portrait is the young and middle-aged worker who walks the streets and alleys, loads and delivers goods, and is diligent and hardworking. Online streamers have a balanced male-female ratio, are generally young; the typical portrait is the young man or woman who streams live in front of a camera, pursues hot topics, and has active thoughts.
As new technologies, new industries, and new business forms continue to emerge, new employment groups are showing the following trends of change. First, diversification of occupation types. With the upgrading of industrial quality, the growth of diverse demands, and the differentiation and refinement of job positions brought by the continuous development of the platform economy, more new occupations and new job types are constantly emerging. Second, professionalization of practitioner requirements. Artificial intelligence empowers all walks of life; new employment groups will gradually bid farewell to the traditional model of relying solely on high-intensity physical labor and extended working hours, and become “human-machine collaborative workers” with core competitiveness in professional skills, service quality, and digital literacy. Third, mainstreaming of flexible employment forms. In the era of artificial intelligence, with convenient remote collaboration, flexible and elastic employment models will gradually become one of the mainstream models of social employment. Fourth, stabilization of occupational identity. The scale of some major groups has exceeded one million, their identity and occupational identity are continuously strengthening, and the group’s influence is expanding.
二、新就业群体服务管理工作取得哪些进展？
Second, what progress has been made in service and management work for new employment groups?
Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has attached great importance to work on new employment groups, made a series of major deployments, focused on strengthening political and ideological leadership, done a good job in cohesion and service work, promoted the resolution of urgent, difficult, anxious, and longing issues, and effectively enhanced the sense of gain, happiness, and security of new employment groups.
In response to the problem of “who is responsible for the work,” we have continuously perfected the work system.
In 2023, the Party Central Committee decided to establish the Central Social Work Department, and establish social work departments at the provincial, municipal, and county levels of Party committees, and correspondingly transferred the responsibilities of the “two new” work committees of the Party organization departments at the same level, initially forming a work system where organization departments provide macro guidance, social work departments provide centralized guidance, industry departments shoulder their respective responsibilities, and street communities (parks) exercise territorial management. Important meetings such as the emerging fields Party building work symposium were held. The General Office of the CPC Central Committee and the General Office of the State Council issued the “Opinions on Strengthening Service and Management of New Employment Groups.” Ten departments including the Central Organization Department jointly issued a document on strengthening Party building in new business forms and new employment groups… A series of important deployments have effectively promoted the service and management work for new employment groups. The Central Cyberspace Administration, the Ministry of Transport, the State Post Bureau, the State Administration for Market Regulation, and other industry management and business regulatory departments have leveraged their functional advantages to promote the establishment of internet industry Party committees, transportation industry Party committees, express delivery industry Party committees, food delivery industry Party committees, etc., in various localities, forming a work pattern of coordinated linkage and joint management.
In response to the problem of “how to organize them,” we have deeply promoted the coverage of Party organizations and Party work.
Various localities have innovated in the establishment and activity methods of Party organizations, flexibly establishing Party organizations along the management chain, business line, and activity circle of new employment groups, promoting tangible and effective coverage of the Party’s organization and work. For example, Zhejiang, through methods such as single establishment by leading enterprises, joint establishment by regions, unified establishment by industries, and territorial fallback, has densely woven the emerging fields organizational system along the “mobile chain.” Sichuan has made good use of the trade union organization as a link to organize new employment groups. Various localities have vigorously carried out education on the Party’s innovative theories, ideals and beliefs education, and policy propaganda, enhancing the new employment groups’ political, ideological, and emotional identification with the Party. In recent years, a number of advanced models have emerged from the groups, receiving honors such as “National Model Worker,” “National March 8th Red-Banner Holder,” etc. Various localities have also actively selected and publicized “Most Beautiful Courier,” “Most Beautiful Rider,” etc., and the groups’ sense of professional honor and identity has continued to strengthen.
In response to the problem of “how to care for and serve them,” comprehensive measures have been taken to solve urgent, difficult, anxious, and longing issues and optimize the working environment.
