Summary: The article commemorates the 60th anniversary of China's strategic missile forces, originally established as the Second Artillery Corps in 1966 and renamed the Rocket Force by President Xi Jinping in 2015. It emphasizes the force's absolute loyalty to the Party, citing Xi's repeated inspections and directives to ensure political reliability and combat readiness. The piece highlights the force's role in nuclear deterrence, countering "Taiwan independence" separatist activities, and providing strategic support for national security and modernization. It underscores the importance of political indoctrination, military reform, and technological innovation to maintain a world-class strategic force. The article frames the Rocket Force as a critical "trump card" and "bottom card" for China's national security, implicitly reinforcing its role in strategic competition with the United States.
Summary: This article argues that institutional governance and rule-based party management are fundamental to the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) enduring vitality and success, particularly as it marks its 105th anniversary. It credits Xi Jinping’s leadership since the 18th National Congress with making the party's internal regulation system more mature and定型, integrating it with rule of law and comprehensive governance. The piece details the historical evolution of the party's institutional building from its founding through the current era, framing it as a crucial tool for self-reform and breaking the historical cycle of rise and fall. It reports that, as of June 2024, the CCP has 3,936 effective internal regulations, creating a comprehensive "1+4" framework to ensure rigorous party governance. The author, identified as a Deputy Secretary-General of the Central Party School (National Academy of Governance), asserts that this system is essential for the CCP to lead China's modernization and achieve national rejuvenation.
Summary: The article emphasizes Xi Jinping's assertion that no other political party treats self-construction as seriously as the Chinese Communist Party, highlighting the Party's unique advantage in self-reform. It underscores the necessity for the Party to maintain historical initiative and adapt to changing circumstances, especially as it pursues the second centenary goal. The piece warns against passivity and complacency, noting that weak historical initiative leads to strategic errors amid global shifts. It credits Xi's leadership with deepening understanding of Marxist party-building laws and achieving the "second answer" to escaping historical cycles through self-revolution. The article concludes by calling for steadfast implementation of Xi's party-building thought to navigate risks and secure the Party's leading role.
Summary: Thearticle emphasizes that agricultural and rural modernization is critical to the overall success of Chinese-style modernization. It calls for concrete measures to enhance comprehensive agricultural production capacity and quality, ensuring stable supply of grain and other key agricultural products. It also advocates for the construction of livable, workable, and beautiful villages tailored to local conditions. Finally, it encourages farmers to use diligence and wisdom to create better lives. No specific officials or U.S. references are mentioned.
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Summary: Thearticle analyzes the evolving global biosecurity governance system, emphasizing the increasing complexity of cross-border biological risks driven by rapid biotech innovation and high human mobility. It identifies key challenges including fragmented international rules, North-South technology gaps, and regulatory lag behind emerging risks like synthetic biology and biosecurity-cybersecurity intersections. The piece notes that while regional cooperation and AI-driven surveillance are advancing, global governance remains uneven, with developed countries dominating rule-setting and technology. It calls for a shared humanity approach to strengthen unified standards, technology sharing, and transnational emergency coordination. No specific officials or U.S.-China relations are mentioned.
Summary: The article analyzes how Switzerland has systematically leveraged its status as a host to numerous international organizations—including WHO, WTO, and the UN in Geneva—to enhance its global governance influence, progressing through three developmental stages. Key actions include providing institutional support (e.g., 269 million Swiss francs in 2025), securing leadership roles (e.g., Swiss diplomats as UNGA President and ICRC Vice-Chair), and using neutral mediation to shape agendas and rules. The author, from the International Organization Research Center at Communication University of China, suggests Chinese lessons: building sustainable host-nation support mechanisms, cultivating talent for global rule-setting, and developing differentiated governance advantages. The article does not discuss the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: The article commemorates the 60th anniversary of China’s Strategic Missile Force (originally the Second Artillery, renamed the Rocket Force in 2015). It highlights Xi Jinping’s role in renaming the force, presenting its flag, and issuing instructions, as well as his repeated visits (2012, 2016, 2024) emphasizing absolute loyalty and political reliability. The piece underscores the force's history of loyalty to the Party, its evolution under Xi Jinping Thought on Military Strengthening, and its mission to provide strategic support for national rejuvenation and modernization. It stresses the force's achievements in deterrence, combat readiness, and technological innovation, alongside calls to preserve revolutionary traditions and maintain political purity. No reference is made to the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: The article elaborates on Xi Jinping’s thought on party building, focusing on the principle that "upholding Party leadership is the essential feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics," which is the first of the "ten persistences." It argues that Party leadership is the fundamental political guarantee for socialism with Chinese characteristics, without which China’s development and socialist path would be lost. Xi Jinping is quoted as saying, “The key to comprehensively building a modern socialist country and advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation on all fronts lies in the Party.” The piece highlights that this principle has been enshrined in both the Party Constitution and the state Constitution, ensuring its legal and institutional force across all areas of governance. No reference is made to the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: The article outlines the "Opinions on Strengthening Party Building to Lead Group Building," emphasizing the need to maintain close ties with youth as a core tradition of the Party's youth work. It calls on the Communist Youth League to practice a correct performance view by effectively attracting and uniting youth under the Party's leadership. The document proposes strengthening mechanisms for ideological guidance, grassroots organization, youth contribution, service, and digital empowerment to enhance youth work in the new era. It references historical figures like Deng Xiaoping and Xi Jinping, with Xi stressing that youth strength determines national strength. No discussion of the United States or U.S.-China relations appears in the article.
Summary: The article argues that the Party’s leadership is the defining feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics and the foundation of national success, as articulated in Xi Jinping’s “14 Persistences” framework. It traces the Party’s role from historical victories through to contemporary governance, asserting that strong Party leadership ensures stability, continuity, and the realization of Chinese-style modernization. The text emphasizes the Party’s organizational capacity to implement policy down to the grassroots, citing major achievements such as poverty eradication and crisis management. It also highlights the Party’s self-reform under Xi, including anti-corruption and institutional improvements, which bolster its leadership authority. The article concludes that the Party’s leadership is indispensable for navigating complex domestic and international challenges and for advancing national rejuvenation.
Summary: The article examines the historical significance of the 1945 "Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of the Party," emphasizing its role in unifying the Chinese Communist Party through a systematic review of past errors. Mao Zedong was reported as stating that without clarifying the Party's history, "we cannot do things better," and he personally revised the draft multiple times. He was accompanied in the drafting process by figures such as Ren Bishi, Liu Shaoqi, Zhou Enlai, and Zhang Wentian. The resolution's creation involved extensive intra-party democracy, with Mao noting that "if not for everyone's opinions, it wouldn’t be so complete." The article underscores how this resolution laid the ideological and political foundation for the Seventh National Congress and for subsequent party unity, but does not address the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: The article details the early governance of Xinjiang by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) following its peaceful liberation in 1949. It describes the establishment of party organizations and people's政权, land reform, and socialist transformation, emphasizing a "cautious and steady" approach due to the region's complex ethnic and religious conditions. The formation of the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps is highlighted as a strategic move for border defense and economic development. The summary notes the implementation of regional ethnic autonomy, culminating in the establishment of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region in 1955. The text frames these efforts as foundational to Xinjiang's stability and development, without directly mentioning the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: In a September 26, 2024, Politburo meeting, Xi Jinping emphasized the need to effectively implement existing macroeconomic policies while introducing new incremental measures to address weak domestic demand and supply shortages. He called for coordinated use of counter-cyclical and cross-cyclical adjustments, specifying actions such as lowering reserve requirements, reducing interest rates, adjusting housing purchase restrictions, and cutting existing mortgage rates. Xi stressed that old and new policies are mutually reinforcing, with existing policies providing stability and new policies targeting emerging economic challenges. He also highlighted the importance of avoiding "synthesis fallacy" by ensuring inter-departmental coordination and aligning short-term stability with long-term high-quality development. The article is a study guide for Xi's economic thought, contained in the fifth volume of *Xi Jinping: The Governance of China*.
Summary: Yang Jiang completed her memoir "We Three" at age 92, recording the lives of her husband Qian Zhongshu and daughter Qian Yuan after their deaths in 1997 and 1998. She uses a dream framework to transform their loss into a long farewell journey along an ancient post road, with appendices including her daughter's unfinished manuscript. The memoir focuses on mundane daily details rather than academic achievements, portraying Qian Zhongshu as a playful father rather than a master scholar. Through plain, restrained language, Yang Jiang constructs a spiritual home where the family lives on in memory. The book becomes a testament to love and resilience, arguing that true separation occurs only through forgetting.
Summary: The article, authored by the Central Party School's deputy secretary-general, emphasizes that institutional governance and rule-based governance over the Party are fundamental to the CPC's long-term vitality. It highlights Xi Jinping's leadership in integrating law-based governance with Party regulations, resulting in a mature "1+4" framework of 3,936 effective internal regulations. The piece stresses that strict enforcement ensures these rules are not mere formalities, while combining institutional discipline with ideological education and national law. The author argues this system is essential for addressing the Party's unique challenges and supporting China's modernization goals.
Summary: Xi Jinping, accompanied by French President Macron at Dujiangyan, highlighted the ancient irrigation system as a lasting symbol of Chinese governance wisdom that harmonizes human activity with nature. Xi emphasized that the project’s principles of adapting to local conditions and systemic coordination offer lessons for modern state governance. The article traces how China’s historical water management, from Yu the Great to Dujiangyan, shaped early state formation and centralized authority. It links this tradition to Xi’s contemporary “system governance” water policy, which underpins national modernization. The analysis also presents these ancient insights as a Chinese contribution to global water governance and sustainable development.
Summary: Xi Jinping wrote a reply letter to young docents at the First CPC National Congress Memorial and the Nanhu Revolution Memorial ahead of Children’s Day, praising their efforts in conveying the Party’s history and revolutionary stories. He noted that red memorial sites are vital carriers of revolutionary heritage, calling the original congress site the “spiritual home” of Chinese Communists. The article recounts the founding of the CPC in a small Shanghai shikumen building, the translation of the *Communist Manifesto*, and the sacrifices of early delegates like Wang Jinmei and Deng Enming. It reflects on the Party’s journey from humble beginnings to becoming the world’s second-largest economy, emphasizing the enduring spirit of dedication and resilience. The piece underscores the need to keep the red gene alive in the new era.
Summary: The article discusses the imperative for Chinese universities to strengthen education on "forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation" as the main line of ethnic work in the new era. It identifies key problems, including a lack of cohesion between different educational stages (university, secondary, and primary), fragmented resources, and superficial practical activities that fail to translate into deep ideological commitment. The author argues that universities must improve mechanisms for coordination, cross-stage integration, resource sharing, and evaluation to move from "visible coverage" to "effective empowerment." Specific recommendations include establishing joint party-building and resource-sharing mechanisms, designing differentiated curricula for different age groups, and transforming practice sites into integrated teaching platforms. The analysis does not discuss the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: The Guangxi Federation of Social Sciences, under the strategic guidance of the CPC Central Committee, has implemented a series of "Eight Actions" to accelerate the construction of China's independent knowledge system in philosophy and social sciences, leveraging Guangxi's unique position as a frontier for ASEAN cooperation and a multi-ethnic autonomous region. Key initiatives include a "Beijing-Shanghai-Guangzhou R&D + Guangxi Integration + ASEAN Application" model, which produced over 20 policy recommendations in 2025, and an "AI Luosiyan" platform developed with Tsinghua University for theoretical visualization and cross-border data analysis. The federation also launched actions focused on maritime economy culture, ethnic unity (including compiling a historical materials collection), AI empowerment across 23 scenarios, and Guangxi Canal culture research related to the "Project of the Century" Pinglu Canal. Additionally, it established science popularization squares and an ASEAN-oriented international communication academic innovation initiative, aiming to make social sciences accessible to the public and enhance China's voice in Southeast Asia. The article, authored by the federation's Party secretary and chair, emphasizes a practical, demand-driven approach to contribute replicable "Guangxi experience" to national knowledge system building.
Summary: The article reports that Shanghai's Fengxian District has implemented a "1234" coordination mechanism for property management governance, led by the district's Party committee under its "Xiancheng Xianzhi" Party-building system. Key measures include a "one people's livelihood project" that established a top-level command structure co-led by the district's organization department head and deputy district head, alongside a "two batches" strategy targeting 46 problematic neighborhoods for improvement and 24 pilot communities for model development. The district also built three resource pools—for業委会 members, property service enterprises, and exemplary cases—and introduced four mechanisms to standardize operations, including joint inspections and a "five unifications" rule for業委会 transparency. The initiative aims to enhance Party-led governance efficiency, with reported results including a 31.14% drop in property service complaints from January to May 2026.
Summary: The article summarizes the historical role of the *Guide Weekly* (*Xiangdao*), the first political organ of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC), launched in 1922 after the Second National Congress. It explains that the publication was created to promote the Party's democratic revolution program, which aimed to "overthrow the warlords and eliminate the imperialist powers." The article highlights how the *Guide Weekly* unified the Party's messaging, countered competing ideologies like reformism and nationalism, and spread anti-imperialist and anti-feudal ideas nationwide. It notes that the publication reached a peak circulation of over 100,000 copies and was praised by the Party's Fourth Congress for guiding public opinion in the national revolution. The article does not mention the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: The article describes the 1909 Shanghai International Opium Commission, the first multilateral anti-drug conference, which included Chinese officials Duanfang and Tang Guoan. It highlights that U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt proposed the conference and that the U.S. supported China's anti-opium efforts. China's four proposals were all adopted as core parts of the Nine Resolutions. The conference laid the groundwork for the 1911 Hague International Opium Convention and formalized Sino-British anti-opium cooperation. The article underscores the historical role of Sino-U.S. collaboration in initiating global drug control mechanisms.
Summary: The article reports that the 27th session of a specialized national affairs研修班 for senior Hong Kong government officials was held at the National Academy of Governance from June 7 to 13. Executive Vice President Xie Chuntao taught the opening lecture on Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, while Vice President Zhang Zhongjun attended and addressed related activities. The delegation was led by Huang Jieyi, Director of the Companies Registry, and deputy Chen Dong, Director of Security (Criminal and Security) of the Hong Kong Police Force, who delivered opening remarks and a study summary. A total of 22 senior Hong Kong officials participated, along with academy and Hong Kong Civil Service College representatives. The cohort also conducted a field study in Zhengzhou, Henan Province.
Summary: On June 17, in celebration of the 105th anniversary of the CPC, Tibet Autonomous Region Party Secretary Wang Junzheng, who also serves as president of the regional Party School, held a symposium with students and faculty. He emphasized thoroughly studying Xi Jinping’s thought on party building, fostering a correct view of performance, and building a cadre team that is loyal, clean, and responsible for Tibet’s long-term stability and high-quality development. Wang was accompanied by Deputy Party Secretary Liu Jiang and Standing Committee members Gong Huicai and Xu Zhiwen. He stressed the importance of implementing the "Four Great Tasks" for Tibet—stability, development, ecology, and border consolidation—and called for innovation, integrity, and a people-centered approach. The article did not mention the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: On June 12, the "Cultural Runjiang" forum was held in Kashgar, hosted by the Xinjiang Party School and guided by the United Front Work Department's China Western Regions Research Center, with deputy director Liu Zhengjiang, Kashi prefecture official Zhou Yunhua, and Xinjiang Party School deputy director Liu Baodong attending and speaking. Experts discussed implementing the Party's Xinjiang strategy and advancing the theory and practice of "Cultural Runjiang," emphasizing its role in enhancing Chinese cultural identity among Xinjiang's ethnic groups and consolidating the Chinese national community. The forum received 557 submissions from 210 institutions, selecting 93 high-quality papers, with over 140 experts from universities and research institutes participating. No mention was made of the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: The article reports that the Guizhou Provincial Party School has developed a "1+8+1" teaching matrix, creating ten immersive thematic bases to transform party spirit education from classroom lectures into experiential learning. These bases, including themes on Xi Jinping Thought, Marxism, and the Long March, allow students to engage with theory through interactive displays and physical environments. Trainees like Wu Liang and Yang Bi are quoted expressing that the settings make abstract concepts like "ecological civilization" and "gratitude and progress" tangible and personally resonant. The initiative aims to deepen understanding of the "Two Establishments" and strengthen commitment to the "Two Upholds" through direct, sensory experiences. The article does not discuss the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: Yang Ming, executive vice principal of the Jiangsu Provincial Party School, chaired a committee meeting to convey the spirit of the National Party Building Work Symposium. The meeting emphasized the significance of Xi Jinping’s thought on party building ahead of the CPC’s 105th anniversary. It directed the school to update curricula to incorporate this thought into courses and research. The goal is to strengthen ideological and organizational support for the school’s training and advisory roles. No U.S.-China relations were mentioned.
Summary: The Anhui Provincial Party School, in coordination with the Provincial Organization Department, has launched a special education campaign for young cadres on establishing and practicing a correct view of political performance. The program includes dedicated teaching modules, warning education using cases of违纪违法 cadre examples, and heart-to-heart talks led by party organization officials. It also incorporates practical teaching through “five with” immersion in grassroots communities and party spirit analysis sessions. These measures aim to enhance young cadres’ ideological awareness and self-discipline. No mention of the United States or U.S.-China relations appears in the article.
Summary: The Guangxi Party School has launched a six-episode micro-course series on artificial intelligence (AI) development, designed to align with the regional Party committee’s strategic priorities and train local cadres. The courses were developed by young PhD instructors in collaboration with provincial development and big data authorities to ensure policy accuracy. The school has also hosted multiple AI training sessions for over 100 Vietnamese cadres since early 2025, directly supporting China’s peripheral diplomacy. The micro-courses will be integrated into foreign training programs for ASEAN officials, showcasing Guangxi’s AI progress. This initiative aims to embed AI education into mandatory cadre training and build a distinctive Guangxi-branded AI education system.
Summary: The Shaanxi Provincial Party School (Administrative College) invited a nationally recognized expert to coach young faculty on teaching main courses. The expert stressed mastering classic texts, grasping innovative theories, using real cases effectively, and applying historical materials. He emphasized the political, normative, and rigorous standards required in party school classroom teaching and lecture review. Young teachers attended and praised the guidance as highly targeted and practical. No mention was made of the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: The Jinan Municipal Party School held a mobilization meeting on June 17 to advance its "high-quality course" cultivation work. Philosophy department head Professor Zhang Aijun and Scientific Socialism department deputy head Professor Chen Jun shared their experiences after receiving national teaching awards. The meeting emphasized that cultivating high-quality courses is a foundational task requiring adaptation to new challenges. Officials called for implementing "teaching quality iteration and improvement actions" and a "four-emphasis quality enhancement project." The goal is to build a first-tier party school and support the high-quality development of party education.
Summary: The article reports on Xiamen Party School’s efforts under its executive vice president to enhance cadre training. It emphasizes integrating Xi Jinping Thought into core courses, developing “Xiamen elements” in the curriculum, and strengthening research on cross-strait integration. The school has established collaborative platforms with Xiamen University’s Taiwan Research Center and hosted academic conferences on cross-strait relations. A “mentor project” and “young teacher growth plan” aim to build a stronger faculty. The summary avoids mention of the U.S. or bilateral relations, as the article does not discuss them.
Summary: On the occasion of the 105th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, Wang Junzheng, Secretary of the Tibet Autonomous Regional Party Committee and President of the Regional Party School, held a symposium with students and faculty on June 17. He emphasized the need to thoroughly study and implement Xi Jinping's thought on party building, to establish a correct view of political performance, and to build a loyal, clean, and responsible cadre team for Tibet's long-term stability and high-quality development. Wang was accompanied by senior regional officials including Liu Jiang, Gong Huicai, and Xu Zhiwen. He stressed the importance of upholding the "Two Establishments" and achieving the "Two Upholds," and called for concrete actions to implement the central leadership's decisions in Tibet. The article does not mention the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: The Hengyang Municipal Party School in Hunan Province has introduced a practical training component for its 2026 cadre研修班, requiring 140 “outstanding cadres” to serve as “信访督查专员” and resolve 220 recurring petition cases. The program integrates theoretical instruction, hands-on casework, and assessment, with all cases completed by graduation—72 achieving full resolution and 103 reaching interim progress. The training is structured around a seven-step closed-loop process involving case assignment, group work, mentoring, and blind peer review. Officials from the Municipal Organization Department and the Municipal信访Bureau jointly managed and supervised the initiative. No mention is made of the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: President Xi Jinping issued important instructions on the work of Party schools (administrative colleges), emphasizing that on the new journey, all levels must adhere to the Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, uphold the Party's nature of the school, and better cultivate talents and offer suggestions for the Party. He called for strengthening the systematic and theoretical study of the Party's innovative theories and enhancing the role of think tanks. The article then elaborates on how Tianjin Party School, under the leadership of its executive vice principal, is implementing these directives by focusing on political direction, innovation, and mechanisms to build a high-end think tank. No U.S.-China relations or U.S. references are mentioned.
Summary: The article details how the Party School of the Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region Committee embeds party spirit education throughout cadre training, using a "whole-chain" curriculum and continuous assessment to cultivate loyal leading cadres. It describes a three-stage process of ideological foundation-building, mid-term character tempering, and final evaluation. The school has developed 54 courses on local revolutionary history and implemented a four-dimensional quantitative assessment system. The piece is authored by the school’s教务处处长 (Academic Affairs Director) and校务委员 (School Affairs Committee Member), emphasizing institutional mechanisms rather than any single official's remarks. There is no mention of the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: The article reports that Zhongxian County Party School in Guangxi has created a "Four Great Lecture Halls" teaching brand to meet local development and cadre training needs. It features a "County Bureau Director Lecture Hall" for theoretical education, a "Revolutionary Tradition Education Lecture Hall" using local red resources, a "Role Model Lecture Hall" inviting national labor models, and a "Township Party Secretary Lecture Hall" focusing on grassroots practical skills. These programs employ case-based, experiential, and interview-style teaching methods. The initiative aims to transform learning into concrete actions for local development, linking ideological cultivation with practical empowerment.
Summary: The article reports on Zibo Municipal Party School's efforts to enhance cadre training through a "walking classroom" on-site teaching system, as outlined in the national "Regulations on Cadre Education and Training Work." It details how the school integrates local red culture, Qi cultural heritage, and industrial transformation experiences to create immersive teaching points. The system features optimized teaching routes, closed-loop processes from pre-class guidance to post-class discussion, and dynamic evaluation mechanisms. It also links on-site teaching with classroom instruction, research, and open schooling to improve practical outcomes. The author, identified as the vice principal of Zibo Municipal Party School, describes these initiatives without referencing U.S.-China relations.
Summary: The article describes the historical women's cadre training classes held in Shijiedian Village, Shanxi, near the Eighth Route Army headquarters, initiated by the Northern Bureau of the CPC Central Committee to strengthen women's role in the anti-Japanese war effort. Peng Dehuai attended the first class's graduation ceremony and gave a speech, while Zhu De delivered a report to the second class, urging cadres to help women liberate themselves from feudal constraints. Key figures such as Kang Keqing, Pu Anxiu, Yang Shangkun, Zhuo Lin, and Liu Zhilan were involved in organizing and teaching. The classes trained over 100 women cadres, who later mobilized rural women for production and war support tasks. The article does not discuss the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: The article is a personal reflection on the Yellow River in Lanzhou, describing its muddy, steady flow and the city's deep historical and cultural connection to the river. It notes how Lanzhou, an ancient Silk Road hub, was shaped by the river, which the author likens to the local people's calm and resilient character. The piece contrasts the river's varied appearances across China—clear in Qinghai, turbulent at Hukou—with its silent, turbid passage through Lanzhou. No statements or actions by Chinese officials, nor references to the United States or U.S.-China relations, appear in the text.
Summary: The article profiles the late Tang poet Luo Yin, whose famous lines "When fortune smiles, heaven and earth conspire; when luck departs, even heroes lose their freedom" were echoed by Southern Tang and Later Shu generals during their downfall. Luo Yin, despite exceptional literary talent praised by officials like Prime Minister Linghu Tao and Wuyue King Qian Liu, repeatedly failed the imperial examinations due to his plain appearance, humble background, and critical writings. After nearly two decades of rejection, he joined Qian Liu's court in 887, where he later urged Qian to revolt against Zhu Wen's usurpation of the Tang throne in 907, demonstrating unwavering loyalty despite personal grievances. The article emphasizes how Luo's lifelong disappointments shaped his distinctive, self-mocking poetic style, producing enduring verses about fleeting joy and unrecognized toil.
Summary: A 15-year-old boy is sent alone by his father to harvest wheat in a remote riverbed, accompanied only by a cuckoo bird whose calls alleviate his loneliness and instill a love for the land. After finishing the harvest, he feels a profound attachment to the place and a sense of loss. In adulthood, the memory of that moonlit wheat-cutting endures, and he yearns to return to the golden fields. No mention of political figures, the United States, or U.S.-China relations appears in the article.
By: 火箭军党委
On the occasion of the grand celebration of the 105th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, we also mark the 60th anniversary of the establishment of the Strategic Missile Force. On July 1, 1966, approved personally by Mao Zedong and named personally by Zhou Enlai, the Second Artillery Force was formally established, embarking on the historic journey of forging swords and shields for the Republic. It has grown and developed through wind and rain, playing an extremely special role in safeguarding national security and defending national dignity. On December 31, 2015, President Xi personally decided to rename the Second Artillery Force as the Rocket Force, personally conferred the military flag and delivered an instruction, ushering in a new era for the construction and development of the Strategic Missile Force, leading the force to achieve historic accomplishments and undergo a revolutionary transformation on the path to a strong military in the new era.
Over 60 years of vigorous progress, a sexagenary cycle of sharpening the sword for a strong military. Standing at the historical juncture of achieving the centenary goal of military construction, under the scientific guidance of Xi Jinping's thought on strengthening the military, the Strategic Missile Force bears in mind its great trust, fulfills its mission without fail, remembers history, forges ahead with determination, accelerates the building of a world-class strategic service, and provides strong strategic support for comprehensively advancing the building of a strong country and the great cause of national rejuvenation through Chinese-style modernization.
The people's military was created by the Party; the Rocket Force is forever loyal to the Party.
The Strategic Missile Force shares its birthday with the Party. As a strategic force directly created, controlled, and used by the Party Central Committee, loyalty to the Party and sharpening the sword to serve the country are its innate genetic code and its unchanging political essence. For 60 years, successive generations of officers and soldiers, bearing the expectations and great trust of the Party and the people, have hidden themselves in the vast deserts and Gobi, held fast in deep mountains and dense forests. From the sincere sentiment of "doing earth-shattering deeds, living as nameless heroes," to the selfless dedication of "work like hell while alive, no regrets in death; buried on the green hilltop, holding up the missile of defiance," to the bold oath of "would rather drain life than fail the mission," they do whatever the Party asks them to do, strike wherever the Party points, and uphold and practice loyalty with firm and concrete actions.