For problems such as non-standard employment, difficulty in rights protection, and weak guarantees, we have clarified and regulated platform employment and algorithmic assessment, gradually unblocked bottlenecks in social insurance participation, work-related injury identification, and rights evidence provision, and matched with legal aid and dispute resolution services to build a solid line of defense for rights and interests. We have established “direct channels” for the demands and suggestions of new employment groups, widely gathering the voices of the groups and responding to diverse demands. Relying on Party-mass service centers at all levels, community service points, etc., we have extensively built “driver’s homes,” warm “new” stations, etc., to solve “key small matters” such as parking, charging, drinking water, and toilet use. For example, Shanghai, along the working places, residences, and rest stops of new employment groups, has optimized and built over 7,000 friendly service positions. Beijing has vigorously promoted the construction of a “friendly city” for new employment groups, cumulatively created over 2,000 friendly scenarios of 8 types, and opened up 14,200 service positions across the city to new employment groups. At the same time, various localities have fully leveraged the professional advantages of new employment groups in walking the streets and alleyways and being familiar with social conditions and public sentiment, actively built platforms, and encouraged them to participate in grassroots governance, volunteer services, and emergency supply assurance, guiding and transforming “mobile forces” into “governance forces.”
三、新就业群体思想引导和凝聚服务工作存在哪些不足？
Third, what shortcomings exist in the ideological guidance and cohesion service work for new employment groups?
New employment groups are widely distributed, highly mobile, and have diverse thoughts, deeply integrated into the fabric of society. Doing a good job of ideological guidance and cohesion service for this group still faces many difficulties and challenges.
The targeting and effectiveness of ideological guidance are still not strong.
On the one hand, the methods are relatively single. Current ideological guidance still relies heavily on traditional models such as centralized propaganda, while new employment groups work long hours each day, have unfixed locations, generally have high work pressure and lack whole blocks of time, so the time and energy they have to accept systematic ideological education is severely insufficient. On the other hand, the content does not satisfy the thirst. The career paths and lifestyles of new employment groups are diverse; there are obvious differences in income levels, working environments, values, and difficulties and demands. The previous “one-size-fits-all” and “loud and bustling” propaganda and education methods lack targeting and effectiveness, and it is difficult to arouse widespread resonance.
There are still shortcomings in the coverage of the Party’s organization and work.
Various localities have carried out a series of explorations and practices around Party building work for new employment groups, but they still find it difficult to adapt to new business forms. New employment groups have a small number of Party members, high turnover, and difficulty in development; organizational construction lacks “fulcrums,” and some Party organizations even “disperse as soon as they are established.” Due to factors such as unstable work and failure of the employing enterprise to establish a Party organization, the transfer of Party organization relations for some Party members in new employment groups is not smooth, leading to failure to be effectively managed. Coupled with their long-term “floating in the cloud, running on the road,” it is difficult to carry out centralized offline organizational life.
Platform enterprise governance is still not sufficiently perfect.
For grasping ideological guidance and cohesion service work, platform enterprises are a key subject. However, from the research situation, the trust and satisfaction of new employment groups towards platform enterprises are generally low. The most strongly reflected issues are: first, the income issue, concentrated in high commission rates and declining unit prices. How to guarantee reasonable income for new employment groups and promote win-win development among platform enterprises, operators on the platform, and laborers is a difficult practical problem that urgently needs to be solved. Second, the algorithm issue. Currently, algorithms are mainly formulated by the platform enterprises themselves, which tend to maximize operational efficiency and commercial interests. However, new employment groups generally report problems such as unfair algorithms and unscientific order assignment, which invisibly increase their labor intensity and work pressure.
Rights protection and care services are still insufficient.
In terms of social security, insufficient participation in social insurance is a common situation among new employment groups. The reason is mainly that the current social security system is mainly established based on traditional labor relations, but some new employment groups have ambiguous employment relationships, making it difficult to fully meet the criteria for establishing standard labor relations, leading to restrictions on social insurance participation. In terms of protection of legitimate rights and interests, some new employment groups face difficulties in the determination of labor relations, and some have not even signed formal labor contracts, resulting in insufficient protection of labor rights such as rest and vacation, labor safety, and skills training. In terms of care services, the construction of service positions in some localities lacks overall planning and resource integration, and the perceptibility and accessibility of care services are not high.
四、如何进一步引导好、凝聚好、服务好新就业群体？
Fourth, how to further guide well, unite well, and serve well new employment groups?
New employment groups are connected to thousands of households and are an indispensable force for economic and social development. We must deeply study and implement Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building and General Secretary Xi Jinping’s relevant important expositions, and further guide well, unite well, and serve well new employment groups.
Build a three-dimensional system of political and ideological leadership, enhance the Party’s appeal, cohesion, and influence among new employment groups.
General Secretary Xi Jinping attaches great importance to Party building in emerging fields, emphasizing that “Party building must achieve full coverage,” and requiring “innovating in the establishment and activity methods of Party organizations, effectively solving the problems of who is responsible for Party building work, how to build Party organizations, how to make them play a role, and how to educate and manage Party members.” In practice, it is necessary to closely follow the actual work and ideological characteristics of new employment groups and build a three-dimensional guidance pattern. Theoretical education must focus tightly on using Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era to consolidate souls and inspire minds; ideological clarification must focus on facing up to demands and relieving mental knots; value shaping must focus on strengthening propaganda and education on traditional virtues, professional ethics, and social ethics; honor incentives must focus on establishing advanced models, effectively enhancing professional honor and identity recognition. In terms of guidance methods, we must adhere to classified implementation and diversified innovation. For Party member practitioners, promote the application of forms such as “live-streamed Party lessons” to implement the “three meetings and one lesson” system well, improve the attractiveness and targeting of organizational life; for ordinary practitioners, carry out classified, easy-to-understand, and rich and varied education and training. At the same time, we must continuously strengthen full-coverage organizational leadership, enrich and strengthen the “two new” work committees, and improve the operational mechanism of industry (system) Party committees. Innovate in the establishment mode and activity methods of Party organizations, perfect the dynamic screening and management-inclusion mechanism for Party members, and do everything possible to absorb, organize, and stabilize new employment groups.
Highlight standardization, rule-of-law, and transparency, comprehensively protect the legitimate rights and interests of new employment groups.
General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasizes the need to strengthen support for flexible employment and new forms of employment, “perfect labor laws and regulations, standardize labor standards for new forms of employment,” and “improve the social security system for multi-channel flexible employment.” In practice, efforts must be made simultaneously from the three dimensions of employment management, rights protection, and industry governance. First, highlight “standardization” to strengthen employment management. Promote platform enterprises to improve their employment management systems, promote the use of reference texts for labor contracts and written agreements that suit industry characteristics and closely meet the needs of new employment groups, and lawfully and reasonably determine rights and obligations. Accelerate the legislation of labor standards, further improve compulsory minimum labor standards in terms of wage income, working hours, etc. Explore through judicial interpretations, government regulations, etc., to perfect the basis for determining labor relations. Second, highlight “rule-of-law” to protect legitimate rights and interests. Urge enterprises to reasonably determine labor remuneration, and lawfully protect rights such as rest and vacation, labor safety, and skills training. Continuously fully protect the legitimate rights and interests of new employment groups who have migrated to cities, such as land contractual management rights, homestead use rights, and collective income distribution rights, perfect the urbanization policies for new employment groups, and promote the better integration of the groups into the city. Third, highlight “transparency” to improve industry governance. Strengthen industry monitoring, and increase supervision and management of vicious competition such as “burning money for subsidies” and “low-price dumping.” Formulate guiding standards for platform algorithm rules by field and industry, formulate norms for internet platform price behavior, and protect the new employment groups’ right to know, right to participate, and right to choose regarding algorithm rules. Establish and perfect a mechanism for consultative democracy in the new business form field, ensuring that appeals receive timely responses and fair handling.
Adhere to multiple measures such as providing a safety net, escorting, and paving the way, to provide full-cycle precision care services for new employment groups.