Hold high the banner and follow the Party; look to and follow for strong guidance. In 2012, after becoming General Secretary of the Party and Chairman of the Central Military Commission, President Xi's first inspection of a military unit was the Second Artillery Force headquarters, where he explicitly put forward the political requirements of absolute loyalty, absolute purity, and absolute reliability for the first time. In 2016, when inspecting the Rocket Force headquarters, President Xi pointed out the need to ensure the Rocket Force is particularly strong in ideology and politics. In 2024, President Xi inspected a brigade of the Rocket Force and delivered an important speech, emphasizing that political work should be carried out right under the launch pad, ensuring the force resolutely obeys the command of the Party Central Committee and the Central Military Commission at all times and under all circumstances. This series of important instructions and requirements by President Xi has set a political benchmark and injected strong momentum into the construction and development of the Rocket Force. At all levels, we always bear in mind President Xi's care, affection, and political entrustment, adhere to the guidance of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, deeply implement Xi Jinping's thought on strengthening the military, profoundly understand the decisive significance of the "Two Establishments," enhance the "Four Consciousnesses," strengthen the "Four Confidences," achieve the "Two Upholds," implement the system of the Chairman of the Central Military Commission assuming overall responsibility, continuously strengthen political guidance, and strive to build political loyalty. The force, through forging and tempering, has been reorganized and reshaped, and is setting out fully equipped. Listening to Chairman Xi's command, being responsible to Chairman Xi, and reassuring Chairman Xi have become the conscious thought and action of the vast majority of officers and soldiers. It is precisely because the Party flag leads the military flag that the Rocket Force, through wind and rain, remains steadfast in its goal and true to its original aspiration. It is precisely because the military flag follows the Party flag that the Rocket Force, facing heavy responsibilities, remains indomitable and unwavering in its ambition, marching forward more resolutely in the direction guided by Chairman Xi, welcoming the centenary of the military with a brand-new political outlook.
Strengthening the military must first be political strengthening; political strength is the most fundamental strength. Currently, the tests facing the force's ideological and political construction are complex and intertwined. Factors affecting the Party's absolute leadership over the military and eroding the political essence of the people's military exist in reality. We must adhere to, apply well, and develop the important magic weapon of political military building to provide a stronger political guarantee for construction and development. Unswervingly strengthen ideological armament, truly learn, understand, believe in, and use Xi Jinping's thought on strengthening the military, enhance thematic training, systematic learning, and regular cultivation, honestly read original works, study original texts, and comprehend principles, thoroughly understand the standpoints, viewpoints, and methods contained within, forge a political soul and strengthen faith and conviction while consolidating the foundation, and consolidate the ideological foundation of "I operate the missile, I obey the Party's command." Unswervingly deepen political rectification, solidly do the "follow-up work" of implementing the spirit of the Central Military Commission's political work conference, carry out ideological rectification with a thorough self-revolutionary spirit, purge toxins and eliminate malpractices ideologically, remove decay and regenerate tissue organizationally, highlight the management of power and the selection and appointment of personnel to deeply advance the rectification of work style, discipline, and corruption, and focus on solving the real problems of why one joined the Party, why one serves as a soldier, why one serves as a commander, and the lack of reverence for laws and discipline, and the lack of knowing when to stop and feeling shame. Purify thought, purify the ranks, and purify the political ecosystem by addressing root causes and treating symptoms. Unswervingly enforce strict discipline and rules, place political discipline and political rules in a more prominent position, resolutely prevent political liberalism, resolutely struggle against various erroneous ideas, continuously improve political judgment, political comprehension, and political execution, and be a clear-minded and honest person in politics. Unswervingly strengthen Party organizations, deeply study and implement Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, always take the Party's political construction as the lead, further strengthen the unified leadership and collective leadership of Party committees, implement political requirements such as the Party managing organizations, the Party managing cadres, and the Party managing industries down to the grassroots, improve the organizational system that is connected from top to bottom and has strong execution, fully leverage the functional role of grassroots Party organizations, and promote the penetration of Party leadership into all fields and the entire process of construction and development.
Forging the sword and shield for the nation, tempering an iron fist of strategic power.
Over the 60-year journey of sharpening the sword, the Strategic Missile Force has always held the mission of warfighting above its head and shouldered the responsibility of victory, forging itself into a backbone force for defeating the enemy and defending peace. Whether it was the "two-bomb combination" countering nuclear threats and nuclear blackmail hegemony, expanding conventional missile strikes against the arrogant "Taiwan independence" forces, or realistically responding to and stabilizing the surrounding security situation, actively showing the sword to support national struggle and gaming, the Strategic Missile Force, with its solid capability to dare to fight, be able to fight, and win wars, has propped up the backbone of national security and national dignity, playing an irreplaceable role as strategic support and the "trump card" and "bottom card."
A strong country must have a strong military; only a strong military can ensure national security. President Xi emphasized that the Rocket Force is the core force of our country's strategic deterrence, the strategic support for our country's status as a major power, and an important cornerstone for maintaining national security. He clearly proposed that, following the strategic requirement of being equipped with both nuclear and conventional capabilities and conducting deterrence and warfare across the entire domain, we should enhance credible and reliable nuclear deterrence and nuclear counterattack capabilities, and strengthen the construction of medium and long-range precision strike forces. The Rocket Force bears in mind its functional positioning and mission tasks, firmly grasps combat effectiveness as the sole and fundamental standard, insists on leading construction with warfare and building for warfare, accelerates the optimization of structure, makes up for shortcomings, expands into new domains, promotes the leap in scale of combat forces, the development of combat systems towards integration, and the transformation of combat styles towards diversification. Military training accelerates its upgrade, weaponry and equipment are iteratively updated, combat readiness is maintained at a high level, and strategic deterrence and actual combat capabilities have been greatly enhanced. In successive military parades, the great-power long sword made its appearance as the finale, magnificent and grand. In real military struggles, the force is on standby, ready for battle at any time. Intercontinental missile test launches showed the sword across the ocean, shaking the world. "Dongfeng Express, the mission must be accomplished" has become the resounding calling card of the Strategic Missile Force. Being able to fight and win wars is the fundamental requirement of the Party and the people for the military. Only by firmly establishing the baton of preparing for war and fighting wars, focusing on countering the strong and strengthening strategic capabilities, striving for first-class status, and moving towards greatness and strength, can the Rocket Force shoulder the nation's heavy responsibilities with the nation's heavy weapons.
The ability to fight is the prerequisite for stopping war; being prepared to fight is the prerequisite for possibly not having to fight. China's development environment faces profound and complex changes, being in a period where strategic opportunities coexist with risks and challenges, and uncertain and unpredictable factors increase. Facing the new situation, new tasks, and new challenges, the Strategic Missile Force must shoulder the heavy responsibilities of the times and accelerate the forging of a strategic iron fist for victory. Strengthen capabilities closely tied to mission tasks, always base oneself on the overall situation and stand in the big picture, strengthen strategic planning and top-level design, integrate into joint operations to optimize force structure, strengthen equipment systems, connect command chains, stabilize the foundation of mature combat effectiveness, accelerate the generation of new-quality combat effectiveness, and continuously expand asymmetric balancing and asymmetric victory advantages. Closely monitor real challenges to improve state of readiness, further enhance awareness of potential dangers, crisis awareness, and warfighting awareness, truly think about war matters, truly plan for war problems, truly prepare for war preparations, meticulously forge the sword, diligently sharpen the sword, be adept at showing the sword, consolidate and enhance the state of full-time readiness for war and emergency response duty, carry out integrated unit aggregation training, operational coordination training, and confrontation test training, forge cross-unit, cross-group, cross-domain, and cross-service actual combat capabilities, ensuring the force can be summoned at any time, fight upon arrival, and win the battle. Closely follow development trends to seize the initiative, adapt to the profound changes in the concepts, elements, and methods of winning modern wars, strengthen collective research on missile combat theory, tactics, and technology, expand new means and new forms of actual combat training, create new growth poles for combat effectiveness, and firmly grasp the initiative and dominance in winning the future.
Vigorously reform and innovate, promote high-quality development.
The development history of the Strategic Missile Force is a history of striving forward with courage to break through and dare to be the first, and a history of struggle through self-reliance and self-strengthening. The strategic missile cause started from scratch amidst blockades and encirclements, beginning with nothing. Without textbooks, they compiled their own; without positions, they built their own; without equipment, they developed their own; without talent, they cultivated their own. They undertook the difficult tasks of pioneering and laying foundations, and blazed new trails to break dangerous situations and tackle difficult problems. The vast majority of officers and soldiers, with a spirit of never accepting defeat and forging ahead, step by step expanded the "Dongfeng family," honed the "Dongfeng sword array," and blazed a unique path for strategic force construction and development with Chinese style and Chinese characteristics.
Entering the new era, under President Xi's decision-making and planning, our military has undergone "the most extensive and profound reform of national defense and the military since the founding of New China." The Strategic Missile Force seized the opportunity, stood at the forefront, unswervingly promoted deepening reforms, and injected strong momentum into the transformation and leapfrog development of the force. Warfighting and construction operations became more efficient, some institutional obstacles, structural contradictions, and policy issues were effectively resolved, and combat effectiveness construction shifted gears and accelerated, advancing steadily and swiftly. The governance model became more scientific, adhering to the connection between rule-of-law construction and deepening reforms, vigorously correcting outdated thinking patterns, inherent routines, and inertial dependencies, and the force's construction took solid steps towards standardization and institutionalization. The talent pool grew larger, closely following the process of force restructuring, system reconstruction, and functional reshaping, accelerating the construction of a new type of military talent team. A large number of high-quality commanders, missile operators, and scientific research innovation teams emerged one after another, becoming a solid support for the high-quality development of the force. Embracing reform, daring to reform, and being good at reform have allowed the Rocket Force to burst forth with vigorous development vitality on the new journey of strengthening the military, leading the strategic service to stand at the forefront of the times, achieving tempering into steel and striving for first-class status.
Only reformers advance; only innovators are strong; only reformers and innovators prevail. The new round of the world military revolution is accelerating. Facing changes in the times, changes in technology, changes in warfare, and changes in development, we must fully, accurately, and comprehensively implement the new development philosophy, firmly establish and practice a correct view of performance, take on responsibilities, overcome difficulties, and win development advantages with strategic initiative. Firmly grasp demand traction, strive to enhance strategic management awareness and capability, promote precise alignment between military requirements and planning construction, and precise matching between development needs and resource allocation, achieving transformation from quantity and scale to quality and efficiency. Pay more attention to intensification and efficiency, further establish the development concepts of standardization, generalization, and integration, coordinate deterrence and actual combat, reality and long-term, promote the organic combination and mutual promotion of expanding the service and strengthening capabilities. Strengthen technological empowerment, grasp the requirement for independent controllability of key core technologies, prospectively carry out scientific research layout in key areas of missile operations such as unmanned intelligence, hypersonic speed, penetration and anti-jamming, drive comprehensive breakthroughs with key assaults, achieve fission and amplification of high-quality combat effectiveness, and promote the Rocket Force to firmly march towards the world-class goal through high-quality development.
Carry forward fine traditions, forever maintain the force's purity and honor.
The Strategic Missile Force has a profound and glorious history. Nourished by the "Two Bombs, One Satellite" spirit, it has nurtured and formed distinctive revolutionary spirits such as the "Three Loves" spirit, the Plateau Rocket Soldier spirit, the Hongchuan spirit, and the Missile Engineering Soldier spirit, which have become precious assets for the deep-rooted and flourishing cause of force construction. Generations of officers and soldiers, inspired and motivated by fine traditions, have strived, worked hard, and taken on responsibilities. They have successively produced a number of meritorious collectives such as the "First Dongfeng Brigade," the "First Conventional Missile Brigade," the "Model Battalion for Military Training," and the "Pioneer Battalion for Missile Launch," as well as heroic models like Yang Yegong, "Model Commander Faithfully Fulfilling the Mission," Zeng Jiao, "Model Soldier Loving the Military and Mastering Military Skills," Huang Binghua, "Model Scientific and Technical Cadre Dedicated to National Defense Modernization," Meng Xiangbin, "Model Officer Sacrificing Himself to Save Others," Tan Qingquan, "Pioneer of Sharpening the Sword," Wang Zhongxin, recipient of the "August 1 Medal," and He Xianda, "National Moral Model," erecting spiritual monuments of determination to sharpen the sword and strengthen the military.
The fundamentals must be guarded; the traditional advantages must not be lost. President Xi pointed out that we must vigorously inherit and carry forward the fine traditions of our Party and military, promote the construction of a strong military culture in the new era, strengthen the cultivation and motivation of advanced models, let the red gene be passed down from generation to generation, and let new winds and righteous energy become more abundant. In recent years, the Rocket Force has resolutely implemented the decisions and deployments of President Xi and the Central Military Commission, attached great importance to the work of promoting fine traditions, solidly carried out study and education on the history of the Party, the military, and the development history of the Rocket Force, vigorously promoted the Rocket Force spirit, built and made good use of the military history museum system, and created a strong atmosphere for learning, speaking about, and applying traditions. The vast majority of officers and soldiers, following the footsteps of their predecessors and martyrs, have taken root on the plateau, Gobi, and deep rock layers, stationed in deep mountain positions and missile caves, riveted on duty positions and training frontlines. Facing harsh environments and heavy tasks, they know difficulties but are not afraid of them, endure hardships without complaint, support the missile cause with youthful blood and passion. I am nameless, but the country is famous; with anonymity, forge prestige. They have sung the new-era song of sharpening the sword. Practice has proven that the precious fine traditions condense the roots and soul of force construction and development, contain the confidence for victory, temper the hard bones for overcoming difficulties, are the advantage of the Rocket Force in opening up new horizons and moving towards strength, and are also an important guarantee for forever maintaining purity and honor.
No matter how the times change or how the situation develops, good traditions and good styles are never outdated; instead, they become more enduring and vibrant through the sedimentation of time. The goal of achieving the centenary of military construction is imminent, and the task of building a strong, modernized Rocket Force is arduous. More than ever, we need to draw rich nourishment from fine traditions, further establish a spiritual high ground, focus on the eternal continuation of bloodlines, the eternal solidification of foundations, and the eternal preservation of advantages, strive to teach the profound traditional lessons, the history lessons of using the past to illuminate the present, and the immersive cultural lessons, actively build a sword-sharpening culture with Rocket Force characteristics, attach importance to promoting simultaneous work on preserving, compiling, and researching history, and achieve integrated efforts in study and education, typical guidance, environmental熏陶, practical integration, and policy incentives. Focus on taking the grassroots as the fertile ground for carrying forward fine traditions, innovate forms and carriers to tell the stories of strengthening the military and the Rocket Force well, and promote the passing down of red genes from generation to generation. Further polish the style and essence, continue to promote the Rocket Force's fine style of "being known for strictness and being known for practicality," integrate it into all aspects such as rectification and consolidation, military training and war preparation, work style and discipline, and daily routines, especially manage the construction of atmosphere with strict tone and strict standards, promote the internalization of traditional essence in the mind and externalization in action. Further gather the strength for progress, vigorously learn from and publicize old heroes and old models, vigorously cultivate and establish new-era advanced models for war preparation and combat, inspire and motivate officers and soldiers to become advanced and become inheritors, fully mobilize their initiative and enthusiasm, make unity and progress and concerted struggle a common practice, and gather the mighty force of loving the Rocket Force and building a strong Rocket Force.
60 years of passing the torch, 60 years of sharpening the sword and striving for strength. Standing at the starting point of the next sexagenary cycle, the Strategic Missile Force is poised for action, seizing the momentum to move forward, marching steadfastly towards the goal of striving to build a strong, modernized Rocket Force, and striving to write a glorious chapter worthy of the Party, worthy of the people, and worthy of the times.
Return to TopBy: 崔禄春
This year marks the 105th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China. In the course of its struggle spanning more than 100 years, our Party has attached great importance to the construction of the system of intra-Party regulations (党内法规), regarding it as an important magic weapon for governing the Party and managing the Party. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has adhered to the integrated construction of law-based governance of the country, institutional governance of the Party (制度治党), and rule-based governance of the Party (依规治党), promoting the intra-Party regulations system to become more mature and定型. Adhering to institutional governance of the Party and rule-based governance of the Party is an important part of Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, a long-term and fundamental policy for comprehensively and strictly governing the Party, and provides a strong institutional guarantee for realizing the governance of the Communist Party of China and the governance of China in the new era.
The Fundamental Guarantee for the Centenary Party to Forever Maintain Vigor and Vitality
Institutional governance of the Party and rule-based governance of the Party are rooted in the theoretical fertile soil of Marxist party-building doctrine, condense the historical wisdom of our Party's more than 100 years of governing and managing the Party, respond to the practical requirements of the Party's deep self-reform in the new era, and are the fundamental institutional guarantee for the centenary Party to forever maintain vigor and vitality.
Creative Application of the Laws of Marxist Party Building. Marxist party-building doctrine has always attached great importance to the fundamental role of institutions in party building. In the process of founding the Communist League, Marx and Engels presided over the formulation of the Rules of the Communist League, clearly stipulating the conditions for membership, organizational principles, and disciplinary requirements, providing the initial paradigm for Marxist parties to establish and manage the party by program and rules. In the practice of leading the construction of the Russian Bolshevik Party, Lenin further proposed that "the proletariat's realization of unconditional centralization and the strictest discipline is one of the basic conditions for defeating the bourgeoisie," laying an important theoretical foundation for the construction of Marxist party institutions. As a Marxist party, the Communist Party of China has always adhered to combining the basic tenets of Marxism with China's specific realities and with the excellent traditional Chinese culture. In the course of its more than 100 years of struggle, it has creatively explored the path of institutional governance of the Party and rule-based governance of the Party for governing and managing the Party, which not only upholds the essential attributes of a Marxist party but also endows it with distinct Chinese characteristics and contemporary connotations, deepening the understanding of the laws of governance by the Communist Party and the laws of Marxist party building. This is a major original contribution of our Party to Marxist party-building doctrine.
Precious Experience Crystallized from a Century of Practice in Governing and Managing the Party. Since its founding, our Party has attached great importance to institutional construction and has always regarded institutional governance of the Party and rule-based governance of the Party as important guidelines for governing and managing the Party. During the period of the New Democratic Revolution, the Party continuously explored institutional construction in the revolutionary struggle. In 1921, the First National Congress adopted the First Program of the Communist Party of China, initiating the precedent of institutional governance of the Party. In 1922, the Second National Congress formulated the first formal Party Constitution, clarifying the fundamental guidelines for governing and managing the Party. In 1927, the Fifth National Congress elected the Central Supervisory Commission, carrying out early explorations of self-supervision. In 1938, Mao Zedong first proposed the concept of "intra-Party regulations" at the Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee. The session adopted regulatory documents such as the Decision on the Work Rules and Discipline of the Central Committee, initially constructing the institutional framework for the centralized and unified leadership of the Party Central Committee. During the period of Socialist Revolution and Construction, the Eighth National Congress adopted the first Party Constitution after the Party came to power, systematically expounding democratic centralism, and carried out fruitful explorations of the Party's institutional construction under governance conditions. During the new period of Reform and Opening-up and Socialist Modernization, the Party restored and improved the institutional system with the Party Constitution at its core. In 1980, Deng Xiaoping profoundly put forward the major thesis that "institutional issues are more fundamental, overarching, stable, and long-term." The Party Constitution adopted at the Twelfth National Congress in 1982 put Party building back on an institutionalized track. The Thirteenth National Congress explicitly proposed taking a new path of "not engaging in political movements, but relying on reform and institutional construction." The Sixteenth National Congress required the organic integration of ideological building, organizational building, and work style building, with institutional building running through them, both based on doing routine work well and urgently solving prominent existing problems. Entering the new era, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has incorporated comprehensively and strictly governing the Party into the "Four Comprehensives" strategic layout. The construction of the intra-Party regulations system has achieved historic accomplishments, providing a strong institutional guarantee for ensuring the Party's long-term governance and the country's long-term stability and security. Over more than 100 years, it is precisely by relying on the important magic weapon of institutional governance of the Party and rule-based governance of the Party that our Party has been able to maintain vigorous vitality and strong combat effectiveness through trials of wind and rain.
An Important Support for the Party's Self-Reform. How to break out of the historical cycle of rise and fall is a major proposition that the Communist Party of China has always been thinking about and exploring. During the Yan'an period, Mao Zedong gave the first answer: "Only by letting the people supervise the government will the government not dare to slack off." After more than 100 years of struggle, especially the new practice since the 18th National Congress, General Secretary Xi Jinping has given the second answer, which is self-reform. Institutional governance of the Party and rule-based governance of the Party, by constructing a complete system of intra-Party regulations, confine power to the cage of institutions, providing rigid institutional constraints and a stable institutional operation mechanism for self-reform, ensuring that the Party, under long-term governance conditions, can promptly discover existing problems, correct its own mistakes, and eliminate viruses that erode the Party's healthy body, achieving self-purification, self-improvement, self-renovation, and self-enhancement. Since the 18th National Congress, our Party has relied on institutional strength to carry out an unprecedented anti-corruption struggle, achieving historic accomplishments in comprehensively and strictly governing the Party, fully proving that institutional governance of the Party and rule-based governance of the Party are important guarantees for the Party's self-reform.
Historic Achievements in Institutional Governance of the Party and Rule-Based Governance of the Party in the New Era
Since the 18th National Congress, General Secretary Xi Jinping has attached great importance to the construction of the intra-Party regulations system, making a series of important expositions on institutional governance of the Party and rule-based governance of the Party. The Party Central Committee has twice convened national conferences on intra-Party regulations work and issued the Opinions of the CPC Central Committee on Strengthening the Construction of the Intra-Party Regulations System, making comprehensive arrangements for the construction of the intra-Party regulations system, promoting a structural change and historic achievements in the construction of the intra-Party regulations system in the new era.
Constructing a Scientific, Complete, Effective, and Practical Intra-Party Regulations System. The intra-Party regulations system is the institutional basis for governing and managing the Party. Since the 18th National Congress, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has regarded the construction of the intra-Party regulations system as an important part of the socialist legal system with Chinese characteristics, adhering to the organic unity of law-based governance of the country and rule-based governance of the Party, and统筹推进 the formulation of intra-Party regulations. As of June 2024, the entire Party has a total of 3,936 currently effective intra-Party regulations, forming a "1+4" basic framework of the intra-Party regulations system with the Party Constitution as the fundamental basis, covering Party organizational regulations, Party leadership regulations, Party self-building regulations, and Party supervision and guarantee regulations, covering all aspects, fields, and links of Party leadership and Party building, ensuring that there are rules to follow and regulations to abide by. The formation of this system is a landmark achievement in the history of Party building in the new era and in the history of building the socialist legal system with Chinese characteristics, marking that our Party's governance and management of the Party has fully entered a new stage of institutionalization and standardization, providing solid institutional support for advancing the new great project of Party building and for upholding and strengthening the Party's overall leadership.
Ensuring Institutions Take Root with Rigid Execution Capability. The vitality of institutions lies in their implementation, and the authority of institutions also lies in their implementation. Since the 18th National Congress, our Party has always placed institutional implementation in a prominent position, adhering to the principles that if there are rules, they must be followed; if there are regulations, they must be strictly enforced; and if there are violations, they must be investigated, resolutely preventing institutions from becoming "scarecrows" or "rubber bands." General Secretary Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out, "We must make great efforts to establish institutions and set rules, and even more so, we must make great efforts to implement and enforce them, resolutely correcting phenomena such as arbitrary adaptation, malicious evasion, and disregard for institutions." The Party Central Committee started by formulating and implementing the Central Eight-Point Regulation, leading from the top and strictly implementing various institutional provisions, setting an example for the entire Party. It established and improved the responsibility system for the implementation of intra-Party regulations, clarified the responsibilities of Party organizations at all levels and leading Party cadres for implementing regulations, incorporated the implementation of intra-Party regulations into the important content of inspection tours, supervision, and assessment, strengthened supervision and accountability, and seriously investigated and punished violations of intra-Party regulations, resolutely maintaining the seriousness and authority of institutions. Through strict institutional implementation, the long-standing problems of laxity, leniency, and softness were effectively resolved, promoting a fundamental transformation in governing and managing the Party from "lax, lenient, soft" to "strict, tight, hard." The Party's creativity, cohesion, and combat effectiveness were significantly enhanced, the Party's unity and solidarity were further consolidated, the relationship between the Party and the masses was markedly improved, and the Party became stronger through revolutionary tempering.
Institutional Governance of the Party, Ideological Party Building, and Law-Based Governance of the Country Work in the Same Direction to Form Synergistic Governance Force. Institutional governance of the Party is not isolated; rather, it interconnects and works synergistically with ideological Party building and law-based governance of the country. General Secretary Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out, "Strict governance of the Party relies on education and also on institutions; the two, one soft and one hard, must work in the same direction and at the same time." This important thesis profoundly reveals the dialectical relationship between institutional governance of the Party and ideological Party building, providing a scientific methodology for governing and managing the Party in the new era. Since the 18th National Congress, our Party has adhered to the organic combination of institutional governance of the Party and ideological Party building, both supplementing the "calcium" of Party members and cadres' spirit through ideological education, building a solid foundation of faith, and regulating the behavior of Party members and cadres through institutional constraints, organically unifying the flexible guidance of ideological leadership and the rigid norms of institutional constraints, achieving a combination of toughness and softness and synergistic effectiveness. It adheres to the organic unity of law-based governance of the country and rule-based governance of the Party, pays attention to the connection and coordination between intra-Party regulations and national laws, both giving play to the high standards and strict requirements of intra-Party regulations for Party members and the universal binding effect of national laws on all citizens, and promoting the better transformation of the Party's institutional advantages into national governance effectiveness. By promoting the three to work in the same direction and deeply integrate, a powerful synergistic governance force has been formed, continuously improving the level of modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity, providing an important guarantee for the historic achievements and historic changes in the cause of the Party and the country.
Building a Solid Foundation for Revitalizing and Strengthening the Party through Institutional Governance of the Party and Rule-Based Governance of the Party
To govern the country, one must first govern the Party; only when the Party thrives can the country be strong. Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, with the "Fourteen Persistences," profoundly grasps the internal connection between governing and managing the Party, revitalizing and strengthening the Party, and strengthening the country and rejuvenating the nation, and clearly elucidates the fundamental principles, work layout, key tasks, and methods and paths of Party building in the new era. On the new journey, facing the arduous tasks of economic and social development during the "15th Five-Year Plan" period, it is necessary to leverage the special advantages of institutional governance of the Party and rule-based governance of the Party, persistently and unremittingly advance comprehensively and strictly governing the Party, in order to effectively solve the unique problems of a large party and ensure that the Party always remains the strong leading core for building a strong country and realizing national rejuvenation.