General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized that for new employment groups, “there must be both management and service,” requiring Party committees and governments at all levels to definitely care for new employment groups, pointing out that “one period has its own problems, and one group has its own difficulties; we must pay attention to them and continuously solve them.” In practice, first, weave a tight social security system to “provide a good safety net.” For different employment models, design differentiated social security plans, promote the moderate separation of social insurance relations and labor relations, reasonably determine the contribution base, explore flexible contribution mechanisms based on individual orders, optimize the procedures for “insurance follows the person, transfer and continuation upon transfer,” do a good job of the occupational injury protection pilot, and perfect a social security system that suits the characteristics of the group. Second, build a full-domain friendly scenario to “escort well.” Strengthen the coordinated construction of Party-mass service centers, “driver’s homes,” warm “new” stations, etc., and perfect the service position system such as red education, recharging supplies, and service agency. Jointly with platform enterprises, navigation apps, etc., draw and publish service project maps to better solve problems of difficulty in entering, difficulty in parking, difficulty in using toilets, difficulty in charging, etc. Third, broaden career development space to “pave the way.” Explore the establishment of a national vocational skill standard and grade certification system for new employment groups, and perfect mechanisms for career planning, skills training, academic improvement, etc. Fully bring into play the vanguard and exemplary role of Party members within the group, guide and drive the group to abide by rules and discipline, have self-esteem and self-confidence, love their jobs and dedicate themselves, strive to be advanced, and actively participate in social governance.
Perfect a vertically linked, collaborative and efficient work system, gathering joint management synergy.
General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized that “doing social work well is the common responsibility of the entire Party,” and required “perfecting the social work institutional mechanism, prominently grasping the Party building in new economic organizations, new social organizations, and new employment groups.” The ideological guidance and cohesion service work for new employment groups involves many functional subjects, a wide geographical scope, and long links in the chain; it is necessary to strengthen cross-departmental, cross-regional linkage, “make a fist” to form synergy. We must continuously promote the perfection of a work pattern of Party committee leadership, guidance and promotion by Party committee social work departments, specific promotion by industry management and business regulatory departments, coordination and cooperation by relevant departments, and territorial management. Strengthen guarantees in personnel strength, position resources, funding, etc., and continuously improve management and service capabilities. Deepen forward-looking research and practical exploration, and accelerate the construction of regulations and systems for the service and management of new employment groups.
By: 闻华
Study Q&A: How to Understand that Upholding the Centralized Unified Leadership of the Party Central Committee is the Highest Principle of Party Leadership
Wen Hua
Upholding the centralized unified leadership of the Party Central Committee is one of the "Fourteen Persistences" of Xi Jinping's thought on Party building and is the highest principle of Party leadership, profoundly revealing the key to our Party maintaining unity, solidarity, and strong combat effectiveness.
Why is upholding the centralized unified leadership of the Party Central Committee so important? This is because, for a mature Marxist political party, upholding the centralized unified leadership of the Party Central Committee is a major directional and principled issue that cannot be ambiguous or wavered at any time or under any circumstances, and it concerns the future and destiny of the Party and the country. Upholding Party leadership means first of all upholding the centralized unified leadership of the Party Central Committee; safeguarding the Party's authority means first of all safeguarding the authority of the Party Central Committee. When Marx and Engels summarized the lessons of the defeat of the Paris Commune, they pointed out 一针见血 (yī zhēn jiàn xiě - "one needle sees blood," to hit the nail on the head) that the fundamental reason for the Commune's demise was "lack of centralization and authority." Lenin emphasized that only a party built on the principle of centralism can be a "truly steel-like organization." An important reason for the collapse of the Soviet Union was that the CPSU abandoned the principle of centralized unified leadership and implemented so-called "autonomy of party organizations at all levels," evolving from ideological chaos to organizational chaos, causing this large and old party to collapse with a crash.
Upholding the centralized unified leadership of the Party Central Committee is also an unshakable historical conclusion drawn from our Party's great practice of revolution, construction, reform, and the new era. The first Party Constitution passed at the Second National Congress stipulated that "Party members must absolutely obey the resolutions of the National Congress and the Central Executive Committee." The Seventh National Congress incorporated the "Four Obediences" into the Party Constitution and emphasized that the most fundamental of the "Four Obediences" is that the entire Party obeys the Central Committee. After the founding of New China, Comrade Mao Zedong pointed out, "There must be strong unified leadership from the Central Committee," and "Destroying this necessary unity is not allowed." Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, General Secretary Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized: "If our Party, as large as it is, and our country, as large as it is, cannot implement strong and effective centralized unified leadership, there will be a situation of 各自为政 (gè zì wéi zhèng - "each administers its own affairs," to act independently) and 自行其是 (zì xíng qí shì - "act as one sees fit," to do things one's own way), and then nothing can be accomplished." Today, our Party has become the world's largest ruling party with over 100 million Party members and more than 5.43 million primary-level Party organizations. Only by upholding the centralized unified leadership of the Party Central Committee can the entire Party be united into "a piece of hard steel," and then lead the people of all ethnic groups across the country to victory in new great struggles.
How to grasp the core essence of upholding the centralized unified leadership of the Party Central Committee? The most fundamental is to firmly safeguard the core of the Party and the authority of the Party Central Committee. Comrade Mao Zedong once made a vivid metaphor: "When a peach is cut open, does it have several cores? It has only one core." "We must establish a leadership core, and oppose having 'three dukes in one state.'" Before the Zunyi Conference, because the Party Central Committee had not yet formed a politically mature core, the revolutionary cause suffered repeated setbacks and even fell into a 生死攸关 (shēng sǐ yōu guān - "matter of life and death," critical) dangerous situation. After the Zunyi Conference actually established Comrade Mao Zedong's leadership position in the Party Central Committee and the Red Army, the Party began to form a strong leadership core, and the Chinese revolution took on an entirely new look （焕然一新 - huàn rán yī xīn - "as if new after a wash," completely new). However, the entire Party truly and deeply recognized the great significance of safeguarding the authority of the Party Central Committee and centralized unified leadership and made it a conscious action only after going through a process. During the Long March, Zhang Guotao used his troops to assert himself and set up a separate Central Committee; during the early stage of the War of Resistance Against Japan, Wang Ming engaged in 拉帮结派 (lā bāng jié pài - "form gangs and cliques," to engage in factionalism) and 我行我素 (wǒ xíng wǒ sù - "go my own way," to do things in one's own way regardless of others) within the Party, both of which educated the entire Party from the negative side. During the Yan'an period, in order to solve problems such as ideological differences and sectarianism within the Party, our Party carried out a large-scale rectification movement, achieving unprecedented unity and solidarity of the entire Party under the banner of Mao Zedong Thought, laying a strong ideological and political foundation for winning the War of Resistance and the liberation of the whole country. Later, Comrade Deng Xiaoping summarized historical experience and said, "Any leading collective must have a core; a leadership without a core is unreliable." "The core of the first generation of leadership is Chairman Mao." In the historical process of reform and opening up, it was precisely due to the strong leadership of the second generation of the Party's central leadership collective with Comrade Deng Xiaoping as the core, the third generation of the Party's central leadership collective with Comrade Jiang Zemin as the core, and the Party Central Committee with Comrade Hu Jintao as General Secretary that the great cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics could develop with great momentum 波澜壮阔 (bō lán zhuàng kuò - "surging waves vast and broad," to surge forward with great momentum).
Since the 18th National Congress, the complexity of the situation, the severity of the struggles, and the difficulty of reform, development, and stability tasks faced by the Party and the country have been rare in the world and rare in history. The fact that we have been able to withstand tests of risks and challenges from politics, economy, ideology, nature, etc., and promote historic achievements and historic changes in the cause of the Party and the country, making a sharp contrast between "China's governance" and "the West's chaos," is fundamentally due to the helmsmanship of the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping as the core, and due to the scientific guidance of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. Practice profoundly shows that the "Two Establishes" are the greatest certainty, the greatest confidence, and the greatest guarantee for overcoming all 艰难险阻 (jiān nán xiǎn zǔ - "difficulties and obstacles," hardships and perils) and responding to all uncertainties, and are of decisive significance for the development of the Party and the country's cause in the new era and for advancing the historical process of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. On the road ahead, the more complex the situation, the more arduous the tasks, and the more severe the challenges, the more we must transform the "Two Establishes" into the ideological, political, and action-consciousness of achieving the "Two Upholds," unswervingly be loyal to the core, embrace the core, safeguard the core, and defend the core, and always maintain a high degree of consistency with the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping as the core in political stance, political direction, political principle, and political path.