Focus on Prominent Problems to Fill Institutional Shortcomings. After more than ten years of effort in the new era, our Party has formed a relatively complete intra-Party regulations system, but there are still incompatibilities between institutional supply and the practical needs of governing and managing the Party on the new journey. There are institutional blind spots in some emerging fields, some institutions are too principled and lack operable quantitative standards, and the connection between institutions in individual fields is not smooth enough. It is necessary to focus on the core requirement of solving the "six how to always" unique problems of a large party, adhere to a problem-oriented approach, closely monitor weak areas of Party leadership and emerging fields of Party building, and accelerate the filling of institutional shortcomings and gaps. Fully implement the deployment requirements of the Outline of the Central Committee's Work Plan for the Formulation of Intra-Party Regulations (2023–2027),统筹推进 the establishment, amendment, abolition, and interpretation of intra-Party regulations, so that institutional construction precisely responds to the practical needs of comprehensively and strictly governing the Party, ensuring that every institution is established, workable, and effective.
Seize the Key of Quality to Perfect the Regulations System. It is necessary to focus on the core of improving the quality of formulation, and continuously perfect the intra-Party regulations system that is scientific in content, rigorous in procedure, complete in supporting measures, and effective in operation. Adhere to scientific, democratic, and law-based regulation-making, conduct in-depth investigation and research, combine the central requirements, the expectations of the masses, practical needs, and fresh experience, and effectively prevent institutions from being divorced from reality, having vague content, or lagging behind practical development. Improve the normalized mechanism for clearing regulations, promptly amend or abolish regulations that are unsuitable for the needs of the development of the situation, avoiding problems such as "overlapping beds and houses" (叠床架屋 - dié chuáng jià wū, "overlapping beds and houses," redundant and overlapping) and "mutual conflict" among institutions. Resolutely prevent formalism and bureaucracy in institutional construction, eliminate phenomena such as "building a cart behind closed doors" (闭门造车 - bì mén zào chē, "close the door to build a cart," acting without considering reality) and engaging in institutional "image projects," and promote the continuous upgrading of the intra-Party regulations system from "relatively complete" to "more mature and定型."
Strengthen Ground-Level Transformation to Release Governance Effectiveness. The ultimate value of institutions lies in their transformation into governance effectiveness. It is necessary to strictly implement the responsibility system for the implementation of intra-Party regulations,压实 the main responsibility of Party organizations at all levels, the first responsible person responsibility of principal responsible persons, and the "one post with dual responsibilities" of members of the leadership team, incorporate the implementation of institutions into the core content of political supervision, inspection tours, and Party building assessment, improve the supervision and accountability mechanism for regulation implementation, and resolutely rectify prominent problems such as having regulations but not following them, lax enforcement of regulations, and failure to investigate violations. Adhere to the simultaneous efforts of institutional governance of the Party and ideological Party building, and the organic unity of rule-based governance of the Party and law-based governance of the country, achieving mutual support between rigid constraints and flexible guidance, and connection and coordination between intra-Party regulations and national laws. Give play to the exemplary and leading role of leading cadres as the "key minority," enhance the consciousness and firmness of leading cadres at all levels in rule-based governance of the Party, and promote the widespread practice of respecting, abiding by, and safeguarding institutions throughout the Party (蔚然成风 - wèi rán chéng fēng, "become common practice," to become a prevailing trend), providing a strong institutional guarantee for comprehensively advancing the building of a strong country and the great cause of national rejuvenation through Chinese-style modernization.
[The author is Deputy Secretary-General of the Central Party School (National Academy of Governance)]
Return to TopBy: 本报评论员 林珊珊
Grasping the initiative in historical progress, the self-construction of the historical subject is of paramount importance. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized, "Looking at the whole world, no political party can treat its self-construction as seriously and earnestly as the Communist Party of China, nor promote self-reform with such a high degree of self-awareness, a scientific attitude, and a systematic approach. This is our Party's distinct advantage and also the winning way to lead the times." Looking back at the century-plus struggle, no matter how the situation and tasks changed, no matter what kind of tempestuous waves were encountered, our Party has always grasped the historical initiative, anchored the goal of struggle, and resolutely advanced along the correct direction. Today, the Party unites and leads the Chinese people on a new journey of "catching up on exams" (赶考之路) to achieve the second centenary goal. Only by building the Party to be stronger and more powerful can it always stay at the forefront of the times in the historical process of profound changes in the world situation, always become the backbone of the entire nation in the historical process of responding to various domestic and international risks and tests, and always be the strong leading core in the historical process of upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics.
Grasping historical trends and conforming to historical currents are the cognitive prerequisites for winning historical initiative. Only by clearly recognizing the historical position can we see the logic of progress, maintain strategic resolve amidst changes, and plan according to circumstances. Throughout the century-plus struggle, our Party has always focused on scientific analysis and grasping historical trends, attached importance to drawing on and applying historical experience, drawing wisdom and strength from history, seizing and making good use of opportunities, and uniting and leading the Chinese people to write the most magnificent epic in the thousands of years of Chinese history. Entering the new era, facing the prominent issues of Party building in integrity and the fight against corruption within the Party, our Party has resolutely opposed corruption whenever it appeared and punished graft whenever it was found, continuously purified the cadre ranks, safeguarded the Party's image, consolidated the red river and mountain (red regime), and won the historical initiative to ensure the Party does not change its nature, its color, or its flavor. Standing at the new historical juncture of a century-old major party in power, we must grasp the current situation, proactively seize historical opportunities, place Party building into the grand cause of advancing the construction of a strong country and national rejuvenation for overall planning, always maintain the sobriety and firmness to solve the unique problems of a large party, forge a skeleton of steel that dares to struggle and dares to win, and continuously create opportunities and win initiative through our own growth and development.
History only favors the steadfast, the diligent, and the battlers; it never waits for the hesitant, the slackers, or those who fear difficulties. Lacking historical initiative will lead to losing direction in complex situations, 进退失据 (jìn tuì shī jù - "advance and retreat lose basis," to be at a loss what to do) in the face of risks and challenges, and wavering stance on 大是大非 (dà shì dà fēi - "great rights and great wrongs," matters of principle). At present, changes in the world, changes in the times, and changes in history are unfolding in unprecedented ways. Factors that weaken the Party's advanced nature and impair its purity are present at all times; dangers that violate the original aspiration and mission and shake the Party's foundation are everywhere. The "four tests" (四大考验) and "four dangers" (四种危险) remain complex and severe, and the task of eradicating the soil and conditions for corruption remains arduous and heavy. Faced with such a complex situation, passive coping will only miss good opportunities, and blind following will inevitably be controlled by others. Only by grasping the historical initiative and advancing self-construction with stricter standards can we sharpen our courage and insight in the face of risks and challenges, accurately assess and properly respond to risks and challenges from all sides, and ensure the Party remains invincible amidst various trials of wind and waves.
To win historical initiative, we must, on the premise of grasping historical laws, base ourselves on new realities, seek new pathways, and explore new methods. Since the new era, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, with a broad vision that looks at the rise and fall of political parties worldwide, taking the historical cycle of order and chaos, rise and fall (治乱兴衰历史周期率) as a mirror, has placed the effective prevention and resolution of major risks, and the absolute avoidance of strategic and subversive mistakes, in a prominent position and repeatedly emphasized them. It has actively assessed the situation, actively planned and laid out, and actively responded to challenges, further deepening our Party's understanding of the laws of Marxist party building and the laws of Communist Party governance. In the practice and theoretical exploration of comprehensively and strictly governing the Party, we have found the second answer to jumping out of the historical cycle through the Party's self-reform, and have won greater initiative in mastering our own destiny and advancing the development of the cause. To study and implement Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, we must focus on grasping and applying the regularities within, analyze the mechanisms of evolution, explore development trends, and continuously improve the Party's ability to overcome difficulties, resolve contradictions, and steer complex situations.
Realizing the Chinese Dream is a historical relay race. The closer we get to the goal, the more we need to stay sober; the more severe the situation, the less room there is for hesitation and fence-sitting. Under the scientific guidance of Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, we must, with a more confident, self-reliant, and self-strengthening posture, and with the tenacity of 善始善终 (shàn shǐ shàn zhōng - "good beginning, good ending," to start well and end well) and 善作善成 (shàn zuò shàn chéng - "good work, good achievement," to do well and succeed), persistently advance the Party's self-construction, overcome difficulties, fight risks, and meet challenges with the spirit of historical initiative, hand in an excellent answer sheet on the new journey of "catching up on exams," and lead the creation of a bright prospect for the development of the Party and the country.
Return to TopAgricultural and rural modernization concerns the overall situation and quality of Chinese-style modernization. We must take solid measures to do all work well, focus on enhancing comprehensive agricultural production capacity and quality efficiency, ensure stable supply of grain and other important agricultural products, promote the construction of livable, workable, and beautiful villages according to local conditions, and guide the broad masses of farmers to use diligence and wisdom to create a better life.
Return to TopBy: 李福建
Along with the rapid innovation of biotechnology and the high-frequency movement of people and materials globally, the cross-border transmission and composite characteristics of biosecurity risks are increasingly prominent, and have become a major issue affecting global public security and concerning the sustainable development of humanity. Emerging infectious diseases continuously appear, cutting-edge biotechnology iterates rapidly, alien biological invasions occur frequently, and laboratory safety hazards become prominent. Multiple biosecurity risks present a complex situation of interweaving and superimposition, cross-border transmission, and full-domain diffusion. The global biosecurity governance system has entered a critical stage of deep restructuring. The structure of governance subjects, the dimensions of risk prevention and control, and the international rule system are all undergoing systemic transformation. At the same time, deep-seated contradictions inherent in the system continue to become prominent, profoundly reshaping the overall landscape of global biosecurity.
Global Biosecurity Governance System Accelerates Iterative Restructuring
Governance subjects become increasingly diverse, and a multi-level collaborative co-governance network gradually takes shape. The traditional single government-led governance model has been completely transformed, forming a new governance pattern of multi-party linkage among governments, international organizations, the private sector, the scientific research community, and the public. Sovereign states remain the core pillar of governance, undertaking core functions such as legislation and regulation, resource allocation, and emergency command. Authoritative international institutions such as the World Health Organization, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, and the World Organisation for Animal Health play key roles in global norm-setting, risk information sharing, and transnational action coordination. At the same time, the governance value of private enterprises and scientific research forces continues to become prominent. Non-governmental organizations and grassroots public build grassroots defenses through science popularization, behavioral guidance, supervision and accountability. All subjects divide labor and cooperate, mutually empower, and build a cross-domain, multi-level collaborative governance framework.
The scope of governance has achieved full-domain extension, and the dimensions of risk prevention and control continue to be refined and expanded. Traditional biosecurity governance only focused on basic areas such as border quarantine and infectious disease prevention and control. Now the governance boundary has been comprehensively broadened, covering all categories of risk areas such as laboratory safety management, ethical regulation of gene technology, prevention and control of alien species invasion, protection of biological resources, and prevention of biological threats. The causes of biological risks have undergone significant changes. The proportion of risks from natural pathogens is gradually decreasing, while human-induced risks such as microbial leakage caused by laboratory violations, abuse of synthetic biology technology, and accelerated cross-border transmission of epidemics due to modern transportation have become major safety hazards. Countries accordingly continue to broaden the prevention and control boundaries. Governance scenarios comprehensively cover communities, medical institutions, scientific research laboratories, border ports, and natural ecosystems, establishing a full-chain management and control system from source to process to terminal. They comprehensively use multiple means such as legal norms, technical standards, ethical review, and public education to make risk prevention and control more comprehensive and refined.
Governance rules are increasingly internationalized, and multilateral collaborative cooperation has become a global consensus. Biosecurity risks naturally have cross-border transmission attributes; no country can 独善其身 (dú shàn qí shēn - "to maintain one's own integrity alone," to look after oneself without regard for others). A series of core international treaties have built the legal foundation for global governance. The International Health Regulations (2005) clarify the collaborative obligations of countries for public health emergencies. The Biological Weapons Convention strengthens the bottom line of biological non-proliferation. The Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety regulates the cross-border movement of genetically modified organisms. Beyond the legal framework, technical norms of the International Organization for Standardization and soft law norms such as the Tianjin Guidelines for the Biosecurity Code of Conduct for Scientists (科学家生物安全行为准则天津指南), led by our country, are widely disseminated, effectively compensating for institutional shortcomings. Normalized and institutionalized multilateral cooperation has become the core path for the global response to biosecurity challenges, continuously promoting global biosecurity governance towards a new stage of standardized and systematic development.
Risk Points in the Global Biosecurity Governance System
Insufficient effectiveness of collaborative governance, and the problem of rule fragmentation is relatively prominent. Although the current multi-stakeholder co-governance framework has taken shape, problems such as information barriers, interest gaming, and lack of coordination have long existed, greatly weakening the joint force of transnational governance. Based on considerations of sovereign security and economic interests, countries set up circulation barriers for core resources such as biological monitoring data and virus samples, resulting in monitoring blind spots in the global risk early warning system, making it difficult to achieve early detection, early warning, and early response. At the same time, various international governance institutions have problems such as overlapping functions and gaps in authority and responsibility. When responding to sudden biosecurity incidents, they are prone to policy conflicts and coordination lags. At the rule level, a unified global biosecurity management and control standard has not yet been formed. The laboratory safety classification norms of various countries are 参差不齐 (cēn cī bù qí - "uneven, not uniform"). Some developing countries and private institutions have low management and control standards, easily causing pathogen leakage risks. For cutting-edge technologies such as gene editing and synthetic biology, an international unified regulatory system has not yet been established. Countries have different regulatory standards and 各行其是 (gè xíng qí shì - "each acts as they see fit"). The fragmentation of the rule system has greatly reduced the overall effectiveness of global collaborative prevention and control.
Obvious shortcomings exist in full-domain prevention and control, and the North-South technology gap continues to exacerbate security risks. The goal of seamless full-domain prevention and control of global biosecurity has not yet been realized. Low-income countries generally have problems such as insufficient public health investment, weak grassroots testing capacity, and imperfect monitoring systems. They find it difficult to identify emerging infectious diseases at the budding stage, becoming weak zones for the breeding and spread of global biological risks. There are obvious loopholes in the regulatory mechanism for cross-border biological genetic resources. Problems such as illegal loss of biological resources and imbalance of rights and interests occur frequently, and there is a lack of perfect traceability and benefit-sharing mechanisms. More critically, the development of global biotechnology presents a severely unbalanced pattern. Developed countries, relying on abundant scientific research funds and technological accumulation, occupy absolute advantages in fields such as intelligent monitoring, pathogen identification, and big data analysis, building a complete technical prevention and control system. However, most developing countries, constrained by talent shortages, outdated equipment, and weak scientific research foundations, have long been in a passive prevention and control state. In addition, some developed countries implement technological protectionism, restricting the cross-border transfer of core technologies, continuously widening the biosecurity technology gap, and exacerbating the structural imbalance of global governance.
The international regulatory system lags behind technological iteration, and there are significant prevention and control blind spots for new types of risks. Cutting-edge biotechnology iterates and upgrades at high speed, while the corresponding international regulatory rules update slowly. Institutional construction clearly lags behind the speed of technological development. Currently, the thresholds for technologies such as synthetic biology and gene editing continue to lower, and the risk of artificially creating or modifying dangerous pathogens is rising. However, relevant international norms are mostly advocacy statements, lacking binding force, and it is difficult to form effective constraints. At the same time, biosecurity and cybersecurity are deeply intertwined. New types of risks such as theft and tampering of biological data and cyberattacks on laboratory information systems occur frequently, but have not yet been incorporated into the mainstream global governance system. In addition, the current governance mechanism is insufficient in responding to slow-variable risks such as climate change and sharp decline in biodiversity. Such problems can easily change the transmission pattern of infectious diseases and exacerbate the risk of disease spillover. However, there is currently a lack of cross-cycle, cross-regional special coordination governance frameworks, resulting in a large number of governance blind spots, continuously threatening global biosecurity stability.
Future Development Trends of the Global Biosecurity Governance System
The effectiveness of governance coordination presents a differentiated pattern of partial improvement and overall insufficiency. Future global biosecurity cooperation will present obvious structural differences. Pragmatic cooperation in specific areas such as regional public health protection and cross-border biodiversity conservation continues to deepen. Around key risk points such as vaccine promotion and alien species prevention and control, bilateral and minilateral functional cooperation becomes increasingly active, gradually forming stable and efficient regional cooperation highlands. However, from the overall global perspective, comprehensive and institutionalized collaborative governance still faces multiple obstacles. Geopolitical games continue to penetrate the biosecurity field, and many core governance issues are difficult to reach international consensus. Differences among countries on core interests such as attribution of biological resources, leadership of technical standards, and sharing of public health responsibilities are difficult to resolve in the short term. The overall authority and resource allocation capacity of global governance institutions are limited, causing global governance to maintain an unbalanced situation of active micro-cooperation and weak macro-coordination for a long time.
Intelligent prevention and control technology becomes the core competitiveness of developed countries in dominating the governance landscape. Digital technologies such as artificial intelligence and cloud computing are deeply integrated with the biosecurity field, pushing prevention and control models into a new stage of intelligence, becoming a strategic focus for countries to seize the initiative in governance. Developed countries, relying on technological and resource advantages, widely apply technologies such as intelligent algorithms, whole-genome sequencing, and digital twins to full-process prevention and control scenarios including pathogen screening, transmission trajectory prediction, epidemic simulation and rehearsal, and medical resource allocation, greatly improving the accuracy and efficiency of risk early warning and emergency response. The differentiated development of technological iteration further widens the North-South biosecurity digital divide. Most developing countries lack intelligent prevention and control infrastructure and core technology support, passively becoming weak areas for the breeding and spread of biological risks. The level of intelligent technology application will directly determine the tier of biosecurity governance capability, enabling developed countries to firmly control global governance rules, standards, and discourse power.
Multilateral cooperation gradually abandons formalistic frameworks and deeply transforms towards pragmatism and regionalization. Traditional principle-based and declaratory multilateral cooperation has limited effectiveness. Countries increasingly focus on institutionalized cooperation that is highly implementable, with clear results and clear rights and responsibilities, concentrating on practical areas such as medical material reserves and border joint prevention and control, pursuing tangible and perceptible security dividends. Regional countries with similar geography and interconnected ecosystems have highly convergent biosecurity risks, generating strong endogenous impetus for regional cooperation. Practices such as the African Union promoting the construction of local disease control systems and vaccine production capacity, and ASEAN issuing a regional biosecurity cooperation declaration, demonstrate the flexible advantages of regional governance. Efficient regional coordination models can quickly build mutual trust and implement measures. Once mature, they can provide replicable practical templates for optimizing the global governance system. Currently, global biosecurity governance is at a critical stage of 除旧布新 (chú jiù bù xīn - "remove the old and spread the new," to replace outdated with new). Structural shortcomings of the governance system coexist with new development opportunities. Only by adhering to the concept of a community with a shared future for mankind, building global governance consensus, perfecting a unified rule system, promoting sharing of technological resources, and strengthening transnational emergency coordination, can we break the governance deadlock and build a solid global biosecurity defense line protecting human and ecological security.
(The author is Deputy Director of the Center for Global Biosecurity Governance Research (全球生物安全治理研究中心) at China Foreign Affairs University (外交学院))
Return to TopBy: 张畅
International organizations are various institutions established by two or more countries, their governments, peoples, or non-governmental groups based on specific purposes and in the form of certain agreements. They are categorized into intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations, as well as global and regional types. Switzerland hosts the headquarters of dozens of intergovernmental international organizations such as the World Health Organization, the World Trade Organization, and the Bank for International Settlements, and is also home to important international institutions such as the United Nations Office at Geneva and the International Committee of the Red Cross. In recent years, as global geopolitical conflicts have persisted, Switzerland, empowered by a large number of international organizations, has repeatedly hosted high-level diplomatic mediations, major international mechanism consultations, and global governance summits, receiving broad recognition from the international community and steadily enhancing its own voice in global governance. This provides an important reference for countries seeking to improve their capacity to participate in global governance and expand their international influence.
The development process of Switzerland's use of international organizations to enhance its global governance discourse power generally presents three stages. The first stage is the germination and foundation period. In 1815, Switzerland established its status as a permanently neutral country. Relying on its stable and secure locational conditions, it attracted early multilateral institutions such as the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Universal Postal Union to be established there successively. During this stage, Switzerland mainly participated in the construction of international rules in basic fields such as humanitarian affairs, postal services, and transportation, initially accumulating multilateral governance experience and consolidating its early international credibility foundation. The second stage is the sustained development period. The two world wars reshaped the global governance landscape. The United Nations Office at Geneva, the World Health Organization, the World Trade Organization, and other international institutions successively established themselves in Switzerland. Switzerland continuously improved its host-country supporting guarantee mechanisms, actively integrated into the decision-making systems of international organizations, participated in shaping international rules in multiple fields such as trade, public health, and human rights, and significantly broadened the dimensions and scope of its participation in global governance. The third stage is the quality improvement and empowerment period. Against the complex background of the deepening of globalization intertwined with geopolitical games, Switzerland relied on its mature matrix of international organizations within its territory to complete the upgrading of its global governance capabilities. It actively used multilateral mechanisms to shape governance agendas, transforming the platform advantages of international organizations into its own global governance discourse power, primarily through the following key measures.
Building a host-country hub. Switzerland actively provides international organizations with comprehensive policy support such as diplomatic privileges, tax reductions, and low-cost office space, maintaining the stable operation of multilateral institutions through institutionalized guarantees. In 2025, the Swiss federal government increased its support, allocating a special 269 million Swiss francs for the construction and development of international institutions in Geneva, while reducing institutional loan pressure by 38.7 million Swiss francs, effectively lightening the operational burden on multilateral institutions and consolidating the economic and institutional foundation for the stable operation of multilateral platforms. Relying on the home-field advantage of its mature cluster of international organizations, Switzerland actively revitalizes platform resources, hosting various high-level multilateral meetings year-round, such as the World Health Assembly of the World Health Organization, multilateral trade negotiations of the World Trade Organization, and United Nations humanitarian summits. By frequently undertaking core global consultations and governance negotiations, Switzerland firmly grasps the initiative in creating global governance topics, controlling agendas, and mediating among multiple parties, continuously consolidating its key position in important fields such as global health, international trade, and humanitarian governance, effectively transforming its home-field locational advantages into stable global governance discourse power.
Deeply integrating into the decision-making system. Switzerland has long actively campaigned for key positions in multilateral mechanisms and integrated into the top-level decision-making circles of international organizations. In 2010, Swiss diplomat Joseph Deiss was elected President of the 65th United Nations General Assembly. In 2025, Geneva representative Jürg Lauber became Vice-President of the International Committee of the Red Cross. Switzerland has long served as rotating chairperson and core committee member in core institutions such as human rights, health, and development assistance. It has established a specialized talent training system, continuously sending batches of officials and experts to institutions such as the United Nations, the World Health Organization, and the World Trade Organization. Currently, hundreds of Swiss nationals serve in the secretariats and technical committees of various international organizations. Relying on key seats and talent advantages, Switzerland deeply participates in the drafting and improvement of the revision of the Geneva Conventions, global public health prevention and control standards, and international trade dispute mediation rules, transforming its own development concepts of neutral governance and humanitarian priority into international institutional norms. To a certain extent, it holds the discourse power of rule-shaping in the field of global governance.
Forging distinctive governance discourse power. Against the backdrop of intensified major-power games and frequent geopolitical conflicts, Switzerland, by virtue of its permanent neutrality status, relies on intergovernmental international organizations within its territory to set up exclusive mediation platforms and serves as a third-party mediator in international disputes. In 2022, it hosted Russia-Ukraine humanitarian consultations using the United Nations platform in Geneva. From 2023 to 2026, it continuously promoted medical aid and refugee resettlement projects in war-torn areas through the World Health Organization and others, coordinating over a hundred transnational humanitarian cooperation programs. At the same time, Switzerland relies on multilateral mechanisms to take the lead in improving global crisis governance and humanitarian rescue procedures, effectively resolving many transnational governance differences. Through its neutral and pragmatic mediation actions, it has accumulated broad international credibility, forming a distinctive neutral governance discourse power that differs from that of major countries, greatly enhancing its irreplaceability in global crisis management and public governance fields.
Having long relied on international organizations to participate in global governance, Switzerland has received broad international recognition. In terms of agenda influence, Switzerland hosts an average of over 200 high-level international consultation meetings annually on its home-field multilateral platforms. The topics it leads, such as humanitarian protection and public health equity, are incorporated into more than ten formal UN resolutions every year, effectively enhancing its global agenda-setting capacity. In terms of rule-making discourse power, relying on hundreds of professionals stationed in international organizations and core decision-making seats, Switzerland deeply participates in the formulation of a large number of international standards in the fields of humanitarian affairs, trade, and health, embedding its governance concepts of fairness and neutrality into the global institutional system. In terms of international credibility, over the past five years, relying on international organizations, it has completed hundreds of transnational humanitarian mediations and crisis coordination tasks, becoming the most recognized neutral mediating country globally, greatly increasing its level of participation and influence in the global governance system, and providing inspiration for countries around the world.
Improve the host-country long-term support mechanism and broaden channels for participation in global governance. Switzerland relies on its endowment of permanent neutrality to establish a mature and complete host-country guarantee system, ensuring the stable and orderly functioning of international organizations within its territory. It transforms the multilateral institutional resources and locational platform advantages accumulated within its borders into legitimate channels and important vehicles for its own participation in global governance. Through supporting systems, it empowers international organizations to perform their duties. By continuously integrating into the global governance agenda system through home-field multilateral scenarios, and leveraging the multilateral nature of international organizations, it continuously obtains standardized channels for participating in global governance, building a stable institutional platform for enhancing its discourse power and achieving the sustainability of multilateral participation. This suggests that international organizations can serve as an important support for sovereign states to break through the limitations of unilateral diplomacy and systematically integrate into the global governance system. Countries can base themselves on their own national conditions and diplomatic positioning, connect with international organization fields that suit their own advantages, and construct a sustainable multilateral cooperation guarantee system. By improving supporting facilities and deepening institutional alignment, they can consolidate the basic conditions for participating in global governance through international organizations. At the same time, they should make full use of the rules of procedure, meeting mechanisms, and cooperation frameworks of international organizations to participate in global topic consultations and public affairs governance. In standardized multilateral practice, they can accumulate governance experience, enhance agenda responsiveness and intervention capabilities, and steadily build an institutionalized and long-term global governance discourse power.