How can upholding the centralized unified leadership of the Party Central Committee be implemented? This requires both a high degree of consciousness from Party members and cadres, and also a sound system and mechanism as guarantee. Since the 18th National Congress, the Party Central Committee has strictly enforced political discipline and political rules, issued or revised Party regulations such as the "Several Provisions of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee on Strengthening and Safeguarding the Centralized Unified Leadership of the Party Central Committee" and the "Regulations of the Communist Party of China on Reporting and Requesting Instructions on Major Matters." The Party Central Committee has also made a series of major institutional arrangements, such as the Secretariat of the Central Committee, the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, the Party Leadership Group of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, the Party Leadership Group of the State Council, the Party Leadership Group of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, the Party Leadership Group of the Supreme People's Court, and the Party Leadership Group of the Supreme People's Procuratorate reporting work to the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau and the Political Bureau of the Central Committee each year; members of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee submitting written reports to the Party Central Committee and General Secretary Xi Jinping each year; and improving the working mechanisms of a series of central decision-making, deliberation, and coordination bodies. These provide a strong guarantee for safeguarding the authority of the Party Central Committee and centralized unified leadership.
To uphold the centralized unified leadership of the Party Central Committee, we must unswervingly implement the major decisions and deployments of the Party Central Committee, achieving that what the Party Central Committee advocates must be resolutely responded to, what the Party Central Committee decides must be resolutely carried out, and what the Party Central Committee prohibits must be resolutely not done, and never allow the practice of "the higher level has policies, the lower level has countermeasures." In reality, the manifestations of "two-faced people" are 形形色色 (xíng xíng sè sè - "all kinds of shapes and colors," of every description). Some loudly profess political loyalty and the "Two Upholds," and are very quick to express their stance on implementing the major decisions and deployments of the Party Central Committee, speaking in high-sounding terms, but in fact act in 阳奉阴违 (yáng fèng yīn wéi - "outwardly compliant, inwardly opposing," to feign compliance while acting otherwise) and go their own way, and even defy orders and prohibitions, engaging in the "Seven Have-Nots"; others engage in liberalism in thought, opportunism in politics, sectarianism in organization, departmental selfishness in work, and "good old boyism" in fulfilling responsibilities. Only by promptly identifying and removing "two-faced people" can we create good conditions for the implementation of the Party Central Committee's decisions and deployments. It must be pointed out that resolutely and forcefully implementing the Party Central Committee's decisions and deployments is not contradictory to carrying out work creatively. General Secretary Xi Jinping once said: "Thoroughly understand the spirit without copying mechanically, 'do not only follow the superior, do not only follow the books, only follow reality,' achieving deepening, refinement, and concretization – this is the concrete manifestation of truly maintaining a high degree of consistency with the Central Committee." Implementing the Party Central Committee's decisions and deployments must be both resolute and forceful, and also seek truth from facts; both without any discount, and also tailored to local conditions. Avoid 生搬硬套 (shēng bān yìng tào - "forcefully apply mechanically," to copy mechanically) and a one-size-fits-all approach from top to bottom.
In summary, upholding the centralized unified leadership of the Party Central Committee is the correct path for a Marxist political party to stand firm, the historical true scripture tempered through a hundred years of wind and rain, and even more the fundamental guarantee for strengthening the Party and the country in the new era. On the new journey, if the entire Party is closely united around the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping as the core, it will surely be able to gather a powerful force that advances 一往无前 (yī wǎng wú qián - "to go forward with no retreat," to advance indomitably), and propel the ship of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation to 乘风破浪 (chéng fēng pò làng - "ride the wind and break the waves," to forge ahead against difficulties), set sail and voyage far.
Return to TopBy: 夏庆
Comrade Editor: In recent days, two anecdotes give cause for reflection. In one place, when the masses went to handle affairs, window staff stuck rigidly to the rules, and a phrase “handle it according to regulations” shut the masses’ demands out the door. In another place, faced with an approval difficulty with no precedent to follow, the relevant department did not simply push it away, but instead actively studied policies, coordinated with all sides, and within the framework of legality and compliance “found a way to handle it,” discovering a path to break the problem. A comparison of the two makes the superiority and inferiority clear.
“Handle it according to regulations” — this phrase itself is not wrong. Without rules, no square or circle can be drawn; if regulations are not followed, undertaking work will lose order, exercising power will lose measure, and governance will lose norms. However, when “handle it according to regulations” is used too narrowly, too rigidly, or even deviated from its proper use, it is worth reflecting on. A small number of cadres treat regulations as a “shield,” harboring a “responsibility avoidance” mentality, seeking only procedural blamelessness regardless of whether the problem can be solved, using formal “compliance” to cover up work-related “non-action.”
“Find a way to handle it,” on the other hand, is to seek the optimal solution within the framework of laws and regulations, manifesting a spirit of “responsibility.” The difficulties of grassroots governance, the pain points reflected by the masses, and the blockages of enterprise development are often not on the “surface” of regulations, but rather in the gray areas of policy, the gaps between departmental handoffs, and the blank spots in procedures. This requires cadres to think one more layer, go one more step, ask one more question — to find basis from policy, to find entry points in difficulties, and to blaze new trails where there is no road. Practice has proven that many acts of problem-breaking and methods of innovation are thought up and tested out.
Having fewer rigid and mechanical “handle it according to regulations” and more “find a way to handle it” that is full of warmth and wisdom is precisely the practical requirement of establishing and practicing the correct view of performance, and is also the key to letting the masses truly feel the change in work style and the progress in governance.
Organization Department of the Guangling District Committee of the Chinese Communist Party in Yangzhou, Jiangsu Province (中共江苏省扬州市广陵区委组织部) – Xia Qing (夏庆)
Return to TopBy: 侯喜保
The so-called "defensive action" refers to a phenomenon of passive coping that, in the name of "acting according to the rules," actually practices "shirking responsibility."
"Defensive action" is the mischief of the ideology of "refined egoism." On the surface, it is "acting according to the rules," but in essence, it is "waiting and watching"; in the final analysis, it is fear of taking risks and fear of losing one's hat. Some distort "acting according to procedure" into a "shield" for shirking responsibility; some, when faced with contradictions that require coordination and resolution, their first reaction is how to "leave traces" to exonerate themselves; some appear to be obedient and correct in attitude, but in reality, they are lying flat inside and slow in action. What is worse, they use short-term "fake implementation" to conceal long-term "real hidden dangers," originally intending to "defend" against risks, but instead creating greater risks.
Behind "defensive action," the essence is a deviation in the view of performance. It adopts a more concealed approach: it is not about not doing things, but about doing things that "look like doing things"; it is not about not pushing forward, but about using the posture of "being in the process of pushing forward" to replace the action of "truly pushing forward." This kind of "fake busyness" is more terrifying than "true lying flat": it pollutes the ecosystem, corrupts the ethos, and loses the people's hearts.
To correct and cure the tendency of "defensive action" that exists among a small number of current cadres, the key lies in targeted measures and persistent effort over time. By establishing and practicing the correct view of performance, focus one's mind on producing real moves, direct one's energy toward handling practical matters, and let results land on seeking actual effectiveness. Oppose, with clear-cut stance, the unhealthy ethos of "those who do are not as good as those who watch, and those who watch are not as good as those who raise opinions," and use the correct orientation for selecting and appointing personnel to inspire cadres to take responsibility and act.
(Excerpted from New Xiang Review, Issue 7, 2026)
By: 国家统计局
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