Coordinate the strategic layout of talent and actively participate in the formulation of global governance rules. Switzerland takes deep integration into the decision-making systems of international organizations as its starting point, focusing on the decision-making layers and rule-making fields of international organizations. Through long-term, systematic talent training and post deployment, it spreads governance concepts, participates in rule construction, and enhances the influence of its governance concepts in global governance. This suggests that the rule-making power is the key to global governance discourse power. It is necessary to establish long-term strategic thinking, incorporate international organization talent building and seat deployment into the foreign-related governance strategic system, build talent training, dispatch, and job security mechanisms, and continuously consolidate the talent foundation for participating in international decision-making. Countries should actively compete for key working positions and specialized committee seats in international organizations, take root on the front line of multilateral governance, fully rely on the core functions of international organizations such as rule revision, institutional improvement, and standard setting, combine their own governance practices to offer practical suggestions and advice, continuously participate in the iterative upgrading of the global governance system, and gradually enhance their own weight in shaping global rules.
Base on one's own advantages and cultivate differentiated competitive advantages in global governance. Switzerland actively avoids major-power games, relies on the multilateral nature of international organizations within its territory, focuses on sub-fields of global governance, and enhances its influence. It carries out specialized work such as international dispute coordination, humanitarian aid implementation, and geopolitical crisis mediation. Through professional and refined participation in global governance, it shapes its own unique governance identity, cultivating a differentiated discourse power advantage different from traditional major powers. This suggests that, against the background of a gradually solidified global governance structure and increasingly fierce competition among major powers, countries can base themselves on their own national positioning, diplomatic endowments, and development foundations, rely on the functional layout of international organizations to identify suitable specialized governance tracks. They should precisely focus on public, neutral, and inclusive governance fields, fully leverage multilateral platforms to amplify their own governance advantages, avoid homogeneous geopolitical competition, and shape a unique international image through professional participation in global governance, thereby enhancing their discourse power in the global governance system.
(The author is the Executive Director of the International Organization Research Center at the Communication University of China.)
Return to TopBy: 张弛
Return to TopBy: 李菀瑾
The "Opinions on Strengthening the Work of Party Building Leading Group Building" (关于加强党建带团建工作的意见) emphasizes that it is necessary to "uphold and improve the working mechanism for maintaining close ties with the youth," providing us with the direction of action and fundamental guidance for doing a good job of the Party's youth work on the new journey.
Maintaining close ties with the youth is a fine tradition of the Party's youth work
Our Party has always attached great importance to youth work. Since its founding, it has always regarded the youth as an important force for promoting social development, and in each period it has formed good experiences and good practices of maintaining close ties with the youth and relying closely on the youth. During the period of the New Democratic Revolution, soon after its establishment, our Party sent many Party members to the early organizations of the Youth League in various places to guide work and study the founding of the Socialist Youth League. During the period of socialist revolution and construction, in 1949 the Party Central Committee issued the "Resolution on the Establishment of the China New Democratic Youth League" (关于建立中国新民主主义青年团的决议) and convened the First National Congress of the China New Democratic Youth League. In 1961, Deng Xiaoping, when receiving all comrades attending the Central Work Conference of the Communist Youth League of China (中国共产主义青年团), pointed out: "But our mass line is not to be satisfied with that hustle and bustle; the main thing is to do regular, meticulous work, to do work with people." Distinctive youth organizations such as youth突击队 (youth shock brigades), youth reclamation teams, and youth literacy teams became core carriers for maintaining close ties with the youth and organizing the youth to 建功立业 (jiàn gōng lì yè - "establish merit and set up enterprise," to make contributions and achieve success). During the new period of reform, opening up, and socialist modernization, new requirements were put forward for the Party's youth work, which, while stimulating the reform enthusiasm of the vast youth, also cultivated a scientific spirit of seeking truth and being pragmatic. As socialism with Chinese characteristics entered a new era, General Secretary Xi Jinping has attached great importance to youth work, repeatedly emphasizing that if the youth thrive, the country thrives; if the youth are strong, the country is strong. He requires that we must maintain close ties with the youth, effectively attract the youth, and broadly unite the youth, tightly凝聚 the vast majority of the youth around the Party. It is precisely by relying on the role of the youth as a new force that our Party has continuously pushed forward the cause of revolution, construction, and reform to open up new prospects.
Maintaining close ties with the youth is an inevitable requirement for the Communist Youth League to establish and practice a correct view of political achievements
At present, the entire Party is deeply carrying out study and education on establishing and practicing a correct view of political achievements. As a mass organization under the leadership of the Party, the Communist Youth League must tightly凝聚 the youth around the Party. From the fundamental requirements of the Party for the Communist Youth League, the Communist Youth League must grasp the fundamental task of cultivating builders and successors for the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and shoulder the political responsibility of consolidating and expanding the Party's youth mass base. Against the background of统筹 the "two overall situations" (两个大局) in the new era, the broader the scope of the Communist Youth League's contact with the youth, the greater the number of youth, and the deeper its ideological and political influence on the youth, the better it can fulfill these duties and missions entrusted to the Communist Youth League by the Party. From the perspective of the youth's feelings, in the new era, the Communist Youth League, as an organization of the youth themselves, can truly enter the youth and gain their support only when the League's organizations and activities are convenient for the youth to participate in, enjoyable for them to participate in, enable the youth to improve ideologically and be trained in ability, and become a force that the youth can think of, find, and rely on when they encounter difficulties. From the perspective of the effectiveness of youth work, faced with the increasingly diverse ideological, work, and living conditions of the new generation of youth, the Communist Youth League can only align all its work and activities in terms of content and task arrangement, methods and means with the "actual facts" of the youth and achieve due results by maintaining close ties with the youth, going from the surface to the point, from the group to the individual, deeply understanding the youth's situation, and grasping the youth's characteristics. From the perspective of cultivating the work style of Communist Youth League cadres, the vast number of Communist Youth League cadres must take maintaining close ties with the youth as a conscious pursuit and behavioral habit, integrate themselves into the youth, do youth work into the hearts of the youth, solidly achieve real results, and truly win the youth for the Party.
Uphold and improve working mechanisms, raise maintaining close ties with the youth to a new level
Guided by Party building leading group building, promote the improvement of quality and efficiency of various working mechanisms for maintaining close ties with the youth, and promote new development of the Party's youth work on the new journey.
Strengthen the working mechanism for youth ideological guidance. Build a system and mechanism for maintaining close ties with the youth, elevate the process of contact into a process of ideological and political guidance, and run it through all work of the League. Consolidate and expand the achievements of the study and education of the theme of studying and implementing Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era among League members and youth, and strengthen the youth's political conviction of listening to the Party and following the Party. Continuously and meticulously build key ideological guidance brands such as "Youth Learning" (青年大学习) and the "Young Marxists Training Project" (青马工程). Innovatively carry out "theoretical micro-infiltration" (理论微浸润) activities, skillfully use various micro-scenes, and skillfully use "youth language" (青言青语) to help the youth unblock and resolve various "ideological knots" (思想疙瘩). Regularly build youth night schools (青年夜校), etc., shift the focus of work toward practical activities centered on ideological depth and growth value, and attract the youth.
Strengthen the working mechanism for grassroots League organization building. In terms of organizational coverage, explore and innovate to build organizations throughout the entire process of the youth's work and life, flexibly set up League organizations along the trajectories of the youth's inevitable life residence, career development, consumption and leisure, social interaction, etc., especially deeply advance League building in new economic organizations, new social organizations, new employment groups, and other fields, and promote the transformation of grassroots League organizations from "visible coverage" to "effective coverage" through various methods such as industry-based League building and park-based League building. Strengthen hierarchical and categorized precise contact, deepen the construction of a contact network combining "point-line-surface" (点—线—面), promote League cadres contacting League members, and League members contacting youth, achieving vertical and horizontal interconnection and precise reach. Make good use of systems such as "Smart League Building" (智慧团建) to realize dynamic networked management of League organizations and League member information, placing organizational contact at the fingertips and integrating guidance into daily life.
Strengthen the working mechanism for organizing the youth to make contributions. Focus on key areas such as scientific and technological innovation, rural revitalization, green development, social service, and defending the borders, deepen actions such as the New Era Chinese Youth Science and Technology Innovation Action, the Youth Post Contribution Action (青年岗位建功行动), and the Youth Volunteer Action (青年志愿者行动), and achieve precise matching between "what the youth are good at" and "what the overall situation needs." Strengthen the work of youth offering advice and suggestions (建言献策, jiàn yán xiàn cè - "offer words, present strategies," to provide advice and suggestions), expand online and offline channels, establish normalized platforms for offering advice and suggestions, build a direct express lane for the transformation of youth suggestions, and link the effectiveness of suggestions with youth honor incentives.
Strengthen the working mechanism for serving the youth. Promote the organic integration of local youth development plans into major policies, reform measures, and urban planning, and promote the work of "youth development" to achieve profound changes from work concept to social consensus, from individual policies to the overall environment. Optimize the service supply mechanism, establish a dynamic research mechanism for youth needs, regularly visit the youth, and form a full-process closed loop of collecting youth demands, classifying and judging them, diverting them for handling, completing them within a time limit, and providing feedback and follow-up visits. Improve the linkage mechanism, incorporate common problems such as youth housing difficulties and high employment thresholds into the work lists of Party committees and governments, form a joint work force of the Party and the League to jointly contact and serve the youth, and build a system for promoting youth employment that combines concept guidance, capacity improvement, and employment assistance.
Strengthen the digital empowerment working mechanism. Embrace the wave of the network era, build a digital bridge for contacting the youth. Comply with the distinctive characteristics of the new era youth's networked survival, networked social interaction, and networked expression, under the overall guidance of Party organizations, the Communist Youth League advances the construction of online youth work positions, relying on various new media carriers such as WeChat public accounts, short video platforms, youth communities, online message platforms, and online discussion platforms, to build all-weather, zero-distance, barrier-free online youth contact channels, carry out contact and service work in ways that the youth 喜闻乐见 (xǐ wén lè jiàn - "glad to hear, happy to see," popular and well-liked), construct a contact mechanism combining "key-to-key" and "face-to-face," and take the online mass line (网上群众路线) well.
Return to TopBy: 李京模
When the Party is strong, the country is strong; when the Party thrives, the cause thrives. In the scientific system of Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building — the "Fourteen Persistences" — upholding the Party's leadership occupies the foremost position and commands the overall situation, profoundly answering the fundamental question concerning the future and destiny of the Party and the country: the key to running China's affairs well lies in the Party.
Upholding the Party's leadership is the most essential feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics. The birth of the Communist Party of China was an epoch-making event that completely reversed the historical destiny of the Chinese nation. Over a century of stormy journey, our Party has always remained true to its original aspiration and founding mission, uniting and leading the people in continuous struggle and forging ahead with determination. From the period of the New Democratic Revolution when it overthrew the "three big mountains" and founded New China, to the period of socialist revolution and construction when it established the basic system of socialism and carried out large-scale socialist construction, to the new period of reform, opening up, and socialist modernization when it blazed the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and on to the new era of socialism with Chinese characteristics when it has driven historic achievements and historic transformations in the cause of the Party and the country — history and practice have repeatedly proved that the Communist Party of China is the core force leading our cause. The greatest strength of China's governance lies in the Party; the greatest confidence of China's development lies in the Party; and the Party's overall leadership is the fundamental guarantee for successfully managing all major and difficult affairs of China.
The Party's leadership is the fundamental political guarantee for upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era. From the Marxist principle of Party building, upholding the centralized and unified leadership of the proletarian party is a fundamental political principle of scientific socialism. China's ultra-large governance scale, the arduous and heavy task of national rejuvenation, and the complex and severe domestic and international environment have determined that it must rely on the Party Central Committee to oversee the overall situation and coordinate all parties. Our Party has always adhered to democratic centralism, building a strict system in which the Party Central Committee exercises unified leadership, Party organizations at all levels implement and carry out directives, and grassroots organizations achieve full territorial coverage, thereby organically uniting centralized unification with the stimulation of vitality, and successfully solving the worldwide problem of governance in an ultra-large country. The Party's leadership determines the nature, direction, and foundation of modernization. It is precisely by relying on the Party's strong leadership that we can anchor the goal of common prosperity and walk the broad path of Chinese-style modernization.
Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, the reason China has been able to stabilize the overall situation, respond to changing circumstances, and open up new prospects — to overcome a series of risks and challenges and achieve a series of great accomplishments — is fundamentally that it has always upheld and strengthened the Party's overall leadership. From securing a decisive victory in building a moderately prosperous society in all respects to promoting high-quality development, from coordinating development and security to fostering a new development paradigm, the Party Central Committee has always set the direction and devised overall plans, advancing through five-year plans in succession to ensure the continuity, stability, and forward-looking nature of national development, steadily propelling the great cause of national rejuvenation forward. A tight and efficient organizational system is the solid support for the Party's leadership to take root and flourish. In the fight against poverty, millions of Party members and cadres went to the front line, historically resolving the problem of absolute poverty. In the face of major risks and tests, millions of Party grassroots organizations across the country acted upon orders and charged forward, with the Party flag always standing tall on the front line of struggle. The organizational system — which connects the top and bottom and ensures effective execution — allows the Party's propositions to reach the grassroots directly, the Party's deployments to be carried through to the end, and the Party's strength to be fully unleashed, converging into a mighty force for overcoming difficulties. Since the new era, the Party Central Committee has advanced full and rigorous self-governance with the courage to turn the blade inward, used the Central Committee's Eight-Point Regulation to rectify ingrained work-style problems, continuously addressed issues of weakened, hollowed-out, and diluted Party leadership, steadily improved the Party's leadership system, comprehensively elevated the Party's political leadership, ideological guidance, mass organization, and social appeal, and further consolidated the authority of the Party Central Committee, laying a solid political foundation for the development of all undertakings.
History and practice have repeatedly proved that the key to running China's affairs well lies in the Party. On the new journey, in the face of turbulent international environments and the arduous and heavy tasks of domestic reform, development, and stability, we must unequivocally uphold and strengthen the Party's overall leadership, integrate Party leadership into all aspects and entire processes of economic and social development, rely on the Party's strong navigation to unite hundreds of millions of people in concerted struggle, and continuously write new chapters of the era on the magnificent journey of building a strong country and achieving national rejuvenation.
Return to TopBy: 石勇
Being adept at summarizing historical gains and losses and unifying the thinking of the entire Party is a distinctive trait of Marxist political parties, and it is moreover the key to our Party having become increasingly mature and powerful after a century of tempering. Over a hundred years of Party history proves that the fundamental reason our Party, despite twists and turns, has always been 百折不挠 (bǎi zhé bù náo – "a hundred setbacks but not yielding," to be undaunted by repeated setbacks), and, having encountered hardships, has continuously grown and developed, lies in its persistent adherence to looking back on the path it has traveled, drawing on experience, and gathering strength. In April 1945, the Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Party (党的六届七中全会) reviewed and adopted the "Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party (关于若干历史问题的决议)" (hereinafter referred to as the "Resolution"), the first programmatic document in the history of our Party to systematically summarize the course of struggle, clarify the rights and wrongs of the line, and summarize historical experience. The original manuscript of the "Draft Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party (关于若干历史问题的决议（草案）)" personally revised by Mao Zedong on 7 April 1945, preserved in the Central Archives (中央档案馆), with its dense circles, marks, and supplementary handwriting on the paper, fully records the entire process of repeatedly polishing and striving for perfection of this important document, serving as a precious archival witness to the whole Party learning history to understand principles and building consensus.
"If we do not get a clear grasp of the Party's history, if we do not get a clear grasp of the path the Party has taken in history, then we cannot do things better"
At the early stage of the Party's founding, our Party's theoretical accumulation was still shallow, its revolutionary experience was scarce, and it was also interfered with by erroneous guidance from the Comintern. Consequently, it successively gave rise to "Left" and Right deviations, repeatedly dealing heavy blows to the revolutionary cause. In the middle and later stages of the Agrarian Revolution, Wang Ming's "Left" dogmatism dominated the central leadership for as long as four years. The dogmatists, divorced from the actual conditions of China's rural revolution, pushed a series of erroneous propositions in political, military, and organizational work, directly causing the failure of the Fifth Counter-Encirclement Campaign in the Central Soviet Area (中央苏区). The Red Army was forced to carry out a strategic transfer and embark on the arduous and bitter Long March.
In January 1935, the Political Bureau of the Central Committee convened the Zunyi Conference during the Long March, ending the domination of "Left" dogmatism in the central leadership, in fact establishing Comrade Mao Zedong's leading position in the Party Central Committee and the Red Army, opening a new stage in which the Party independently resolved the practical problems of the Chinese revolution, and saving the Party, the Red Army, and the Chinese revolution at the most critical juncture. However, constrained by the harsh wartime environment, the conference only resolved the most urgent military and organizational issues, and was unable to systematically sort out and settle the ideological differences and line disputes that had long accumulated in the Party.
After the total war of resistance entered the stage of stalemate, the domestic situation was relatively stable, and the Party's organization entered a period of rapid development, adding more than 700,000 new Party members within a few years. A large number of newly joined comrades lacked systematic theoretical study and Party history education, and some veteran comrades also needed to deepen their ideological understanding in light of the new situation. The residual ideological differences within the Party often manifested, continuously affecting inner-Party unity and work. Under these circumstances, systematically sorting out the Party's historical context, distinguishing historical right from wrong, and building consensus across the whole Party became an urgent task that needed to be solved in Party building at that time. Mao Zedong, with great foresight, pointed out: "If we do not get a clear grasp of the Party's history, if we do not get a clear grasp of the path the Party has taken in history, then we cannot do things better." This important judgment pointed the direction for the whole Party to understand principles through history, unify thinking, and advance work.
The Yan'an Rectification Movement (延安整风运动), launched throughout the Party in 1942, organized Party members and cadres to deeply study Party history, link it to their personal thinking and work, and earnestly carry out criticism and self-criticism. The theoretical attainment, Party spirit cultivation, and analytical ability of the whole Party were significantly enhanced, the political atmosphere within the Party was completely renewed, and the ideological, work-style, and organizational foundations for drafting the Resolution were consolidated. Drafting the Party's historical resolution was an inevitable extension and theoretical sublimation of the Yan'an Rectification Movement, marking the maturation of our Party politically and theoretically, and demonstrating the Party's firm determination to unite the whole Party's strength through scientifically summing up history.
"If not for everyone offering opinions, it could not have been written so complete"
The Party Central Committee's plan to sum up history and clarify right and wrong had long been in the making. From September to November 1938, the Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Party focused on correcting Wang Ming's Right deviation, called on the whole Party to strengthen the study of Marxist theory, and made theoretical preparations for the subsequent systematic study of Party history and analysis of historical gains and losses. In the following years, in response to long-standing line differences and confusion in historical understanding within the Party, the Central Committee continuously collected and compiled various types of Party historical documents. Under the chairmanship of Mao Zedong, compilations of Party history materials such as "Since the Sixth National Congress" were edited, deeply reviewing the line practice since the Party's founding, accumulating detailed historical materials and laying a working foundation for drafting the historical resolution. At the meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee in December 1940, Mao Zedong proposed establishing a specialized body to systematically sort out the Party's policies since its founding and form objective and authoritative historical conclusions. After the enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee in September 1941, Mao Zedong drafted a "Draft Conclusion on the Question of the Central Leadership Line since the Fourth Plenary Session (关于四中全会以来中央领导路线问题结论草案)" (hereinafter referred to as the "Historical Draft"), but it was temporarily shelved because the subjective and objective conditions were not yet ripe. After the comprehensive tempering of the Yan'an Rectification Movement, the thinking of the whole Party was unprecedentedly unified and cognition highly concentrated. In 1944, the Party Central Committee judged that the time was ripe for drafting the historical resolution. In May of the same year, the Central Committee formally established a Preparatory Committee for the Resolution on Historical Questions, with Ren Bishi (任弼时) as convener, and members including Liu Shaoqi (刘少奇), Zhou Enlai (周恩来), Zhang Wentian (张闻天), Peng Zhen (彭真), and Bo Gu (博古), fully launching the drafting of the text.
Ren Bishi poured immense effort and energy into this. Based on the "Historical Draft" drafted by Mao Zedong in 1941 and combining the consensus from discussions at the Political Bureau meetings, he quickly completed the first draft, titled "Draft Resolution on Examining the Question of the Central Leadership Line from the Fourth Plenary Session to the Zunyi Conference Period (检讨关于四中全会到遵义会议期间中央领导路线问题的决议（草案）)." After the draft was written, it was distributed to members of the Political Bureau for opinions, and Hu Qiaomu (胡乔木) made relatively large revisions based on feedback from all sides. Ren Bishi then made three further revisions on Hu Qiaomu's revised draft, in which he summarized the errors of the Wang Ming line into seven points in outline form, and the title was also changed to "Draft Decision on the Question of the Central Leadership Line from the Fourth Plenary Session to the Zunyi Conference Period (关于四中全会到遵义会议期间中央领导路线问题的决定（草案）)." Because Ren Bishi was coordinating the daily work of the Central Committee and could not be spared, the Central Committee then designated Zhang Wentian to make revisions and supplements. Zhang Wentian, referring to previous drafts, reconceptualized and produced a new revised draft.
Throughout the drafting process, Mao Zedong paid constant attention. On 21 May, he put forward six points of opinion on inner-Party historical issues and clarified the guiding ideology for drafting the "Resolution." From the spring of 1945, he made seven important revisions to Zhang Wentian's revised draft, simplifying the title to "Draft Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party (关于若干历史问题的决议（草案）)," adding programmatic general content, clearly affirming the correct line of the Party's Sixth National Congress, rehabilitating comrades who had suffered erroneous criticism, for the first time from the height of the Party's line clarifying that the Zunyi Conference was "the most historically significant turn in the Party," and personally adding content full of emotion and strength, such as "unite all Party comrades like a harmonious family, like a solid piece of steel, to strive for the complete victory of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the complete liberation of the Chinese people."
The revision process of the "Resolution" can be described as a brilliant model of promoting inner-Party democracy and adhering to democratic centralism in the history of the Chinese Communist Party. After each round of revision was completed, it was promptly distributed to Central Committee members, military and political leaders of base areas, and senior military cadres for extensive discussion and solicitation of opinions. Mao Zedong once wrote to Ren Bishi: "Please invite Zhou, Zhu, Luo, Liu (if they are here at the time) to take a look, to see if it should be changed this way. Then print several copies, number them, and distribute them to over forty comrades. Then gather them for a discussion once more, and it can be finalized. Then submit it to the Seventh Plenary Session for adoption." In this atmosphere of frankness, saying all that you know and saying it without reserve, everyone, drawing on their own personal experiences, restored historical details and analyzed the rights and wrongs of the line. Many comrades who had once implemented erroneous lines, acting with a high sense of responsibility towards the cause of the Party and the people, also actively reflected and offered suggestions. Reasonable opinions were fully incorporated into the text. After more than a year of repeated polishing and several changes of draft, the "Resolution," which embodied the collective wisdom of the whole Party, gradually became perfect. Recalling the entire drafting process, Mao Zedong emotionally said at the preparatory meeting of the Seventh National Congress: "If not for everyone offering opinions, it could not have been written so complete." In April 1945, the "Resolution" was adopted in principle by the Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee, and in August of the same year it was reviewed and adopted by the First Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee. The process of the birth of the "Resolution" was not only a comprehensive and profound process of Party history study and ideological education, but also a vivid practice of our Party adhering to democratic centralism and being adept at uniting collective strength.
"It laid a solid ideological and political foundation for the Seventh National Congress"
The core and most prominent historical contribution of the "Resolution" lies in its use of Marxist positions, viewpoints, and methods to scientifically analyze and summarize the Party's history, promoting the achievement of unprecedented unity in thought, politics, and organization across the whole Party. The opening of the "Resolution" makes an authoritative judgment, clearly stating that our Party takes Marxism-Leninism integrated with China's reality as its fundamental guide, affirming that Mao Zedong's theory and practice are the concentrated representative of that integration, fundamentally unifying the whole Party's important understanding of the revolutionary path and guiding ideology. Regarding the deeply harmful "Left" dogmatism of the Agrarian Revolutionary War period, the "Resolution" deeply analyzes the roots of the errors from social, historical, and ideological aspects, revealing that divorce from China's reality and from the masses is the fundamental crux of the dogmatists' failure.
The "Resolution" precisely distinguishes between the two different concepts of "erroneous line" and "comrades who committed errors." Mao Zedong repeatedly emphasized that the fundamental purpose of drafting the historical resolution is to clarify thinking, draw lessons, and unite for progress. The core is to deeply excavate the roots of errors and summarize historical laws, not to dwell on individual responsibility. A cautious attitude should be taken towards handling personnel, "neither ambiguous and perfunctory, nor harming comrades." He pointed out: "In dealing with historical issues, emphasis should not be placed on the responsibility of a few individual comrades, but rather on the analysis of the environment at the time, the content of the errors at the time, and the social, historical, and ideological roots of the errors, implementing the policy of 惩前毖后 (chéng qián bì hòu – "learn from past mistakes to avoid future ones," to take warning from the past and guard against the future) and 治病救人 (zhì bìng jiù rén – "cure the disease to save the patient," to treat the illness to save the person), in order to achieve the dual purpose of both clarifying thinking and uniting comrades." In accordance with this principle, while severely criticizing the errors of dogmatism, the "Resolution" objectively affirmed the work contributions, ideological progress, and willingness to rectify of the vast majority of comrades, uniting all revolutionary forces to the greatest extent. This scientific attitude of dialectical materialism and historical materialism, and this fair and inclusive standard of judgment, received broad acceptance from all Party members and was also very effective in uniting comrades who had committed errors. Bo Gu candidly stated in his speech: "This leaves us some leeway. To cure the disease and save the patient, we patients must ourselves have awareness, determination, and confidence." This expressed the common sentiment of those comrades who had already acknowledged and were willing to correct their errors.
Through the formulation and adoption of the "Resolution," our Party, with its thorough materialist spirit and open and aboveboard attitude, successfully unified ideological understanding, eliminated estrangement, enhanced unity, and formed a sound political situation of being of one heart and one mind and united in struggle throughout the Party. This became the most solid confidence for the Party to overcome difficulties at that time, and also consolidated the foundation for the final victory of the New Democratic Revolution. After the "Resolution" was passed, Mao Zedong issued a call to the whole Party: "All comrades should unite under this historical resolution, united like a harmonious family, as stated in the resolution."
The issuance of the "Resolution" not only resolved long-standing historical contradictions within the Party, but also played an important role in connecting the past and the future, clearing the ideological obstacles for the convening of the Party's Seventh National Congress, and accumulating immense strength for seizing the final victory of the New Democratic Revolution. From April to June 1945, the Seventh National Congress of the Party was convened in Yan'an, formally establishing Mao Zedong Thought as the guiding ideology of the Party and writing it into the Party Constitution. This major decision did not arise out of thin air, but was built on the basis of a systematic summary of the Party's 24-year struggle. The "Resolution" comprehensively reviewed the successes and failures of the revolution, repeatedly verified the scientific nature of Mao Zedong's revolutionary theory and practice, fully demonstrated the powerful force of Mao Zedong Thought in guiding China's revolution forward, and provided a solid and sufficient historical basis and practical support for the establishment of the Party's guiding ideology at the Seventh National Congress. Through the "Resolution," our Party completely ended years of line disputes within the Party, allowed all Party members to cast off ideological burdens, and directly transformed the situation of unified thinking, stable leadership core, and high unity across the whole Party into a strong combat effectiveness for overcoming difficulties, ensuring that the Seventh National Congress could focus on the core tasks of the era and coordinate the overall situation of revolutionary development. Therefore, the "Resolution" was explicitly recognized as having "laid a solid ideological and political foundation for the Seventh National Congress."
The "Resolution" made solid ideological preparations for our Party to continuously push the Party's revolutionary cause to new stages through summarizing history and unifying thinking, and also initiated the precedent of "historical resolutions." Looking at the Party's more than a century of struggle, the Party Central Committee has, at three major historical junctures, issued three programmatic documents that summarize history and guide the way forward: the 1945 "Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party," the 1981 "Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party since the Founding of the People's Republic of China (关于建国以来党的若干历史问题的决议)," and the 2021 "Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the Past Century (中共中央关于党的百年奋斗重大成就和历史经验的决议)." These three resolutions, 一脉相承 (yī mài xiāng chéng – "traceable to the same origin," coming down in one continuous line) and advancing with the times, form a complete chain of our Party using history to reflect on the present and carry forward the cause into the future, playing a role in unifying thinking, building consensus, and orienting and guiding the way forward.
Return to TopBy: 袁金辉
In late September 1949, Xinjiang achieved peaceful liberation, the reactionary rule of the Kuomintang in Xinjiang was completely ended, and a new epoch opened in Xinjiang's history. Influenced by its frontier geographical location and the foundation of its historical development, Xinjiang, having just undergone peaceful liberation, was more economically backward compared to the inland provinces, its level of productive forces was lower, and it faced severe financial and economic difficulties in the early period of liberation. Moreover, the long-standing historical national oppression and feudal religious privileges became a major obstacle hindering Xinjiang's social progress and were also a significant root cause of the prolonged poverty and backwardness of the people of all ethnic groups. To this end, the Communist Party of China led the people of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang in an arduous and extraordinary struggle, opening a new chapter in the history of governing Xinjiang.
**Establishing Party Organizations and People's Political Power at All Levels**
Facing a complex and challenging work situation, the establishment of local Party organizations and people's political power became the most fundamental reliance for the development of Xinjiang's cause and the people of all ethnic groups. On November 8, 1949, in accordance with the instructions of the Party Central Committee and Mao Zedong, the Xinjiang Sub-Bureau of the CPC Central Committee (中共中央新疆分局) was announced, marking the establishment of the Party's leadership and ruling position in Xinjiang; on December 17, the People's Government of Xinjiang Province was formally proclaimed; on the same day, the Xinjiang Military Region was also proclaimed. Given that no local Party organizations had been established in Xinjiang before the founding of the People's Republic of China, after its establishment, the Xinjiang Sub-Bureau and the provincial people's government, while stabilizing the situation in Xinjiang, immediately carried out the work of building Party organizations and political power across the entire region. To work swiftly and effectively, the Xinjiang Sub-Bureau, based on the Party committees of the Second, Sixth, and Fifth Corps, successively established three regional Party committees in Kashgar (喀什), Dihua (迪化, now Urumqi), and Ili (伊犁), leading the work of all 10 prefectures in Xinjiang from the top down in a zoned manner. By October 1950, all 10 prefectural Party committees and 1 municipal Party committee had been established successively. By the end of 1952, all 81 counties (cities) in Xinjiang had established county (city) Party committees, most county districts had established district Party committees, and some townships had established Party branches. During this process, a large number of local ethnic minority Party cadres were trained, and the proportion of ethnic minority members in Party organizations at all levels continuously increased. By the time of the first National Conference on Organizational Work in April 1951, a total of 1,087 Party members had been developed in Xinjiang, of whom 45% were Uyghur, 19.5% were Han, and 35.5% were from other ethnic minorities.
Simultaneously with the establishment of Party organizations at all levels, the takeover and transformation of old governments at all levels were carried out, and the new people's political power was established and consolidated. For the old regimes in the 7 districts originally controlled by the Kuomintang, such as Kashgar and Hotan (和阗), a method of taking over first and then transforming was adopted; for the regimes in the 3 districts of Ili, Tacheng (塔城), and Altay (阿山), adjustments, reinforcement, and education were carried out on the original basis, gradually transforming them into people's democratic political power. By the end of 1952, the people's democratic political power in all of Xinjiang's 10 prefectures, 1 city, 81 counties, 1 central district, 393 districts, and 2,220 townships had been fully established. At the same time, mass organizations such as trade unions, peasant associations, democratic women's federations, the New Democratic Youth League, and the Federation of Industry and Commerce were gradually established, serving as bridges and ties between the Party and the masses. The establishment of Party organizations and political power at all levels in Xinjiang laid a solid political and organizational guarantee for the smooth progress of Xinjiang's economic and social reforms.
**Prudently and Steadily Advancing Land Reform and Socialist Transformation**
Before the founding of the People's Republic of China, most rural areas in Xinjiang were still in a feudal society. To liberate agricultural productive forces and raise the living standards of the people, it was necessary to abolish the feudal system of land ownership and realize "land to the tiller." Given the special and complex ethnic and religious situation in Xinjiang, the Party Central Committee required Xinjiang to be both resolute in its determination for democratic reform and to act "prudently and steadily" (慎重稳进). Xinjiang adopted a pragmatic strategy of tackling the easier problems first and then the harder ones, proceeding step by step. Without changing land ownership rights, through land adjustment, landless and land-poor peasants obtained the right to cultivate land. Then, through campaigns to reduce rent and oppose local despots, the peasants' urgent demand for land was met. On this basis, land reform was carried out in stages starting from September 1952 and was successfully concluded at the end of 1953. Over 650,000 households of landless or land-poor peasants received land, and the feudal system of land ownership based on exploitation was basically abolished.
Following the general line for the transition period, Xinjiang, together with the rest of the country, also carried out socialist transformation of agriculture, handicrafts, and capitalist industry and commerce. In the agricultural mutual aid and cooperation movement, the Xinjiang Sub-Bureau adhered to seeking truth from facts. While ensuring that the agricultural mutual aid and cooperation movement in Xinjiang remained basically synchronized with the rest of the country, it emphasized respecting the wishes of ethnic minority masses in view of the complex ethnic and religious situation, requiring solid work, steady steps, and appropriate speed, thus ensuring the healthy development of the agricultural mutual aid and cooperation movement. During the period of national economic recovery, while supporting the development of handicrafts and private industry and commerce, Xinjiang used methods such as processing with supplied materials, state monopoly for purchase and marketing, and acting as purchasing and sales agents to closely link them with the state-owned economy, bringing them into the national planned轨道 (guǐdào - track, path) and creating conditions for socialist transformation. In 1956, with the comprehensive completion of socialist transformation in Xinjiang, the socialist system based on public ownership was basically established in Xinjiang.
To overcome economic difficulties, the Party and government adopted a multi-pronged approach, making overall plans and taking all factors into consideration, to fully restore the national economy. During this period, the Xinjiang Sub-Bureau, based on the characteristics of Xinjiang's national economy, made the development of agriculture and animal husbandry the focus of economic work, while also paying attention to the development of industry and transportation needed within the scope of self-sufficiency in means of production and livelihood. In just a few years, industrial and agricultural production in Xinjiang was fully restored. Particularly, industry grew from nothing, with a number of modern industrial enterprises being established, laying a good foundation for planned economic and social construction in Xinjiang.
**Implementing Regional Ethnic Autonomy and Establishing the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region**
In multi-ethnic Xinjiang, the ethnic issue has always been an important issue, and regional ethnic autonomy provides an institutional guarantee for Xinjiang's stability and development. Since its founding, the Communist Party of China has adhered to integrating Marxist ethnic theory with China's actual conditions. Through long-term exploration, it determined the correct path for solving ethnic problems suitable for China's national conditions. Mao Zedong instructed the People's Liberation Army troops entering Xinjiang to focus on doing arduous mass work, adhere to the policies of ethnic equality and ethnic unity in all work, cultivate a large number of cadres from ethnic minorities, and completely isolate the reactionary ethnic elements. After the People's Liberation Army entered the areas north and south of the Tianshan Mountains, under the leadership of the Xinjiang Sub-Bureau, it gradually carried out work such as building Party organizations and political power, suppressing bandits and quelling rebellions, stabilizing prices, restoring the economy, reducing rent and opposing local despots, and land reform. It attached importance to establishing an anti-feudal united front and doing a good job with ethnic and religious circles, gaining the trust and support of people from all ethnic groups and all walks of life in Xinjiang.
Implementing regional ethnic autonomy in areas where ethnic minorities live in concentrated communities is the basic strategy for properly solving China's ethnic problems. At the time of Xinjiang's liberation, the ethnic minority population accounted for 93.28% of Xinjiang's total population. The "Common Program of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference," adopted in September 1949, clearly defined regional ethnic autonomy as a basic state policy, stating that "in areas where ethnic minorities are concentrated, regional autonomy of ethnic groups should be implemented, and various ethnic autonomous organs should be established according to the size of the ethnic minority population and the size of the region." The "Outline for the Implementation of Regional Ethnic Autonomy of the People's Republic of China," promulgated and implemented in August 1952, provided the fundamental guidance for establishing ethnic autonomous areas and guiding the people of autonomous areas in managing their own internal affairs. Subsequently, the Xinjiang Sub-Bureau conducted extensive and in-depth propaganda and education among cadres and the masses of all ethnic groups regarding the implementation of regional ethnic autonomy, and focused on training ethnic minority cadres. In December 1953, the Government Administration Council of the Central People's Government approved the "Measures for the Implementation of Regional Ethnic Autonomy in Xinjiang Province," agreeing that in addition to establishing a province-wide autonomous region primarily for the Uyghur ethnic group, Xinjiang could also establish other autonomous units at various levels for other ethnic groups. Subsequently, following the method of "starting from the bottom, moving from small to large, and implementing level by level," regional autonomy was rolled out in a planned and step-by-step manner across Xinjiang. By the end of 1954, a total of 27 autonomous units below the provincial level had been established, including 9 at the township level, 7 at the district level, 6 at the county level, 4 at the prefectural level, and 1 at the prefectural administrative office level. In September 1955, the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress adopted the "Resolution on the Establishment of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region and the Abolition of the Xinjiang Province System"; on October 1 of the same year, the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region was formally established, marking the full implementation of the system of regional ethnic autonomy in Xinjiang, providing a solid institutional guarantee for Xinjiang's stability and development.
**Establishing the Production and Construction Corps to Undertake the Mission of Reclaiming Wasteland and Guarding the Frontiers**
After the founding of the People's Republic of China, the Party Central Committee, with great foresight and by assessing the situation, established the Production and Construction Corps in Xinjiang, tasked with the responsibility of reclaiming wasteland and guarding the frontiers. This was a strategic arrangement for governing the country, ensuring peace, and strengthening frontier governance. In the early period after the founding of the People's Republic of China, Xinjiang's social development was backward, its productive forces were extremely low, and problems in politics, economy, military, ethnicity, and religion were complex and intertwined, making the task of maintaining economic and social stability arduous. To consolidate border defense, promote development, and reduce the economic burden on the people of all ethnic groups, the People's Liberation Army units stationed in Xinjiang resolutely implemented the major decisions of the Party Central Committee and Mao Zedong, carried forward the Nanniwan spirit, ventured into the vast, ancient wilderness, holding a gun in one hand and wielding a ketmen (坎土曼, a type of hoe) in the other, quickly launching a vigorous and massive production campaign.
In accordance with Mao Zedong's "Directive on the Participation of the Army in Production and Construction Work in 1950," at the beginning of 1950, the People's Liberation Army stationed in Xinjiang committed its main forces to production and construction. Adhering to the principle of "not competing with the people for profit," they selected reclamation sites in uninhabited Gobi deserts, lived in dì wō zi (地窝子, semi-subterranean dugouts), ate wild vegetables, used small carts to move sand dunes, and used manpower to pull plows to open up fertile farmland. Within that year, they achieved self-sufficiency in most of their grain needs and complete self-sufficiency in cooking oil and vegetables. By the end of 1952, the People's Liberation Army stationed in Xinjiang had opened up and sown 1.6 million mu of land, built nearly 30 large-scale farms, developed animal husbandry from scratch, and achieved complete self-sufficiency in grain, non-staple food, and vegetables, with surpluses to support local construction. The large-scale production campaign carried out by the People's Liberation Army effectively reduced the burden on the people and accelerated the recovery and development of Xinjiang's national economy.
Simultaneously with the large-scale agricultural production campaign, the People's Liberation Army stationed in Xinjiang saved on food and clothing, accumulated funds, and began building the first batch of modern industrial enterprises in Xinjiang's history. With the completion and commissioning of light and heavy industrial enterprises such as the Bayi Steel Plant, the Weihuliang Power Plant, the October Tractor Plant, and the July 1st Cotton Textile Mill, Xinjiang's economically backward appearance gradually improved. The first generation of industrial workers from various ethnic groups grew up, initially laying the foundation for Xinjiang's modern industry. In October 1954, the Party Central Committee decided that 105,000 troops of the People's Liberation Army stationed in Xinjiang would be demobilized and transferred to local work locally, forming the "Xinjiang Military Region Production and Construction Corps of the Chinese People's Liberation Army," shouldering the important responsibility of reclaiming wasteland and guarding the frontiers. The Corps innovated the form of reclaiming wasteland and guarding the frontiers, implementing a leadership system integrating Party, government, and military functions, becoming a special force that wore no military uniform, drew no military pay, never rotated, and never transferred, making significant contributions to accelerating development, promoting unity, maintaining stability, and consolidating border defense.
In the early period after the founding of the People's Republic of China, the Communist Party of China led the military and civilians of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang in carrying out a vast amount of effective work in establishing people's political power, restoring and developing the national economy, carrying out socialist transformation, and implementing regional ethnic autonomy. The economic and social development landscape of Xinjiang was significantly improved, gradually becoming a strong bulwark and an important construction base on the northwestern frontier, fully playing its strategic role during this period as both a "rear area" and a "front line." The people of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang, who had long suffered from exploitation and oppression, embarked on the socialist path and truly became masters of their own country. This was a great exploration and practice by the Communist Party of China in governing Xinjiang and other frontier ethnic regions, and it was an even more significant achievement of the construction of the socialist system with Chinese characteristics.
Return to TopBy: 李鹏
Currently, our country's economy maintains a long-term positive fundamental, and the effectiveness of high-quality development is evident. However, the problems of insufficient domestic demand and supply shortages remain prominent. To maintain the development rhythm of seeking progress while maintaining stability in the national economy, it is necessary to leverage the integrated effect of stock policies and incremental policies, strengthen counter-cyclical and cross-cyclical adjustment, and enhance the effectiveness of macroeconomic governance. Effectively Implement Stock Policies and Intensify Efforts to Introduce Incremental Policies is the key point of General Secretary Xi Jinping's important speech when presiding over the meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee on September 26, 2024, and is included in Volume V of Xi Jinping: The Governance of China. This important document profoundly explains that in the face of new situations and problems arising in economic operations, it is necessary to grasp the key points and take the initiative. It has important guiding significance for our correct understanding of the requirements of "effectively implementing stock policies and intensifying efforts to introduce incremental policies," and is an important document for our in-depth study of Xi Jinping's Economic Thought.
Stock policies and incremental policies are organically unified and mutually supportive
Stock policies (存量政策) refer to various macroeconomic policies that have already been introduced and are currently being implemented, aimed at optimizing the allocation of existing resources and ensuring the smooth operation of the economy. Fiscal policy and monetary policy, which regulate aggregate demand and aggregate supply, as well as money demand and supply, to create a favorable monetary and financial environment, all fall within the scope of stock policies. Market entities usually have a certain degree of understanding and expectation of stock policies, and the framework and direction of the policies are relatively clear. Therefore, for stock policies, the focus is on implementing the already promulgated policies to the letter.
Incremental policies (增量政策) refer to new policy tools and institutional arrangements introduced based on the original policy system in response to changes in the economic situation. They have three basic forms: first, intensifying efforts on existing policy measures, such as General Secretary Xi Jinping's proposal to "lower the reserve requirement ratio and implement a forceful interest rate cut"; second, introducing new policy tools, such as "to issue and use ultra-long-term special government bonds and local government special bonds well, to better leverage the driving role of government investment"; third, making significant adjustments to the original policy framework, such as General Secretary Xi Jinping's clear requirement in this important document to "respond to the concerns of the people, adjust housing purchase restriction policies, lower the interest rates on existing housing loans, and promptly improve land, fiscal, tax, financial and other policies to promote the construction of a new model for real estate development." Incremental policies can, on the basis of accurately identifying the blockages and choke points in economic operations, promptly respond to market expectations and social needs through the introduction of new policies. When the economic situation changes, the marginal effectiveness of stock policies diminishes, or blind spots appear in their coverage, incremental policies can promptly fill the gap and exert targeted force, ensuring the effectiveness and stability of macroeconomic regulation.
The relationship between stock policies and incremental policies can be understood from three dimensions. From the temporal dimension, stock policies and incremental policies exhibit an alternating and evolving relationship. The effectiveness of stock policies may gradually weaken over time, at which point the timely introduction of incremental policies can compensate for the deficiencies of existing regulation. From the functional dimension, the characteristic of stock policies lies in stability, focusing on consolidating the basic foundation of economic operations; the characteristic of incremental policies lies in renewal, focusing on cultivating new drivers of economic development. From the interactive dimension, stock policies are the foundation of incremental policies; only on the basis of effective implementation of stock policies can incremental policies better play their role. Incremental policies are an extension of stock policies; when stock policies are insufficient to fully address new challenges in economic development, incremental policies can promptly supplement and strengthen them. The two are not a relationship of separation and opposition, but are organically unified and mutually supportive.
Macroeconomic regulation requires the coordinated发力 of stock policies and incremental policies
Currently, the impact of the external environment on the smooth operation of our country's economy is deepening. To build a strong domestic market and form a domestic demand-led economic growth, it is necessary to effectively implement stock policies, intensify efforts to introduce incremental policies, and accelerate the construction of a new development pattern.
Accelerate policy transmission and promote the continued effectiveness of effective stock policies. With the development of the socialist market economy, the policy tools for macroeconomic regulation have become increasingly abundant, but policy effects sometimes fall short of expectations. The problem often lies not in the policy design itself, but in the transmission links. General Secretary Xi Jinping clearly requires "to better leverage the driving role of government investment," ensuring that policies for stabilizing growth, stabilizing employment, and benefiting people's livelihoods are continuously implemented. If the transmission of stock policies faces obstacles and cannot be effectively unblocked, even if incremental policies are intensified, they will be difficult to implement precisely and exert their effectiveness.
To overcome the diminishing effectiveness of stock policies, it is necessary to continuously introduce new incremental policies. The effectiveness of macro policies is not immutable. When a policy is first introduced, due to the positive response of market entities, it often brings good implementation results. However, over time, the marginal effectiveness of policy tools may gradually diminish. At this point, if incremental policies do not follow up in a timely manner, the overall effectiveness of macroeconomic regulation will also be affected. Only by introducing incremental policies, promoting the sequential coordination of stock policies and incremental policies, and establishing a dynamic policy update mechanism can the intensity of regulation always match the needs of economic development.
Avoid the "fallacy of composition" in policies. Macroeconomic governance is a highly complex systematic project, involving multiple levels such as fiscal, monetary, industrial, and regional. Policies introduced by different departments or regions may seem reasonable individually, but if there is a lack of effective coordination, their superposition may also produce negative effects, which in economics is called the "fallacy of composition (合成谬误)." Stock policies and incremental policies belong to different periods and may originate from different departments. If there is a lack of unified assessment and effective coordination, they may also conflict with or cancel each other out. Therefore, it is necessary to "further enhance the targeting and effectiveness of policy measures," using new incremental policies to compensate for the deficiencies of stock policies and leveraging the synergistic effect of policies.
The coordination of stock policies and incremental policies helps to handle the relationship between short-term stability and long-term development. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out, "The favorable conditions of our country's economy, such as its large market, strong resilience, and great potential, have not changed," but it must also be recognized that "some new situations and problems have emerged in current economic operations." This judgment profoundly illustrates that while our country's economy is generally improving, it also faces challenges of cyclical fluctuations and structural adjustments. In the short term, it is necessary to stabilize economic operations within a reasonable range through counter-cyclical adjustment; in the long term, it is necessary to accelerate the cultivation of new quality productive forces (新质生产力) and promote high-quality development. Relying solely on stock policies makes it difficult to effectively address new challenges and open up new prospects; relying solely on incremental policies may ignore the current development situation and bring risks due to impatience for success. Only when the two work together can we effectively promote steady progress and 行稳致远 (xíng wěn zhì yuǎn - "walk steadily to reach far," to proceed steadily and achieve long-term success) in economic development.
Provide solid support for high-quality economic development
Stock policies can secure the bottom line of people's livelihoods, maintain basic stability of economic growth, and create a stable macro environment for advancing reforms; incremental policies focus on weak links and growth potential points in economic development, accumulating long-term development momentum while solving short-term problems. It is necessary to promote the coordinated发力 of stock policies and incremental policies in practice.
Ensure the effective implementation of stock policies. Currently, there are still problems of poor "last mile" policy implementation in some areas. To this end, first, establish a tracking and evaluation mechanism for policy implementation. For major policies already introduced, the lead departments should regularly review the implementation progress and effectiveness one by one, analyze the reasons for poor implementation, and set a deadline for rectification. Second, optimize the guarantee conditions for grassroots implementation. When higher-level departments introduce policies, they should simultaneously consider the actual carrying capacity of the grassroots, ensuring effective policy implementation through supporting resources, simplifying procedures, and other means. Third, promptly correct and optimize outdated policies. For policies whose effectiveness is clearly diminishing, or even incompatible with the current situation, timely adjustments should be made to make room for more targeted policies. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized, "We must help enterprises overcome difficulties and further standardize law enforcement involving enterprises," which is also a clear requirement to correct possible deviations in the implementation of stock policies.
Enhance the precision and adaptability of incremental policies. First, strengthen situation assessment and accurately grasp the timing of policy introduction. Comprehensive use of market research, data analysis, and other means should be employed to closely track changes in economic operations. Once emerging problems are detected, incremental policies must respond decisively and promptly. Second, adhere to a problem-oriented approach to ensure the precision of the direction of effort. General Secretary Xi Jinping has made clear arrangements for the focus of incremental policies: in fiscal and monetary policy, "we must increase the intensity of counter-cyclical adjustment of fiscal and monetary policies"; in the real estate sector, "we must promote the stabilization and recovery of the real estate market, strictly control the increment of commercial housing construction, optimize the stock, and improve quality"; in the capital market, "we must strive to boost the capital market, vigorously guide medium- and long-term funds into the market, and unblock the blockages for funds such as social security, insurance, and wealth management to enter the market"; in ensuring people's livelihoods, "we must hold and secure the bottom line of people's livelihoods, focusing on the employment of key groups such as fresh college graduates, migrant workers, people lifted out of poverty, and zero-employment families." These important deployments precisely target the prominent shortcomings and weak links in economic operations, reflecting a clear problem-oriented approach. Third, focus on the flexibility and compatibility of policy design. Incremental policies should flexibly adjust their intensity and combination methods according to changes in the situation, while fully considering the connection with stock policies to prevent conflicts between policies.
The key to the coordination of stock policies and incremental policies lies in exerting the "integrated effect." First, strengthen coordination between departments. Improve the communication, coordination, and overall planning mechanisms for policies across different departments. Before major policies are introduced, opinions from relevant departments should be widely solicited, and consistency assessments should be conducted simultaneously. Second, strengthen the coordination of policy timing. Reasonably arrange the sequential rhythm of stock policies and incremental policies, and plan for incremental policy reserves in advance before the effectiveness of stock policies has significantly weakened, so as to effectively respond to various changes in the economic situation. Third, strengthen long-term mechanisms institutionally. Institutionalize and normalize the consistency of macro policy orientations, paying attention not only to the coordination between economic policies but also to the matching degree between economic and non-economic policies. Thus, on the basis of maintaining policy continuity and stability, enhance the targeting and forward-looking nature of policies, providing solid support for continuously consolidating the momentum of economic recovery and improvement and high-quality development.
Return to TopBy: 刘小波
Yang Jiang completed her memoir We Three at the age of 92. It is a work of life-writing that uses dreams as the warp, memory as the weft, and familial love as its core. An old woman standing at the edge of life looks back on nearly a century of wind-and-rain journey, recording the deepest emotions in simple, unadorned language. To look back from the "end" of time means both a reunion with the departed and a confirmation of the living's own existence. In the appendix, her daughter's fragmentary manuscript together with the main text constitute a collaborative writing of "home" by two generations of mother and daughter. "Home" is elevated from a physical space to an eternal existence in the spiritual world, and the act of writing itself becomes a long journey in search of the way back.
In the early spring of 1997, her daughter Qian Yuan passed away; at the end of 1998, her husband Qian Zhongshu passed away. In just two years, Yang Jiang lost the two most precious people in her life. In the remaining years of her life, this old woman, living alone in her apartment, began to summon her deceased loved ones through words, rebuilding the home of "we three" amid the ruins. On the wasteland of time, only memory can sustain the connection with the departed. In the book, she records in detail the daily trivia of Qian Zhongshu and Qian Yuan. These seemingly trivial records are in fact a complete testimony to the lives of the deceased: there were once three people in this world who deeply loved each other, accompanied each other, and lived their lives earnestly.
We Three uses dreams to bear reality, and the entire book forms a complete "ten-thousand-li long dream." Within this dream, Yang Jiang transforms the reality of Zhongshu being taken away, A Yuan falling ill, and father and daughter departing one after the other into a long farewell on an ancient post road. The setting of this dream provides a psychological buffer for the unbearable pain. The use of parting imagery such as the ancient post road, a small boat, an inn, willow trees, and yellow leaves elevates personal feelings to a universal level. At the same time, the dream makes the process of separation "visible." Yang Jiang also transforms the difficult years of her daughter's illness, Zhongshu's hospitalization, and her own grueling shuttling between the two into a long trek on the ancient post road. The willows cycle from yellowing and falling to sprouting, from sprouting to providing shade, and from shade back to yellowing and falling — this cycle symbolizes the passage of time. This transformation gives abstract time a concrete form and provides a tangible vehicle for inexpressible pain.
After the "meeting in the dream" comes the "memory upon waking." In this section, Yang Jiang records in chronological order more than sixty years of the ordinary days of the three of them. Unlike ordinary memoirs, her brush consistently focuses on the level of daily life, picking out tiny, seemingly insignificant yet heartwarming moments. Those moments that seemed not worth mentioning are gathered up and treasured one by one by Yang Jiang; after losing them, they become handfuls of "pebbles" for her to savor repeatedly in her lonely old age. Yang Jiang's language has always been known for its plainness and simplicity, and We Three continues this style while adding a layer of warmth and deep affection due to the special nature of its content. The passages about parting in We Three have no exaggerated ornament, no deliberate sentimentality; within the sorrow there is tenderness.
Throughout the process of writing, Yang Jiang maintains a sober self-awareness. She knows clearly what she is doing and understands the significance of this act. This writing posture is 一脉相承 (yī mài xiāng chéng — "one vein inherited," continuous in the same line) with Yang Jiang's consistent life philosophy. A life course of more than a hundred years gives her enough confidence to face life and death; a lifetime of reading and writing also enables her to transform the deepest grief into the calmest words.
We Three is a work that resonates with readers. Using a technique close to plain sketching and factual recording, Yang Jiang sets down the little-known, hearth-and-home side of a scholar's family, presenting a unique writing posture. She does not highlight Qian Zhongshu's academic achievements or cultural fame, but instead focuses on recording the life details of his "clumsy hands and feet." Under her brush, Qian Zhongshu is not a "master" but a playful father who "jumps around like a cat-and-mouse" with his daughter and is called by her "unfit to be a brother, only fit to be a younger brother." This mode of writing gives the characters a more authentic texture of life and also reveals that true faith in life is actually contained within the daily warmth of ordinary existence.
The appendix of We Three is also one of the book's most distinctive and moving parts, encompassing Qian Yuan's fragmentary manuscript of We Three written during her illness, letters between Qian Zhongshu and Yang Jiang, and a portrait of her father drawn by Qian Yuan. The inclusion of these primary materials gives the entire book a structure of "multiple co-authors." Although the writer is Yang Jiang, all three of "we three" have left their voices in the book. When 92-year-old Yang Jiang created We Three, what she did was not only a recollection of the past, but also a final confirmation of the life community of "we three." Through writing, she enables Zhongshu and A Yuan to regain life in words, and she also draws from the dialogue with them the power to exist. Every sentence in the book is spoken to them; every detail in the book is recorded for them. This makes We Three transcend the ordinary memoir and become a highly ritualistic spiritual activity: through continuous recollection and writing, the departed "live" in the lives of the living.
"When loved ones are still here, the inn is home; when loved ones depart, the inn is merely an inn." The true "home" may always be in search, but the search itself is a confirmation of home. Yang Jiang spent several years completing this book, reconstructing the home of "we three" through words. "Fine things in the world are not durable; colored clouds easily scatter, glass is fragile." This is a line of poetry that Yang Jiang adapts in the text, and it is also her final understanding of life. Yang Jiang passed away at the age of 105. After seeing off all her closest relatives, she lived alone for nearly another twenty years. During those twenty years, she sorted out Qian Zhongshu's posthumous manuscripts, published her own works, and 笔耕不辍 (bǐ gēng bù chuò — "never stopping the pen-plowing," to write tirelessly). Why was she so diligent? We Three gives the answer: "None of the three of us wasted this life, because we are three." She had to continue living for them, to finish the books they should have written, to witness the changes of the world for them, and after a hundred years, to reunite with them.
In the grayness of her twilight years, Yang Jiang used words to illuminate the long road back to the past. The work she did was far more than recording the daily life of an intellectual family; on the wasteland of time, she built an eternal dwelling for the life community of "we three." We Three is both a memoir of a centenarian and a textbook on love, a declaration of life that uses memory to resist oblivion. In its plainness, simplicity, and restraint, it contains the deepest and most resilient human affection. This book constantly reminds us: cherish the people before you, because parting will come; record the ordinary things, because those trivial daily moments will eventually become the most precious things in life; even after loss, live well, because in memory they have never gone far.
What We Three leaves to readers is precisely this cherishing of life, this persistence in love, and this eternal attachment to home. Everyone who reads this book will be moved by it, because what it writes is not only the story of one family, but also touches the softest place in every person's heart. It is about life, parting, and the struggle to move forward — realities every individual must face. We all long for a place we can call "home," all fear separation by life or death from our dearest ones, and all need to find the strength to keep going after loss. Yang Jiang tells us through her life that the true home is not in buildings and rooms, but in each other's lives; true parting is not the boundary between life and death, but the occurrence of forgetting. As long as someone still remembers, as long as words remain, "we three" have never truly scattered. Yang Jiang lit a lamp with her words: in that lamplight are the never-dissipating figures of "we three," and also the destination that everyone has been seeking and will ultimately reach.
Return to TopBy: 崔禄春
This year marks the 105th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China. Over more than a century of struggle, our Party has attached great importance to the building of a system of inner-Party laws and regulations, regarding it as an important magic weapon for governing and managing the Party. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, the Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has insisted on the integrated construction of law-based governance of the country with institution-based governance of the Party and rule-based governance of the Party, pushing the system of inner-Party laws and regulations to become more mature and well-defined. Upholding institution-based and rule-based governance of the Party is an important component of Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, a long-term and fundamental strategy for exercising full and rigorous Party governance, and provides a strong institutional guarantee for realizing the governance of the CPC and the governance of China in the new era.
The Fundamental Guarantee for the Century-Old Major Party to Forever Retain Its Vitality and Vigor
Institution-based and rule-based governance of the Party is rooted in the theoretical soil of the Marxist doctrine of Party building, embodies the historical wisdom of our Party in governing and managing the Party over more than a century, responds to the practical demands of the Party's deep self-reform in the new era, and is the fundamental institutional guarantee for the century-old major Party to forever retain its vitality and vigor.
Creative application of the laws governing the building of a Marxist political party. The Marxist doctrine of Party building has always attached great importance to the fundamental role of institutions in Party building. During the process of founding the Communist League, Marx and Engels presided over the formulation of the Rules of the Communist League, which clearly stipulated the conditions for membership, organizational principles, and disciplinary requirements, providing the initial paradigm for a Marxist political party to establish and manage itself through a program and rules. In the practice of building the Russian Bolshevik Party, Lenin further proposed that "the proletariat's unconditional centralization and extremely strict discipline are one of the basic conditions for defeating the bourgeoisie," laying an important theoretical foundation for the construction of Marxist party institutions. As a Marxist political party, the CPC has always adhered to combining the Marxist doctrine of Party building with China's specific realities and with the fine traditional Chinese culture. Over the course of its more than a century of struggle, it has creatively explored the path of institution-based and rule-based governance of the Party for managing and governing the Party. This not only upholds the essential attributes of a Marxist political party but also endows it with distinct Chinese characteristics and the connotations of the times, deepening the understanding of the laws governing the exercise of power by the Communist Party and the laws governing the building of a Marxist political party. It is a major original contribution of our Party to the Marxist doctrine of Party building.
Precious crystallization of the century-long practical experience of governing and managing the Party. Since its founding, our Party has attached great importance to institutional construction, always regarding institution-based and rule-based governance of the Party as an important guideline for managing and governing the Party. During the period of the New Democratic Revolution, the Party continuously explored institutional construction in the midst of revolutionary struggle. In 1921, the First National Congress of the Party adopted the "First Program of the Communist Party of China," opening up a precedent for institution-based governance of the Party. In 1922, the Second National Congress formulated the first formal Party Constitution, clarifying the fundamental guidelines for managing and governing the Party. In 1927, the Fifth National Congress elected the Central Control Commission, initiating early exploration of self-supervision. In 1938, Mao Zedong, at the Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Party, first proposed the concept of "inner-Party laws and regulations." The session adopted regulatory documents such as the "Decision on the Working Rules and Discipline of the Central Committee," preliminarily establishing an institutional framework for the centralized and unified leadership of the Party Central Committee. During the period of Socialist Revolution and Construction, the Eighth National Congress of the Party adopted the first Party Constitution after the Party came into power, systematically expounded democratic centralism, and carried out fruitful exploration of the Party's institutional construction under the conditions of governance. During the new period of Reform, Opening Up, and Socialist Modernization, the Party restored and improved the institutional system centered on the Party Constitution. In 1980, Deng Xiaoping profoundly put forward the major thesis that "institutional issues are more fundamental, overarching, stable, and long-term." The Party Constitution adopted by the Twelfth National Congress of the Party in 1982 put Party building back onto an institutionalized track. The Thirteenth National Congress of the Party explicitly proposed taking a new path of "not engaging in political movements, but relying on reform and institutional construction." The Sixteenth National Congress of the Party called for organically integrating ideological building, organizational building, and work style building, and running institutional building through them, both based on doing regular work well and urgently solving prominent problems that exist. Entering the new era, the Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has incorporated full and rigorous Party governance into the "Four Comprehensive" strategic layout (四个全面). The building of the inner-Party laws and regulations system has achieved historic accomplishments, providing a strong institutional guarantee for ensuring the Party's long-term governance and the country's enduring peace and stability. Over the past century, it is precisely by relying on this important magic weapon of institution-based and rule-based governance of the Party that our Party has been able to maintain robust vitality and strong combat effectiveness while undergoing tests of trials and hardships.
An important pillar of the Party's self-reform. How to break free from the historical cycle of rise and fall is a major proposition that the CPC has always been thinking about and exploring. During the Yan'an period, Mao Zedong gave the first answer: "Only by letting the people supervise the government will the government not dare to slack off." After more than a century of struggle, and especially through the new practice since the 18th National Congress, General Secretary Xi Jinping has given the second answer: this is self-reform. Institution-based and rule-based governance of the Party, by building a complete system of inner-Party laws and regulations and confining power within an institutional cage, provides rigid institutional constraints and a stable institutional operation mechanism for self-reform, ensuring that under long-term governance conditions, the Party can promptly detect existing problems, correct its own mistakes, remove viruses that erode the Party's healthy body, and achieve self-purification, self-improvement, self-innovation, and self-enhancement. Since the 18th National Congress, our Party has relied on the power of institutions to carry out an unprecedented anti-corruption struggle, and full and rigorous Party governance has achieved historic accomplishments. This fully proves that institution-based and rule-based governance of the Party is an important guarantee for the Party's self-reform.
Historic Achievements in Institution-Based and Rule-Based Governance of the Party in the New Era
Since the 18th National Congress, General Secretary Xi Jinping has attached great importance to the building of the inner-Party laws and regulations system, making a series of important expositions regarding institution-based and rule-based governance of the Party. The Central Committee has convened two national conferences on inner-Party laws and regulations work and issued the "Opinions of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Strengthening the Building of the System of Inner-Party Laws and Regulations," making comprehensive arrangements for the building of the system of inner-Party laws and regulations, pushing forward a structural change and historic achievements in the building of the inner-Party laws and regulations system in the new era.
Building a scientific, complete, effective, and practical system of inner-Party laws and regulations. The inner-Party laws and regulations system is the institutional basis for managing and governing the Party. Since the 18th National Congress, the Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has regarded the building of the inner-Party laws and regulations system as an important component of the socialist legal system with Chinese characteristics, insisted on the organic unity of law-based governance of the country and rule-based governance of the Party, and coordinately advanced the formulation of inner-Party laws and regulations. As of June 2024, there were a total of 3,936 currently effective inner-Party laws and regulations across the Party. A "1+4" basic framework (1+4) for the system of inner-Party laws and regulations has been formed, taking the Party Constitution as the fundamental basis and covering Party organizational regulations, Party leadership regulations, Party self-building regulations, and Party supervision and guarantee regulations, covering all aspects, fields, and links of the Party's leadership and construction, ensuring that there are rules to follow and regulations to abide by. The formation of this system is a landmark achievement in the history of Party building and the history of building a socialist legal system with Chinese characteristics in the new era, marking that our Party's management and governance of the Party has fully entered a new stage of institutionalization and standardization, providing solid institutional support for advancing the great new project of Party building and upholding and strengthening the Party's comprehensive leadership.
Ensuring that institutions take root on the ground with rigid execution capacity. The vitality of institutions lies in their implementation, and the authority of institutions also lies in their implementation. Since the 18th National Congress, our Party has always placed institutional implementation in a prominent position, insisting that where there are rules, they must be followed; where rules are implemented, it must be strict; and where rules are violated, they must be investigated; resolutely preventing institutions from becoming a "scarecrow" (稻草人) or a "rubber band" (橡皮筋). General Secretary Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out: "We must make great efforts to establish institutions and set rules, and even greater efforts to ensure implementation and execution, resolutely correcting phenomena such as arbitrary modifications, malicious evasion, and disregard for institutions." The Central Committee started breaking new ground by formulating and implementing the Central Eight-Point Regulation, setting an example for the entire Party by strictly implementing various institutional provisions from the top down. It established and improved the responsibility system for the implementation of inner-Party laws and regulations, clarifying the implementation responsibilities of Party organizations at all levels and leading Party cadres, incorporating the implementation of inner-Party laws and regulations into important contents of inspection tours, supervision, and assessment, strengthening supervision and accountability, seriously investigating and dealing with violations of inner-Party laws and regulations, and resolutely safeguarding the seriousness and authority of institutions. Through strict institutional implementation, the long-standing problems of laxity, softness, and looseness were effectively resolved, promoting a fundamental shift in the management and governance of the Party from "lax, soft, loose" to "strict, firm, tight." The Party's creativity, cohesion, and combat effectiveness were significantly enhanced, the Party's unity and solidarity were further consolidated, Party-mass relations were markedly improved, and the Party became stronger through revolutionary tempering.
Institution-based governance of the Party, ideological Party building, and law-based governance of the country work in the same direction to form a combined governance force. Institution-based governance of the Party does not operate in isolation; rather, it interrelates and works synergistically with ideological Party building and law-based governance of the country. General Secretary Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out: "Strict governance of the Party relies on education and on institutions; the two, one soft and one hard, must work in the same direction and at the same time." This important thesis profoundly reveals the dialectical relationship between institution-based governance of the Party and ideological Party building, providing a scientific methodology for managing and governing the Party in the new era. Since the 18th National Congress, our Party has adhered to organically combining institution-based governance of the Party with ideological Party building: on the one hand, through ideological education, it supplements the spiritual "calcium" of Party cadres and members, consolidating the foundation of faith; on the other hand, through institutional constraints, it regulates the behavior of Party cadres and members, organically integrating the flexible guidance of ideological leadership with the rigid norms of institutional constraints, achieving a complementary combination of rigidity and flexibility (刚柔并济, gāng róu bìng jì - "combine hardness and softness," complementary use of rigidity and flexibility) and synergistic effectiveness. It adheres to the organic unity of law-based governance of the country and rule-based governance of the Party, paying attention to the articulation and coordination between inner-Party laws and regulations and national laws, and giving full play to the high standards and strict requirements of inner-Party laws and regulations for Party members while also giving full play to the universal constraining effect of national laws on all citizens, promoting the better transformation of the Party's institutional advantages into national governance effectiveness. By promoting the three to work in the same direction and deeply integrate, a strong combined governance force has been formed, pushing forward the continuous improvement of the modernization level of the national governance system and governance capacity, providing an important guarantee for the historic achievements and historic changes in the cause of the Party and the country.
Using Institution-Based and Rule-Based Governance of the Party to Build a Solid Foundation for Revitalizing and Strengthening the Party
To govern the country, the Party must first be governed well; only when the Party thrives can the country be strong. Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, with its "Fourteen Perseverances" (十四个坚持), profoundly grasps the inner connection between managing and governing the Party, revitalizing and strengthening the Party, and strengthening the country and national rejuvenation, clearly expounding the fundamental principles, work layout, key tasks, and methods of Party building in the new era. On the new journey, facing the arduous tasks of economic and social development during the "15th Five-Year Plan" period, it is necessary to leverage the special advantages of institution-based and rule-based governance of the Party, persistently advance full and rigorous Party governance, so as to effectively solve the unique difficulties of a major Party and ensure that the Party always remains the strong leadership core for building a strong country and national rejuvenation.
Focus on prominent issues to fill institutional shortcomings. After more than ten years of efforts in the new era, our Party has formed a relatively complete system of inner-Party laws and regulations. However, there are still discrepancies between the institutional supply and the practical needs of governing and managing the Party on the new journey; some emerging fields have institutional blind spots; some institutions are too principled and lack operational quantitative standards; and the articulation of institutions in certain areas is not smooth enough. It is necessary to focus on solving the core requirements of the unique difficulties of a major Party, i.e., the "six 'how to always'" (六个如何始终), adhere to a problem-oriented approach, keep a close eye on weak areas of Party leadership and emerging fields of Party building, accelerate the filling of institutional shortcomings and the filling of institutional gaps. Fully implement the deployment requirements of the "Outline of the Central Work Plan for the Formulation of Inner-Party Laws and Regulations (2023–2027)," coordinately advance the formulation, revision, abolition, and interpretation of inner-Party laws and regulations, so that institutional construction accurately responds to the practical needs of full and rigorous Party governance, ensuring that every institution can stand, work, and be managed effectively.
Grasp the key of quality to improve the legal and regulatory system. It is necessary to focus on improving the core of formulation quality, continuously perfecting the inner-Party laws and regulations system that is scientific in content, rigorous in procedure, complete in supporting measures, and effective in operation. Adhere to scientific, democratic, and law-based rule-making, conduct in-depth research and investigation, combine central requirements, mass expectations, practical needs, and fresh experience, and effectively prevent institutions from being divorced from reality, having vague content, or lagging behind practical development. Improve the normalized mechanism for the review of laws and regulations, promptly amend or abolish those that are not adapted to the needs of current development, avoiding problems of "叠床架屋" (dié chuáng jià wū - "piling beds and adding roofs," redundant overlapping structures) or institutions "fighting with each other." Resolutely prevent formalism and bureaucracy in institutional construction, put an end to phenomena such as engaging in "behind-closed-doors fabrication" or creating institutional "image projects," and promote the continuous upgrade of the inner-Party laws and regulations system from "relatively complete" to "more mature and well-defined."
Strengthen ground-level transformation to unleash governance effectiveness. The ultimate value of institutions lies in their transformation into governance effectiveness. It is necessary to strictly implement the responsibility system for the implementation of inner-Party laws and regulations, consolidate the main responsibility of Party organizations at all levels, the primary responsibility of the primary responsible persons, and the "dual responsibilities" of leadership team members (one post with dual responsibilities for both duties and Party building), incorporate the implementation of institutions into the core content of political supervision, inspection tours, and Party building assessment, improve the mechanism for supervision and accountability of implementation, and resolutely rectify prominent problems such as having rules but not following them, lax implementation, and no investigation of violations. Adhere to the coordinated efforts of institution-based governance of the Party and ideological Party building, and the organic unity of rule-based governance of the Party and law-based governance of the country, achieving mutual support between rigid constraints and flexible guidance, and articulation and coordination between inner-Party laws and regulations and national laws. Give full play to the exemplary and leading role of the "key minority" of leading cadres, enhance the consciousness and steadfastness of leading cadres at all levels in rule-based governance of the Party, promote the widespread practice (蔚然成风, wèi rán chéng fēng - "become common practice," widespread trend) of respecting, adhering to, and upholding institutions across the Party, and provide a strong institutional guarantee for comprehensively advancing the construction of a strong country and the great cause of national rejuvenation through Chinese-style modernization.
[The author is from the Central Party School (National Academy of Governance) (中央党校（国家行政学院）)]
Return to TopBy: 李乔
On December 5, 2025, the exchange between General Secretary Xi Jinping and French President Macron at Dujiangyan turned this still-functioning ancient water conservancy project into a vivid window showcasing the governance wisdom of Chinese civilization. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that the Dujiangyan Irrigation System is "the only ancient water conservancy project still in use in the world today, and also one of the earliest successful practices of harmonious coexistence between humans and nature." He emphasized, "Every time I come to Dujiangyan, I can feel the greatness of the ancients in 因地制宜 (yīn dì zhì yí - "according to local conditions," to take measures suited to local circumstances), 顺势而为 (shùn shì ér wéi - "act in accordance with the trend," to follow the natural course of events), 天人合一 (tiān rén hé yī - "heaven and man as one," the unity of nature and humanity), and managing water to benefit the people, and draw from it the wisdom for governing the country." This important discourse not only highlights the eternal charm of cultural heritage but also reveals the contemporary vitality of fine traditional Chinese culture, clarifying the intrinsic logic — 一脉相承 (yī mài xiāng chéng - "come down in one continuous line," to share the same lineage) and 与时俱进 (yǔ shí jù jìn - "keep pace with the times," to advance with the times) — from historical water management practice to the modernization of national governance. From Yu the Great's flood control to the construction of the national water network in the new era, the water management tradition represented by Dujiangyan has always contained profound wisdom for governing the country and ensuring national security, providing rich nourishment for advancing the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity.
The history of the development of Chinese civilization is essentially a history of struggle, co-existing with water and managing water to revitalize the nation. The 波澜壮阔 (bō lán zhuàng kuò - "surging forward magnificently," grand and magnificent) practice of water management not only reshaped the geographical landscape but also, in the process of organizing large-scale social collaboration, profoundly influenced the evolution of early state forms and the construction of governance systems.
In ancient times, floods raged, "the people below were in a state of distress," and survival faced severe challenges. Yu the Great changed "blocking" into "dredging," and over thirteen years completed the great undertaking of "opening up the nine provinces and clearing the nine routes." This large-scale flood control action transcended the territorial limits of blood-related clans, gave rise to social organizations with public authority, delineated early administrative regions, and formed a preliminary system for managing taxation and corvée labor. The centralized command, cross-regional resource allocation, and mass mobilization demonstrated by Yu the Great in taming the floods provided an important practical case for the formation of China's early national governance system.
After the unification of the Qin dynasty, water conservancy was elevated to the height of national strategy. The construction of the Zhengguo Canal (郑国渠) turned the Guanzhong region into a granary of "fertile fields, free from bad harvests," laying the economic foundation of the empire; the excavation of the Lingqu Canal (灵渠), connecting the Xiang and Li river systems, not only consolidated the Lingnan frontier but also strengthened central control over the south. These projects went far beyond the scope of agricultural irrigation, becoming vivid practices of the centralization concept that "affairs are in the four directions, but the key lies in the center," greatly enhancing the unified state's capacity for resource allocation and mobilization. As the Guanzi (管子) lists water as the foremost of the five calamities and emphasizes that "those skilled in governing a state must first eliminate its five calamities," this profoundly reveals the ancient people's deep recognition of water management as a core task for regime stability and national governance. History has repeatedly proven that the fate of a nation is tied to its rivers; only by securing water can the country be stabilized, and water management has always been an important foundation for governing the country.
The experience accumulated through large-scale water management actions was gradually refined and sublimated, integrated into the nation's political and cultural genes, and formed a set of far-reaching philosophies for governing the country. These wisdoms transcended the specific technical realm and became governance principles of universal guiding significance.
Guiding according to circumstances, respecting laws. The essence of water management lies in conforming to the natural trend, not in forcibly opposing it. Yu the Great replaced blocking with dredging, praised as "following the nature of water and the suitability of the land." Applied to governing the country, this thinking requires that those in power must follow the laws of social development and conform to the will of the people. The Dujiangyan project is a timeless model of this wisdom. Its overall design of "diversion without a dam," and the division of labor and coordination of the "Fish Mouth" (鱼嘴) for water diversion, the "Flying Sand Weir" (飞沙堰) for sand discharge, and the "Bottle-Neck Channel" (宝瓶口) for flow control, perfectly achieve the natural regulation of water and sediment, vividly interpreting the Eastern philosophy of "following the way of nature" and "the unity of heaven and humanity." The six-character formula "deeply dredge the shoals, build low weirs" (深淘滩，低作堰) still shines with scientific brilliance today.
Nipping problems in the bud, being vigilant in times of peace. Floods are both insidious and sudden, requiring that those in governance possess a strong sense of vigilance and foresight. The ancient adage "a thousand-zhang dyke collapses from the burrow of an ant" is a vivid expression of this risk awareness. The ancients emphasized "repairing the house before it rains" (未雨绸缪, wèi yǔ chóu móu - "bind and mend before the rain," to take preventive measures) in water management. The Dujiangyan system of "annual repairs" (岁修), which has continued for over two thousand years, is a model: every year during the dry season, systematic inspection, repair, and dredging are carried out on the project, maintaining riverbed depth through "deeply dredging the shoals" and controlling weir height through "building low weirs," ensuring long-term stability through routine meticulous maintenance. This sense of vigilance originating from water management has accumulated into the spiritual trait of the Chinese nation — 居安思危 (jū ān sī wēi - "be vigilant in peace time," to be mindful of danger in times of safety) — providing important intellectual resources for preventing and defusing major risks in governing the country.
Systematic governance, integrated planning. Rivers and lakes form their own systems; a single move affects the whole. This gave rise to a systematic governance thinking based on overall perspective and coordinated action. Jia Rang (贾让) of the Western Han Dynasty, in his "Three Strategies for River Management" (治河三策), not only focused on technical solutions but also comprehensively considered social costs such as resettlement and economy. The ancients emphasized coordination between upstream and downstream, left and right banks in water management, opposing "using the neighbor's land as a drain" (以邻为壑, yǐ lín wéi hè - "making a moat of one's neighbor's field," to shift one's trouble onto others). The three major projects of Dujiangyan operate in organic linkage, with complementary functions of water diversion, sand discharge, and flow control, achieving the comprehensive benefits of flood control, irrigation, and water transport — an outstanding practice of ancient systems engineering. This holistic and coordinated view profoundly influenced national governance, giving rise to strategic thinking such as "the whole country as a single chessboard" and "coordinating development and security."
Unity of will, striving together. Water management is an arduous collective undertaking, inseparable from the concerted effort and dedication of millions. From Yu the Great's hardship of "bathed in heavy rain, combed by fierce winds" in taming the floods, to Emperor Wu of Han personally leading his ministers to "carry brushwood and fill the breached river" in collective effort, to the sense of responsibility of water management officials throughout the ages who "would sacrifice everything for the country's interest," the practice of water management forged the great spirit of unity, cooperation, and fearlessness in the face of danger within the Chinese nation. The magnificent feat of Li Bing (李冰) and his son leading the people of Shu to cut through mountains and divert water, achieving great accomplishments, is an epic of the union of popular strength and wisdom. This spiritual force has been deeply integrated into the nation's bloodline, becoming an important support for facing all difficulties and challenges.
Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, standing at the height of the sustainable development of the Chinese nation and the long-term stability and security of the country, has deeply absorbed the essence of traditional Chinese water management wisdom, based on the national and water conditions of the new era, and creatively put forward the water management approach of "prioritizing water conservation, balancing spatial distribution, systematic governance, and employing both government and market forces" (节水优先、空间均衡、系统治理、两手发力). Guided by this scientific approach, China's water management undertakings have achieved historic accomplishments and undergone historic transformations. These achievements have not only strengthened the national water security barrier and effectively supported high-quality economic and social development, but also, through their embedded strategic thinking, systematic concepts, and people-first philosophy, demonstrated the significant advantages of the socialist system with Chinese characteristics and enriched the practical connotation and theoretical character of the modernization of national governance.
The water management wisdom rooted in Chinese civilization — such as the value concepts of "unity of nature and humanity" and "和合共生 (hé hé gòng shēng - harmonize and co-exist), and the thinking methods of "systematic governance" and "integrated planning" — not only provides profound nourishment for advancing Chinese-style modernization but also offers valuable Eastern wisdom for improving global water governance, addressing common challenges, and building a community with a shared future for mankind. In water conservancy cooperation under the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative, the ecological water management concepts and technologies shared by China are providing useful reference for relevant countries and regions in solving water problems.
At present, global climate change is intensifying challenges such as water scarcity and flood and drought disasters. Inheriting and promoting the cultural heritage represented by Dujiangyan and the governance wisdom it contains can not only inject a source of living water into advancing the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity, but also contribute Chinese wisdom and Chinese solutions to the world's response to environmental crises and the realization of sustainable development, allowing the ancient governance genes of Chinese civilization to radiate new vitality and brilliance in the 21st century.
Return to TopBy: 赵刚印
As International Children's Day on June 1 approaches this year, General Secretary Xi Jinping sent a reply letter to the Young Pioneers red scarf docents of the Memorial Hall of the First National Congress of the Communist Party of China (中共一大纪念馆) and the Nanhu Revolutionary Memorial Hall (南湖革命纪念馆). In his reply, General Secretary Xi Jinping said: "I am gratified to learn that at the site of the First National Congress and beside the Nanhu Red Boat, you have earnestly and passionately recounted the Party's history, revolutionary stories, and heroic deeds, deeply cultivating your love for the Party, the country, and socialism, and have gained training and growth." Red memorial venues scattered across the country are important carriers for passing on the red gene. Among them, the site of the First National Congress of the Communist Party of China at No. 76 Xingye Road, Shanghai, is a particularly representative red landmark. The Chinese Communists sowed the seeds of the future "red storm" (红色狂飙) here, accomplishing the great event of 开天辟地 (kāi tiān pì dì – "opening heaven and splitting earth," a momentous beginning).
Opening Heaven and Splitting Earth in the Shikumen (石库门里开天辟地)
The Memorial Hall of the First National Congress of the Communist Party of China holds a total of more than 128,000 items in its collection. Precious historical photographs and actual artifacts from the revolutionary period, crossing time and space, bring people back to that tumultuous era. In the high summer of 1921, 13 deputies to the First National Congress, with an average age of only 28, secretly gathered in this small shikumen courtyard of only 18 square meters, jointly creating "the great event of opening heaven and splitting earth," which fundamentally changed the course of Chinese history.
In the memorial hall, the yellowed and worn first complete Chinese translation of the Communist Manifesto is a treasure of the museum. In early spring 1920, entrusted by the Shanghai Weekly Review (星期评论) society, Chen Wangdao returned to his hometown of Fenshuitang Village (分水塘村), Yiwu County (义乌县), Zhejiang, to translate the Communist Manifesto, leaving behind the moving story that "the taste of truth is very sweet." The publication of the Communist Manifesto translated by Chen Wangdao powerfully promoted the founding work of the Communist Party of China. This thin book, like a beam of light piercing the long night, brought ideological dawn to a confused China, awakened countless fervent young people, and played an extremely important role in enabling the advanced intellectuals of the time to accept Marxism and establish communist beliefs. Under its inspiration, countless revolutionary aspirants devoted themselves to the struggle for national salvation.
Revolution means sacrifice. In the display cases, the coarse porcelain lunchbox and old blanket that Wang Jinmei carried with him, Deng Enming's personal letters sent back and forth to his hometown, and the yellowed original copies of the semimonthly Li Xin (励新) are displayed as they were. Black-and-white portraits freeze the two men's youthful appearances in their early twenties — one was 24, the other barely 20, the most vibrant figures among the 13 deputies to the First National Congress. As the youngest deputies, they set their aspirations young, dedicated themselves to the country, and spent their lives spreading revolutionary truth far and wide, holding fast to their faith and remaining 不屈不挠 (bù qū bù náo – "unyielding and indomitable") amid severe white terror. In fact, this red land of Shanghai has witnessed numerous revolutionary stories. Martyr Yin Fu wrote before his execution: "Death awaits me, and with it also the light!" Martyr Mu Hanxiang wrote before his sacrifice: "I am willing to turn into mud, for people to trample on as they walk toward the bright future ahead!" Martyr Huang Jingwu had all his fingernails torn off; listening to the rumbling cannon fire of the liberation of Shanghai, he used his last life force, dipped in his own blood, to write: "Farewell, comrades, you grasp the light!" In the surging tides of the Great Revolution, in the flames of the War of Resistance Against Japan, and in the dawn before victory, countless revolutionary martyrs spilled their blood on both banks of the Huangpu River, dyeing this land red. They never changed their faith until death, never ceased their pursuit until death.
Setting Sail from the Tiny, Advancing Toward the Grand (由微末启航，向恢宏前行)
Displayed in the memorial hall are eight characters inscribed by Dong Biwu: "作始也简，将毕也钜" (zuò shǐ yě jiǎn, jiāng bì yě jù – "At the start it was simple; at the completion it will be great"). This maxim from Zhuangzi's "The Human World" is the most penetrating and profound footnote to the historical journey of the Communist Party of China.
At the time of its founding, the Communist Party of China was minuscule, almost negligible: over ten deputies, more than 50 party members, with no political power to rely on, no military to protect it, no stable foothold, and no mature theoretical system to depend on — everything started from scratch, advancing through exploration. The Chinese Communists at the inception of the Party never mixed in utilitarian or selfish motives; they only sought to save the nation on the brink of extinction, to rescue the people mired in suffering, and to find a bright way out for China. They upheld the purest faith and the most fearless courage, daring to be first (敢为人先 – gǎn wéi rén xiān, "dare to be the first"), breaking the old and establishing the new, igniting a spark in the darkness. Great undertakings never begin with great fanfare, but with a courageous start born of pure original intention and firm conviction — this is the most fundamental ideological enlightenment that "at the start it was simple" leaves us. The path of China's quest tore open a crack of light.
And "in the end it will be great" is the most profound historical summary of the continuous struggle of the Communist Party of China over more than 100 years, and a sober recognition of the enduring arduousness of the great rejuvenation. Generations of Communists have carried on the struggle, forging ahead through hardships. They went through 28 years of bloody exploration, overthrew the three mountains (imperialism, feudalism, bureaucratic capitalism), achieved national independence and people's liberation; after the founding of New China, they worked hard on a foundation of poverty and blankness, established an independent and complete industrial system and national economic system, established the basic socialist system, and consolidated the foundation for national development and progress; through the exploration and breakthroughs of reform and opening up, China escaped the predicament of poverty and weakness, achieved comprehensive poverty alleviation and built a moderately prosperous society in all respects, leaped to become the world's second-largest economy, and walked out a development path with distinctive Chinese characteristics.
The Spiritual Home of Communists (共产党人的精神家园)
At the original site of the 18-square-meter meeting room where the First National Congress of the Communist Party of China was held, General Secretary Xi Jinping once said: "Comrade Mao Zedong called this place the 'birth bed' of the Chinese Communist Party. This metaphor is quite vivid. I see this place as also the spiritual home of us Chinese Communists."
The reason the Memorial Hall of the First National Congress of the Communist Party of China is defined as the spiritual home of Chinese Communists lies not in its grand architectural form, but in the tangible, palpable precious cultural relics and realistic restored scenes that let the abstract spirit of party-building take root and take concrete shape, constructing the most vivid and living physical carrier of the spiritual home. Besides classic documents such as New Youth (《新青年》) and early society materials, the inaugural issue of the monthly Communist (《共产党》月刊) — with clear characters on yellowed pages — bears witness to the persistent exploration of advanced elements in the early days of the Party who actively built ideological positions and spread revolutionary ideas. One by one, artifacts carrying the warmth of time, scene after scene recreating history, transform the pioneering spirit of opening heaven and earth and daring to be first, the struggle spirit of firm ideals and 百折不挠 (bǎi zhé bù náo – "never giving up after a hundred setbacks," indomitable perseverance), and the dedication spirit of building the party for the public and being loyal to the people — from words in books and concepts in theories — into real history that can be touched, perceived, and empathized with, making the original aspiration of party-building and the red bloodline tangible and emotionally resonant.
A small dwelling carries the rebirth path of a nation. A century of urban change, all things in the world iterate and renew, but this small courtyard has always stood silently, preserving the most authentic memory of the Party's founding, witnessing the growth process of a political party from a weak sprout to an 顶天立地 (dǐng tiān lì dì – "standing upright between heaven and earth," indomitable) force, and allowing every visitor to trace history, reflect on the path taken, and feel the original aspiration. Today, against the backdrop of socialism with Chinese characteristics entering a new era, it is all the more necessary to further activate the red gene, so that the red gene may 生生不息 (shēng shēng bù xī – "living and growing without end," continuous renewal) and 薪火相传 (xīn huǒ xiāng chuán – "fire passes from fuel to fuel," passing the torch from generation to generation).
Return to TopBy: 李伟威
Forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation (铸牢中华民族共同体意识) is the main line of the Party's ethnic work in the new era, running through the entire process of the development of all undertakings in ethnic regions. Institutions of higher education, as the main front for ideological construction and for fostering virtue and nurturing talents (立德树人), bear the important mission of promoting the sense of community for the Chinese nation to enter the mind and heart and take root. In recent years, institutions of higher education across the country have actively implemented ethnic work deployments, gradually forming an education system with ideological and political courses as the main channel, practical education as support, and campus culture as the carrier. Facing new situations and new tasks, institutions of higher education must make up for mechanism shortcomings, integrate high-quality resources, strengthen coordination and linkage, and promote relevant education from "tangible coverage" to "perceptible immersion," and from "perceptible experience" to "effective empowerment," continuously improving the overall quality and efficiency of resource sharing, serving society, and mutual benefit and win-win.
Currently, the education of forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation in institutions of higher education is at a critical stage of improving quality and increasing efficiency. The integrated construction of ideological and political courses across universities, middle schools, and primary schools (大中小学思政课一体化建设) is being continuously promoted, but there is an obvious disconnection in the articulation of education on the sense of community for the Chinese nation across different school segments. Each school segment has not fully combined with the laws of student growth to carry out hierarchical coordination of teaching objectives, course content, and practical activities, resulting in a loose chain of educational cultivation. Institutions of higher education possess strong theoretical research, high-quality teaching staff, and complete practice platforms, but the extension of their educational resources to basic education is not systematic enough; primary and secondary schools have the advantages of enlightenment education and immersive experience, but their connection channels and cooperation mechanisms with higher education institutions are not stable enough. Within regions, activities such as ethnic unity study tours, venue visits, and theoretical lectures are homogenized, using uniform content and models regardless of school segment, lacking specificity. The participation of university teachers and students in ethnic unity education in primary and secondary schools is mostly in the form of one-time volunteer activities, lacking fixed cooperative courses, stable service teams, and long-term cultivation mechanisms, making it difficult to achieve a coherent educational effect that is 循序渐进 (xún xù jiàn jìn - "follow order, gradually advance," to proceed step by step) and persistent over time. Some practice bases and venues still mainly rely on static displays and guided visits, and the display content is not deeply integrated with ideological and political classrooms, professional teaching, and youth league activities. Some practical activities are mere formalities, staying only at the level of check-in visits and publicity reports, lacking links such as discussion and exchange, achievement transformation, and review and summary. After participation, students only have a shallow experience and cannot transform their feelings into ideological identification and conscious action; a complete closed loop of practical education has not yet been formed.
Although institutions of higher education have incorporated this education into key work, the overall coordination is insufficient, and the work mostly relies on individual departments, colleges, or scattered activities. In some universities, there is segmentation by vertical and horizontal divisions and dispersed authority and responsibility among internal functional departments and faculties, and at the same time, no normalized coordination and linkage system has been established with external units such as local Party and government, education, culture and tourism departments.
In response to the prominent problems currently existing, institutions of higher education must adhere to the fundamental task of fostering virtue and nurturing talents, focus on the goals of improving quality and increasing efficiency and synergistic empowerment in education on forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation, perfect the four major mechanisms of overall promotion, school-segment articulation, resource integration, and evaluation guarantee, break down barriers between departments, schools, school segments, and university-local entities, activate all kinds of educational resources, and create a new pattern of collaborative education featuring full-domain linkage, complementary advantages, and mutual benefit and win-win.
Improve the overall promotion mechanism, promoting resources from scattered and fragmented to systematic integration. Establish systematic thinking, strengthen top-level design, build a normalized collaboration mechanism involving multiple parties including universities, localities, propaganda departments, united front work departments, and Communist Youth League organizations, coordinate task deployment, resource allocation, and project advancement, and construct a work system with clear division of labor and efficient coordination. First, establish a joint meeting and joint Party-building mechanism. Use Party building to lead ethnic unity work, integrate forces inside and outside the university to regularly hold promotion meetings, and around course co-construction, base sharing, team co-cultivation, and activity co-organization, sort out problems and collaboratively tackle difficulties. Second, establish a resource list sharing mechanism. Comprehensively sort out educational elements such as practice bases, cultural resources, expert teachers, and lecture teams, establish a standardized and shareable resource directory, and break resource barriers. Third, deepen the university-local and inter-university project co-construction mechanism. Centering on the core goal of forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation education, jointly create characteristic courses, practice bases, and brand activities, promote the transformation of resources from single-point use to systematic and large-scale application, and fully release the joint force of education.
Improve the school-segment articulation mechanism, promoting education from scattered activities to coherent cultivation. Follow the laws of youth growth and education and teaching, rely on the integrated construction of ideological and political courses across universities, middle schools, and primary schools, design educational content hierarchically, break through school-segment barriers, and build a whole-school-segment educational chain that advances layer by layer and spirals upward. Coordinate the construction of regional educational resource libraries and practical course lists, and implement differentiated education. For primary school students, carry out enlightenment education through interesting forms such as story lectures, venue visits, and intangible cultural heritage experiences, cultivating simple feelings of ethnic unity; for middle school students, rely on themed study tours and special classes to guide students to understand the historical connotation and practical significance of ethnic unity; for university students, focus on theoretical learning, social research, and grassroots lectures, promoting the transformation of value identification into conscious action.
Normalize the "big hand holding small hand" educational activities of universities, relying on the strength of university Marxist colleges, youth league organizations, united front work departments, student lecture teams, etc., to continuously carry out services such as course lectures, study tour guidance, and practical assistance for primary and secondary schools. Consolidate mature activity models, transform periodic activities into normalized courses, standardized plans, and long-term projects, thoroughly solve the problem of "many one-time activities, few long-term projects," and build a whole-school-segment coherent education system.
Strengthen the integration of practical resources, promoting positions from visiting sites to teaching platforms. Deeply tap the potential of existing venues, practice bases, and characteristic cultural resources, promote the transformation and upgrading of various educational positions, build a comprehensive teaching platform integrating theoretical teaching, on-site study, practical training, and volunteer service, and enhance the professional level of practical education. Customize practical content according to the needs of different groups: organize university students to carry out research studies and volunteer lectures, deepen theoretical cognition, and cultivate community feelings; create immersive interactive scenes for primary and secondary school students to enhance educational appeal; carry out lectures, training, exchange, and observation for grassroots units and the masses to expand educational coverage. Improve the whole-process education mechanism of practical activities, ensure precise content design before activities, full-process guidance and empowerment during activities, and summary, transformation, and improvement after activities, and eliminate formalistic and perfunctory practical activities. Timely sort out and consolidate mature experiences and practices, transform them into standardized course resources, standardized explanation plans, normalized practice projects, and characteristic educational brands, promote the real use, activation, and long-term effectiveness of various practical education resources, and achieve deep transformation from practical experience to ideological sublimation.
Improve the evaluation guarantee mechanism, promoting work from task-driven to endogenous drive. Build an evaluation guarantee system that emphasizes actual results and connotation, incorporate education on forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation into comprehensive assessments of talent cultivation, ideological and political construction, and social service, and guide work onto a normalized and standardized track. First, optimize evaluation and assessment standards, weaken formalistic indicators, and focus on assessing core content such as course integration, ideological improvement, achievement transformation, and brand building, establishing a practical and results-oriented direction. Second, strengthen special guarantees, set up special topics, practice projects, and work funds, and encourage each faculty to carry out innovative explorations based on professional characteristics. Third, strengthen team building, normalize training for ideological and political teachers, counselors, and student骨干, and build a professional and stable education team. Fourth, improve incentive mechanisms, incorporate the performance of teachers and students in ethnic unity education, volunteer service, etc., into comprehensive quality evaluation, teacher ethics and conduct, and education work assessment respectively, fully mobilizing the enthusiasm, initiative, and creativity of all teachers and students.
Education on forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation is the core task of fostering virtue and nurturing talents in institutions of higher education in the new era. Institutions of higher education must face the shortcomings of collaborative education, continuously improve work mechanisms, innovate educational carriers, consolidate educational effectiveness, and strive to cultivate new-era youth who cherish the country in their hearts, unite and strive forward, and dare to take responsibility. Based on the integrated construction of ideological and political courses across universities, middle schools, and primary schools, deepen university-local integration and resource complementarity, rely on their own advantages to provide policy research and themed activity positions for government agencies, enterprises, and institutions, build study and practice platforms for schools at all levels, and create professional improvement platforms for ideological and political teachers. With solid educational work, forge the ideological foundation of the sense of community for the Chinese nation, cultivate qualified builders and successors, and assist the high-quality development of the Party's ethnic work in the new era.
(The author is the Deputy Party Secretary of Chifeng University (赤峰大学))
Return to TopBy: 庞卡
Accelerating the construction of an independent knowledge system for Chinese philosophy and social sciences is a strategic deployment made by the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, based on the overall situation of the development of philosophy and social sciences. Guangxi, bordering the sea, the border, and the river, with one bay embracing eleven countries, is not only the frontier and window for opening up and cooperation with ASEAN, but also the autonomous region with the largest population of ethnic minorities in China. Its unique geographical conditions, rich ethnic culture, and vigorous development practice provide a unique "rich mine" for the development of philosophy and social sciences. In recent years, the Guangxi Federation of Social Sciences (广西社科联) has deeply studied and implemented General Secretary Xi Jinping's important expositions on the work of philosophy and social sciences, adhered to coming from practice and going to practice, proposed and continuously implemented eight major actions: the Theoretical Visualization Action, the "Beijing-Shanghai-Guangzhou R&D + Guangxi Integration + ASEAN Application" Development Strategy Research Action, the Maritime Economy and Culture Research Action, the Action to Forge a Strong Sense of Community for the Chinese Nation, the AI-Empowered Philosophy and Social Sciences Innovation Action, the Guangxi Canal Culture Research Action, the Social Science Popularization Square Construction Action, and the ASEAN-oriented International Communication Academic Innovation Action, contributing Guangxi's strength to the construction of an independent knowledge system for Chinese philosophy and social sciences.
Theoretical Visualization Action: Let the Party's innovative theories fly into the homes of ordinary people
In recent years, the Guangxi Federation of Social Sciences has continuously explored effective paths to transform abstract theories into vivid pictures, stories around us, and practical tools. It collaborated with technical teams from Tsinghua University and others to develop the "AI Snail Eye" (AI螺蛳眼) social science intelligent application platform and transformed it into a "theory translator"-type carrier. It produced series of short videos such as Understanding AI - 100 Questions, Economics Around You, and Philosophy and You and Me, among which the topic "Pinglu Canal" (平陆运河) accumulated over 2.05 billion views on relevant platforms. While strengthening online dissemination, it also built a six-dimensional propaganda matrix of "Science Popularization Week + Forum + Base + Internet + New Media + Local Dialect and Local Sentiment," conducting over 1,900 offline lectures annually, reaching 1.6 million audiences. Experts and scholars took the lead to go deep into grassroots, discarded empty words and clichés, and conducted explanations in the fields and production workshops combined with local cases, so that the masses can listen and remember.
Collaborative R&D and Integrated Application Action: "Beijing-Shanghai-Guangzhou R&D + Guangxi Integration + ASEAN Application"
The Guangxi Federation of Social Sciences, following the development path of "Beijing-Shanghai-Guangzhou R&D + Guangxi Integration + ASEAN Application," actively explores effective ways for social science work to serve the central and overall interests of the Party and the state — introducing outstanding scientific research achievements, carrying out integrated innovation in light of Guangxi's actual conditions, and promoting the transformation and application of mature research results in ASEAN countries. The core of this model lies in relying on advanced achievements and taking the path of independent innovation. For example, the core algorithm of the "AI Snail Eye" platform originates from Tsinghua University, but the application scenarios are entirely rooted in Guangxi's needs, covering ASEAN minority language translation, cross-border trade data analysis, etc.; drawing on the experience of universities in the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area in conducting research on "cross-border data bonded zones," especially Shenzhen's pilot explorations in cross-border data flow, and combining it with Guangxi's location advantage facing ASEAN, it formed a "Guangxi Plan" proposal, achieving localized digestion and innovative transformation of advanced achievements. The Guangxi Federation of Social Sciences does not act as a simple "transit station" but aims to become an "innovation processing factory." In 2025, through this model, more than 20 valuable policy recommendations were formed, of which 7 were adopted by national ministries and commissions, and 13 were transformed into practical work measures.
Maritime Economy and Culture Research Action: From the remote border periphery to the frontier of opening up
Guangxi has a coastline of over 1,600 kilometers, yet for a long time, the outside world's impression of Guangxi has mostly remained on "mountains" rather than "sea." After the concept of "maritime economy" (向海经济) was proposed, the Guangxi Federation of Social Sciences deeply realized that the potential for development lies in the ocean and the way out lies in the ocean. Based on this, the Guangxi Federation of Social Sciences has advanced maritime economy and culture research as a systematic project, not only valuing the economic dimension but also focusing on excavating cultural roots and凝聚 spiritual strength. It organized universities and research institutes with a foundation in maritime economy research to conduct comprehensive surveys of Beibu Gulf Port, port-side industries, marine ecology, and marine cultural sites, forming the Series Research Reports on High-Quality Development of the Maritime Economy. At the same time, it jointly held high-end academic seminars on "Maritime Economy and the New Western Land-Sea Corridor" with relevant coastal provinces, inviting domestic and foreign experts and scholars to offer suggestions, and held more than 30 maritime economy academic symposiums. Facing the sea involves not only the economy but also culture. The Federations of Social Sciences of Beihai City (北海市) and Qinzhou City (钦州市), and the Federation of Social Sciences of Beibu Gulf University (北部湾大学) focused on maritime economy research, excavated the historical heritage of Hepu (合浦) in Beihai as an early departure port of the Maritime Silk Road, systematically organized the Danjia culture (疍家文化) and marine folk customs, published a number of popular books, and guided coastal people to re-understand the sea around them. The fundamental goal of the maritime economy and culture research is to help Guangxi break the ideological shackles of "having sea but not ocean,"凝聚 a consensus on maritime development, promote the innovative development of "blue ocean economy" and "bay area economy," and fully activate the "blue engine."
Action to Forge a Strong Sense of Community for the Chinese Nation: Writing theses on the land of Guangxi (八桂大地)
As the autonomous region with the largest population of ethnic minorities in China, Guangxi has twelve indigenous ethnic groups living together in harmony for a long time. We need to study — why can Guangxi achieve ethnic unity? Can its experience provide reference for other places? This is precisely the core question that the Action to Forge a Strong Sense of Community for the Chinese Nation needs to answer. The Party Committee and Government of the Autonomous Region attach great importance to this, organizing the compilation of the Compilation of Historical Materials on the Interactions, Exchanges, and Integration of the Chinese Nation · Guangxi Volume and listing it as a key commissioned project of the 2023 Autonomous Region Philosophy and Social Sciences "Special Project on Forging a Strong Sense of Community for the Chinese Nation." The Guangxi Federation of Social Sciences also organized experts to go deep into ethnic areas such as Baise (百色), Hechi (河池), and Liuzhou (柳州), using "bilingual propaganda" to transmit the Party's ethnic policies to every village and stockade. The works launched in 2025, such as Honest and Clean Officials of Ancient Guangxi and Construction of Rural Civilization, tell stories of ethnic unity in forms that people of all ethnic groups love to see and hear. Practice shows that forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation is not an empty slogan; it must, through concrete examples from the masses' lives, make the concept "we are one family" feelable and accessible.
AI-Empowered Philosophy and Social Sciences Innovation Action: Striving to be a "pathfinder" in the national social science system
In 2025, artificial intelligence technology attracted widespread attention, and the Guangxi Federation of Social Sciences acted quickly. First, it consolidated the platform foundation. It jointly launched the "AI Snail Eye" social science intelligent application platform with Tsinghua University and obtained computer software copyrights. Simultaneously, it built the "ASEAN Insight" (东盟智观) decision support system to provide specialized support for ASEAN-oriented regional and country studies and decision-making consultation. Second, it expanded the scope of application. It formulated a "100+ AI-Empowered Social Science Work Application Scenarios" plan, which has covered 23 specific scenarios including project review, science popularization creation, public opinion analysis, and international communication. At the same time, the Guangxi Federation of Social Sciences formed forward-looking theoretical thinking on AI governance, producing a theoretical article titled "From 'Feeding' to 'Nurturing': Making AI Development More Humane." This is an important voice from the Guangxi Federation of Social Sciences at the theoretical frontier of AI. In the field of AI empowering philosophy and social sciences, Guangxi has taken a forward step.
Guangxi Canal Culture Research Action: Thickening the cultural heritage for a "century-spanning project"
The Pinglu Canal is the first canal built since the founding of the People's Republic of China that connects rivers to the sea, and is hailed as a "century-spanning project." The Guangxi Federation of Social Sciences proposed the Canal Culture Research Action, starting from the historical root. Among them, the Federation of Social Sciences of Guilin City (桂林市) organized experts to systematically compile the engineering technology, canal transport history, and folk customs along the Lingqu Canal (灵渠), publishing a series of research results. At the same time, research was carried out on topics such as the canal economic belt, ecological corridor, immigrant culture, and canal aesthetics. The documentary film The 135-Kilometer Grand and Magnificent Picture of Pinglu Canal produced and published by the Guangxi Federation of Social Sciences won the highest award for Guangxi literary and artistic creation, the Bronze Drum Award, at the 12th session. The Guangxi Federation of Social Sciences also actively carried out science popularization tours and academic exchanges on the Pinglu Canal construction project with various places to enhance public understanding of the Pinglu Canal and the construction of the New Western Land-Sea Corridor. At the same time, it promoted the "visualization" of canal research, producing thousands of short videos on canal topics. The significance of the Canal Culture Research Action is to make every person of Guangxi proud of this canal, and to let every Chinese person understand the contemporary value of this canal.
Social Science Popularization Square Construction Action: Building social science positions at the doorstep of the masses
In the past, social science popularization work often showed a tendency toward "eventification." In response to this situation, the Guangxi Federation of Social Sciences proposed the "Social Science Popularization Square Construction Action," aiming to create a number of normalized, "never-ending" popularization positions. First, relying on existing parks, community activity centers, and New Era Civilization Practice Stations (新时代文明实践站), it embedded "social science popularization corners," equipped with digital screens, popular science books, and interactive Q&A devices, so that the masses can acquire social science knowledge more intuitively. Second, it cultivated a volunteer social science propaganda team, mobilizing local retired teachers, college-graduate village officials, and wealth-creating experts to serve as docents, explaining major principles in local dialect and vernacular. Third, it built an online "cloud square," led by the "AI Snail Eye" platform, providing round-the-clock learning and consultation services. During the Guangxi Social Science Popularization Activity Week held in May 2026, over 1,900 science popularization activities were carried out cumulatively, covering 1.6 million person-times. The village-level coverage rate of science popularization bases increased from 62% to 78%. Participating masses expressed that in the past they thought social science was profound knowledge, but now they find it is the principles of daily life. This is precisely the original intention of the Square Construction Action — to let philosophy and social sciences step out of the ivory tower and integrate into the everyday life of the people.
ASEAN-oriented International Communication Academic Innovation Action: Telling the Guangxi chapter of China's story well
Guangxi's greatest locational advantage is its orientation toward ASEAN. The Guangxi Federation of Social Sciences carries out the ASEAN-oriented International Communication Academic Innovation Action precisely to solve the problem of "being able to do but not being able to tell." First, build platforms. It continues to hold the China-ASEAN Grand Forum; in 2025, it held 2 large-scale events and 30 ASEAN-related academic exchanges, with participating experts and scholars from more than 10 countries. Second, produce results. The Guangxi Institute of Southeast Asian Economy and Politics (广西东南亚经济与政治研究院) compiles the Southeast Asia Reference (东南亚参考), submitting more than 80 ASEAN-related internal references and policy advisory reports annually. Third, go abroad. It organized experts to conduct research in ASEAN countries, opened overseas social media accounts, and used short videos to tell Guangxi stories and Chinese stories, achieving good dissemination effects. Fourth, invite in. It invited think-tank scholars from ASEAN countries to visit Guangxi and established a normalized exchange mechanism. More importantly, it focused on the "ASEAN-ization" of academic discourse. For example, when studying cross-border data flow rules under the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) framework, it did not mechanically adopt Western terminology but instead, combining the legal cultures of ASEAN countries, proposed a set of conceptual systems that both sides can easily understand and accept.
The above eight actions each have their own emphasis, but in summary, the core is to make philosophy and social sciences "grounded, steaming with vitality, and full of vigor" on this hot land of Guangxi. It does not engage in a "large and comprehensive" flashy structure; each action corresponds to an actual need and solves a specific problem. In the next step, the Guangxi Federation of Social Sciences will continue with the drive of "taking concrete action as the key, innovation as the soul," implement the eight actions item by item, and contribute more replicable and promotable Guangxi experience to the construction of an independent knowledge system for Chinese philosophy and social sciences. Social science work is not a 100-meter sprint but a marathon; as long as the direction is correct and the steps are solid, a good answer paper will surely be delivered.
(The author is Secretary of the Party Leadership Group and Chairman of the Federation of Social Sciences of Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region.)
Return to TopIn recent years, Shanghai's Fengxian District (奉贤区) has taken solving property management governance difficulties as a touchstone for establishing and practicing a correct view of political performance. Taking the "Xiancheng Xianzhi" (贤城贤治) Party building work system as the overall guide, it has systematically formed a "1234" coordination mechanism covering "one people's wellbeing project, two batches, three resource pools, and four mechanisms," promoting the enhancement of quality and efficiency in property management governance led by Party building.
Vigorously implement the "One People's Wellbeing Project," improve the organizational system that is vertically integrated and powerful in execution
Fengxian District insists on treating property management governance as a "people's wellbeing project" concerning the vital interests of the masses, and strives to build an organizational system with clear powers and responsibilities, tight coverage, and resolute execution.
On the one hand, high-level coordination, building a strong collaborative "command hub." Strengthen top-level design and institutional guarantees. The District Party Committee's main leaders attach great importance, listing property management governance led by Party building as an annual key task of the District Party Committee and District Government, conducting multiple special studies and deployments. They researched and formulated the Fengxian District Implementation Plan for Property Management Governance Led by Party Building, forming clear "construction blueprints" and "responsibility statements." A district-level special coordination mechanism for property management governance led by Party building was established, with the Standing Committee member and Organization Department head of the District Party Committee and the deputy district head in charge of property work serving as "dual group leaders." The District Party Building Office, the District Social Work Department, the District Housing Administration Bureau, and other departments jointly set up a special task force, implementing a scheduling mechanism of "daily early warnings, biweekly meetings, and monthly supervision." Integrate property management governance with grid governance. Roll out sequentially three rounds of grid governance special actions: "improve property service quality, regulate property enterprise behavior," "standardized operation of owners' committees and property service quality commensurate with price," and "optimize the structure, transform work style, and enhance capability of residential area cadres," promoting the integrated and mutually reinforcing development of grid governance and property management governance. From January to May 2026, the district's mass complaints about property services decreased by 31.14% year-on-year.
On the other hand, establish organizational roots, consolidate the frontline "battle fortress." At the subdistrict/town level, integrate various resources within the jurisdiction, equip and strengthen professional forces. All 13 subdistricts/towns (development zones) in the district have established work task forces and overall coordination mechanisms. For example, Fengpu Subdistrict (奉浦街道) has built a "1+1+3+5" task force work system, setting up a comprehensive coordination group, a rectification and improvement group, and a social mobilization group, coordinating forces from the Party and Mass Affairs Office, the Public Security Office, the Social Work Office, the Urban Construction Center, and others to collaboratively tackle various property management governance difficulties. Among these, it effectively resolved the difficulty of elevator replacement in old residential quarters, pushing forward the completion of elevator replacements in 17 units in Baihe Garden Residential Quarter (百合苑小区). At the residential quarter level, promote full coverage of Party organizations down to the residential quarter, consolidate the organizational foundation of property management governance. Adhere to "establishing Party branches in residential quarters," promote full Party organization coverage in 368 residential quarters, and issue the Fengxian District "One Party Branch, One Concrete Task" Key Work Plan for Property Management Governance Led by Party Building, achieving effective coverage of Party organizations and work in residential quarters. The district has implemented a total of 571 "One Party Branch, One Concrete Task" projects, focusing on 11 categories of key issues such as property maintenance and parking management, effectively promoting the resolution of problems such as insufficient parking spaces, difficulty in elevator maintenance and repair, damage to public facilities, and uncivilized dog ownership. For example, in Nanting Residential Quarter (南亭小区), Nanqiao Town (南桥镇), a residential quarter Party organization was established. Fu Huaqiang (傅华强), the director of the owners' committee and a retiree from a state organ or state-owned enterprise institution, was selected as the Party organization secretary. They created the "Nanlin · Nanshi Everyone Talks" (南邻·南事大家谈) Party building-led property management governance brand, deepened Party building leadership to improve the co-consultation, co-discussion, co-decision coordination governance mechanism, and properly resolved conflicts such as the mixed connection of sewage pipes. In the next step, the focus will be on the "urgent, difficult, anxious, and longing" issues in property management governance, promoting a new round of "One Party Branch, One Concrete Task," continuously transforming organizational advantages into tangible governance effectiveness.
Vigorously promote the "Two Batches," implement a precise and effective classified advancement path
Fengxian District adopts a strategy of "grasping both ends, driving the middle," by rolling forward the "Two Batches," making up for shortcomings, setting up benchmarks, and using key breakthroughs to drive overall improvement.
On the one hand, targeted attack, select a batch of residential quarters for "key improvement." Take the tackling and closing of key residential quarters as the "first concrete task after opening the door" following the new term of the residential area's "two committees" (Party branch and residents' committee). Focus on issues such as high attention from the 12345 Citizen Service Hotline, safety hazards from falling objects, and owners' committees that should have been established but were not, implementing key tackling on 46 residential quarters with concentrated conflicts. According to the principle of "one residential quarter, one policy," tailor-made special tackling plans for each residential quarter, implement the responsibility system of subdistrict/town leaders for package guarantees. At the same time, formulate the Fengxian District Schedule for Closing Key Residential Quarters in Property Management Governance Led by Party Building, closely follow the "five core indicators," calculate progress by item, accumulate total progress by weight, implement a whole-cycle wall-chart battle from start to closure, ensuring fundamental improvement in the second half of the year. Through precise policy implementation, gradually promote the improvement of the appearance of key residential quarters, using point-to-area leverage to drive the overall enhancement of governance effectiveness across the district.
On the other hand, typical guidance, select a batch of pilot residential quarters for "demonstration and leadership." Combining with old housing renovation projects, covering different types such as commercial housing, resettlement housing, and post-sale public housing, and taking into account different stages such as newly built and sub-new, select 24 representative residential quarters as pilots. Systematically explore mechanisms and models such as the "five linkages" (五联) of residential area Party organizations, the "five consultations" (五商) of residential areas, the "five unifications" (五统一) of owners' committees, and the "five standards" (五规范) of property service enterprises, forming a batch of working methods with Fengxian characteristics. Among the pilot residential quarters, the governance landscape of the resettlement housing residential quarter in Situn Town (四团镇) has been renewed, creating good conditions for exploring long-term governance.
Consolidate and strengthen the "Three Resource Pools," gather multi-participatory governance synergy
Fengxian District strives to strengthen the "reserve pool of owners' committee members, pre-selection pool of property service enterprises, and demonstration pool of typical cases," exploring new models of property management governance led by Party building.
First, strengthen the "reserve pool of owners' committee members." To address the problems of "difficulty in selecting people, difficulty in selecting, and difficulty in performing duties" for owners' committees, Fengxian District actively broadens the channels for selecting people. On the one hand, focus on incorporating owners with professional backgrounds in finance, law, engineering, etc., as well as excellent forces such as in-service Party members, retired cadres, veterans, "two representatives and one committee member" (两代表一委员), and young backbone elements into the reserve pool of owners' committee members. On the other hand, combined with the election of village (community) "two committees," promote the inclusion of residential area "two committees" members and residential quarter Party organization secretaries who have owner status into the reserve pool of owners' committee members. At the same time, strengthen the selection and establishment of models, increase the intensity of recommending and nominating "two excellences and one advanced" (两优一先) and "two representatives and one committee member" from among outstanding owners' committee members, effectively enhance the attractiveness and sense of honor of the position, and ensure the quality of reserve candidates. A reserve pool of owners' committee members covering more than 2,000 people has been established.
Second, strengthen the "pre-selection pool of property service enterprises." To address the possible service vacuum during property handovers, do a good job of temporary bottom-line support for residential quarters without property management. Establish a pre-selection pool of property service enterprises supplemented by government-supported bottom-line property enterprises, promote district-owned state enterprises to actively participate in market competition on the basis of fulfilling their primary responsibilities for urban security and doing a good job of bottom-line support. Currently, 10 property service enterprises have entered the pool.
Third, strengthen the "demonstration pool of typical cases." During the tackling and pilot process, refine and form replicable and expandable governance cases and practical paradigms. The first batch of cases entered into the pool intuitively reflects the specific application of the "five linkages" mechanism at the grassroots level. For example, to improve the accuracy of joint visits, Zhichengyuan Residential Quarter (致诚苑小区) in Haiwan Town (海湾镇) deepened "targeted visits," targeting residents with concentrated demands, special groups, and capable and talented individuals, forming "red, yellow, green" teams by layer and category, achieving categorized engagement and precise coverage. For another example, to enhance the effectiveness of joint patrols, Tangchen Zhenyuan Residential Quarter (汤臣臻园小区) in Jinhai Subdistrict (金海街道) intensively carried out a three-week joint patrol, clarifying the base number of parking spaces, drawing data maps, and providing accurate basis for curing the difficulty of parking. At the same time, focusing on solving high-frequency property issues, advance the "ten difficulties, ten methods, hundred examples" (十难十法百例) practical action over three years, focusing on ten common property governance difficulties such as parking management and property maintenance (the "ten difficulties"), forming ten categories of universal work guidelines (the "ten methods") and one hundred practical cases (the "hundred examples"), providing a standardized "toolbox" for grassroots governance.
Improve and perfect the "Four Mechanisms," build a system framework for "addressing both symptoms and root causes"
Fengxian District insists on systematic advancement and multi-directional exertion, building a set of system-integrated, collaborative and efficient, standardized and transparent long-term institutional mechanisms, ensuring that governance moves steadily and far on the track of rule of law and standardization.
First, improve the collaborative operation mechanism led by Party building. Through the implementation of the "five linkages" mechanism (i.e., residential area Party organizations lead the residents' committee, owners' committee, and property service enterprises to hold joint meetings, joint visits, joint patrols, joint office receptions, and promote the joint establishment of a property management governance committee), strengthen the Party organization's overall coordination capability over the residents' committee, owners' committee, and property service enterprises, making it a core platform for building consensus and solving problems. For example, Langshi Green Huating Residential Quarter (朗诗绿色华庭小区) in Jinhui Town (金汇镇) made good use of the "five linkages" mechanism, through joint visits distributing contact cards, multiple rounds of earnest talks, etc., successfully reversing a property fee increase proposal from 70% owner opposition to 70% owner approval.
Second, improve the standardized operation mechanism of the "five unifications" for owners' committees. To address problems such as insufficiently standardized operation and low transparency of owners' committees, implement the "five unifications" standardized operation mechanism for owners' committees with the core of "unified accounting of public income in residential quarters, unified price evaluation of maintenance projects, unified implementation of annual (term-change) audits, unified disclosure of owners' committee operation information, and unified allocation of owners' committee secretaries." As of now, the district's various subdistricts and towns have established 303 owners' committees, with full-coverage allocation of owners' committee secretaries, effectively improving the level of standardization and professional operation of owners' committees.
Third, explore a market adjustment mechanism for property services where "quality matches price." Through exploring measures such as improving property service quality after renovation of old residential quarters, reasonably setting property management areas, selecting and appointing property service enterprises, adjusting property service fees, and having property service enterprises provide value-added services, gradually improve the market mechanism for "quality matches price" in property services. Seize the "window period" of comprehensive renovation of old residential quarters to conduct owner opinion solicitation work, using hardware improvement to drive service quality enhancement. Adapt to local conditions and implement regionalized, contiguous property service models. Through adjustment of property management areas, use scale effects to promote cost reduction and efficiency gains, optimize services, and achieve a smooth transition from "low quality, low price" to "high quality, good price." For example, the Daqing Road area (大庆路片区) in Touqiao Subdistrict (头桥街道) innovated a new governance model of "contiguous governance, sage management, fee-based service," solving the governance difficulties of open old collective-funded housing residential quarters.
Fourth, promote the improvement of the synergy level of "management and enforcement linkage." Strive to build a closed loop of five links: "management, enforcement, judiciary, self-governance, and service," refine the classification and handling mechanism for key district-level matters, and perfect the linkage process of "clue transfer, joint punishment, and information sharing." Through measures such as promoting enforcement forces to actively integrate into residential quarters and strengthening the collaboration of "three offices, one court+" (三所一庭+), effectively break through blockages such as overlapping responsibilities and difficulty in on-the-ground enforcement, building a new pattern of collaborative co-governance combining self-governance, rule of law, and rule of virtue. In June 2026, to further smooth the judicial link, Fengxian District held a promotion meeting for diversified resolution of property disputes, "Fengfa Shangxian · Good Neighbor Good Spirit" (奉法尚贤·好邻好灵), released the Fengxian District Action Plan for Diversified Resolution of Property Disputes Led by Party Building, a property dispute resolution guide, and a pocket book of typical cases. Through pairing and signing agreements, holding seminars on difficult property-related issues, etc., further promote the enhancement of quality and efficiency in property management governance led by Party building.
(Fengxian District Party Committee Organization Department, Shanghai)
Return to TopBy: 张树军
The Second National Congress of the Communist Party of China, convened in July 1922, for the first time clearly put forward the Party's democratic revolutionary program, marking a milestone in the Party's history. Shortly thereafter, the inaugural political organ of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, the weekly newspaper The Guide, was founded. Through various literary forms such as political essays, current commentaries, mass correspondence, and critical short commentaries, it published a large number of articles, systematically interpreting and propagating the nature, targets, forces, strategy, tasks, and objectives of the Chinese revolution. It spread the revolutionary call to "overthrow the imperialist powers and eliminate the warlords" across the nation, becoming the main public opinion front for propagating the Party's democratic revolutionary program, and powerfully promoting the vigorous rise of the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal National Revolution movement nationwide.
Born to Propagate the Party's Democratic Revolutionary Program
In the early 1920s, China was in a critical moment of internal strife and external aggression. The imperialist powers carved out spheres of influence in China, controlling customs, salt taxes, railways, and concessions. Foreign warships plied inland waters, foreign troops were stationed in major cities, and they propped up various warlord cliques as proxies, manipulating civil wars through loans and arms sales, forming a pattern of imperialist aggression against China. After the split of the Northern Warlords, incessant conflicts ensued; exorbitant taxes and levies were imposed across the country; farmlands lay barren; the people were displaced; the intellectual world was chaotic and pluralistic, with fierce debates over the path forward. Some advocated for a "good government" or parliamentary reform, avoiding the fundamental contradictions of anti-imperialism and anti-feudalism. Others championed nationalism, rejecting class struggle and international revolution. The revolutionary program of the bourgeois democrats was insufficiently resolute and thorough. Although the First National Congress established the highest ideal of achieving communism, it failed to formulate a phased action program based on the national conditions.
Against this historical backdrop, the Second National Congress, held in July 1922, correctly analyzed China's social nature, the nature, targets, forces, strategy, tasks, and objectives of the Chinese revolution, and pointed out that the Chinese revolution must proceed in two steps: the Party's highest program was to achieve socialism and communism, but the revolutionary program at the current stage should be to overthrow the warlords, cast off the oppression of international imperialism, and unify China into a true democratic republic. Thus, for the first time in modern Chinese history, the Second National Congress clearly put forward a thorough anti-imperialist and anti-feudal democratic revolutionary program, pointing the way for the revolutionary struggle of the Chinese people.
Shortly after the conclusion of the Second National Congress, in August 1922, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held a special meeting at West Lake in Hangzhou, deciding to establish a weekly newspaper to propagate the democratic revolutionary program. On September 13, The Guide was launched in Shanghai, with Cai Hesen serving as its first editor-in-chief, and Chen Duxiu, Qu Qiubai, Mao Zedong, Gao Junyu, and Zhang Tailei as its main contributors. Thus was born The Guide weekly, the first political organ of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China.
Promoting the Formation of a Party-wide Consensus on the Anti-Imperialist and Anti-Feudal Democratic Revolution
In the early days of the Party's founding, Party organizations in various regions had differing understandings of revolutionary objectives, and their propaganda viewpoints were relatively scattered. As the unified public opinion and propaganda platform of the Central Committee, The Guide comprehensively and accurately propagated the spirit of the Second National Congress, especially the Party's democratic revolutionary program, promoting the formation of a unified political stance and direction for action across the entire Party.
On September 13, 1922, the inaugural issue of The Guide published "Our Newspaper's Declaration — The Inaugural Statement of The Guide," which served as the general program for running the newspaper, clearly and unequivocally propagating the Party's anti-imperialist and anti-feudal democratic revolutionary program. The inaugural statement explicitly pointed out that "to achieve peace and unity, we must overthrow the warlords who obstruct peace and unity," and that "in today's China, while the civil strife among warlords is indeed the greatest obstacle to peace, unity, and freedom, the external aggression of international imperialism, politically and economically, is an even more demonic force constraining the free development of the Chinese nation." For this reason, the Chinese nation "must rise up to resist the aggression of international imperialism."
Subsequently, many early Party theorists wrote articles for The Guide to elucidate the Party's democratic revolutionary program. In his article "Unity, Loans, and the Kuomintang" published in the inaugural issue of The Guide, Cai Hesen pointed out that "China has long been in a semi-colonial position internationally," that "the fundamental scourge for the Chinese people is international imperialism and the feudal old forces," and that we must "strive to complete the democratic revolution, overthrow the privileges and oppression of warlords and international imperialism in China, and establish a completely independent and sovereign nation," clearly discussing China's social nature, the targets of the revolution, and the nature of the revolution. In his article "On Building the Nation" published in the second issue of The Guide, Chen Duxiu wrote, "The development of China's industry has not yet reached the point where classes have grown and become clearly divided; therefore, the period for a proletarian revolution is not yet mature. Only the period for a National Revolution uniting two classes has already matured." In his article "Military Unification and Provincial Confederacy — Warlord Dictatorship and Warlord Separatism" published in the same issue, Cai Hesen argued that China's "only way out is to carry out the democratic revolution thoroughly," and that "we only hope to unite the forces of the great revolutionary masses, especially the forces of the most revolutionary working class, to achieve unification."
The inaugural statement of The Guide, along with the numerous political essays it published, systematically elucidated the Party's democratic revolutionary program from a theoretical height, clearly interpreting the nature, targets, forces, and strategy of the Chinese revolution. This played a crucial role in providing theoretical guidance and ideological leadership for unifying the Party's thinking and promoting the formation of a Party-wide consensus on the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal democratic revolution.
Spreading the Revolutionary Call to "Overthrow the Imperialist Powers and Eliminate the Warlords" Across the Nation
In the 1920s, trends of thought such as reformism and "good government" had once confused a large number of progressive youth. Through the sustained criticism and vigorous propaganda of The Guide, the broad masses gradually came to realize that the reformist path was unworkable. The anti-imperialist and anti-feudal National Revolution ideology gradually occupied the mainstream of public opinion, and vague, general patriotic appeals increasingly transformed into clear, unified revolutionary goals.
Important columns established by The Guide, such as "China in a Week" and "World in a Week," used vivid facts to demonstrate the practical basis for the judgment of "anti-imperialism and anti-feudalism." In October 1922, the weekly Endeavor published Hu Shi's "International China," which argued that slogans like "Down with Imperialism" were "like country folk talking about strange tales from overseas, almost entirely without factual basis." In response to this erroneous view, Cai Hesen immediately published articles in issues 6 and 11 of The Guide, such as "The Current Situation and International Imperialism" and "See What Tricks Foreign Imperialism is Playing in China," refuting Hu Shi with a wealth of historical facts concerning customs, railways, foreign loans, concessions, and warlord loans, proving that the imperialist powers manipulated China's internal affairs and instigated civil wars, thereby propagating and popularizing the Second National Congress's call to "overthrow the oppression of international imperialism." Furthermore, The Guide opened a column titled "What Nonsense," which excerpted absurd statements from warlords, reformists, and nationalists in each issue, accompanied by brief refutations, using accessible language to expose the warlords' betrayal of sovereignty and their exorbitant taxation, continuously propagating the revolutionary task of overthrowing the warlords.
Concurrently, the circulation of The Guide steadily increased, from an initial print run of only 3,000 copies to a peak exceeding 100,000 copies. Its distribution covered major cities nationwide, industrial and mining areas, and rural schools, while also reaching overseas Chinese communities. Its readership encompassed industrial workers, young students, peasants, progressive intellectuals, and left-wing members of the Kuomintang, allowing revolutionary propaganda to rapidly spread from within the Party to outside the Party, achieving the widespread dissemination of the Party's democratic revolutionary program throughout society and pointing the way for the vigorous development of the National Revolution. In January 1925, the "Resolution on Propaganda Work" adopted by the Fourth National Congress highly praised the propaganda work of The Guide, stating that it "occupied a guiding position in public opinion" within the national revolutionary movement of the entire nation.
Awakening All Social Strata to Join the Great Revolutionary Torrent
The Second National Congress pointed out that to achieve the revolutionary goal of opposing imperialism and the warlords, it was necessary to form a "democratic united front." This required mobilizing workers, peasants, the petty bourgeoisie, the national bourgeoisie, and other social strata to actively participate in the National Revolution. To this end, The Guide published a series of targeted articles to strengthen the revolutionary forces involving broad participation from all social strata.
On January 18, 1923, Chen Duxiu published "Revolution and Counter-Revolution" and "The Reactionary Political Situation and Various Parties" in issue 16 of The Guide. The former used "revolution" and "counter-revolution" as the political boundary for uniting the masses, arguing that any person or group with revolutionary actions, regardless of their original party background, could be united. The latter deeply analyzed the "reactionary" forces in China's political landscape at the time, pointing out that warlords, bureaucrats, and the right wing of the bourgeoisie colluding with imperialism were the main obstacles to the revolution. To this end, Chen Duxiu called on all sectors of society (including workers, peasants, the petty bourgeoisie, and even some enlightened sections of the bourgeoisie) to unite and overthrow the imperialist powers and the warlords. In issue 8 of The Guide, Gao Junyu wrote "The Kuomintang Newspapers Should Not Have Such Reports," severely criticizing the erroneous stance of Kuomintang newspapers and emphasizing that "the main force of the Chinese National Revolution can only be the united laboring masses"; without mass support, the revolution could not succeed.
In June 1923, Cao Kun, the leader of the Zhili warlord clique, directed his henchmen to use various means to "besiege the palace and seize the seal" from President Li Yuanhong, clearing the way for his own presidency, an event historically known as the "Beijing Coup." On July 11, Mao Zedong published "The Beijing Coup and the Merchants" in the combined issue 31/32 of The Guide, pointing out that "foreign forces and warlords are irreconcilably opposed to the merchants," and that "only by calling upon all merchants, workers, peasants, students, teachers, and all kinds of oppressed people across the nation to establish a close united front can this revolution succeed."
Additionally, the "Correspondence" column of The Guide successively reported on events such as the Hong Kong Seamen's Strike, the Kailuan Coal Mine Workers' Strike, and peasant rent-resistance movements, documenting the real plight of the broad masses of workers and peasants suffering under dual oppression, and calling on them to join the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal revolutionary ranks. The Guide also opened a "Voice of the Readers" column, publishing over a hundred letters from readers nationwide, collecting their confusions and demands regarding the current situation. The editorial department used these letters to answer questions and resolve doubts, providing a popular interpretation of the Party's democratic revolutionary program. In response to readers' questions about "where lies the path to save the nation," the editors of The Guide, based on the manifesto of the Second National Congress, compared the reformist path with the National Revolution point by point, publishing over 120 reader interaction pieces in total, deeply embedding the Party's democratic revolutionary program in people's hearts. One reader wrote to the editorial department of The Guide: "Every time I read your newspaper, revolutionary hot blood surges within me, and a sincere love for the people burns brightly. I firmly believe your newspaper is the gospel of the Chinese nation!"
In July 1927, The Guide was forced to cease publication due to Wang Jingwei's launch of the "July 15" counter-revolutionary coup, thus completing its historical mission. As the first political organ of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, The Guide, with its distinct proletarian revolutionary stance, unequivocally waged resolute struggles against erroneous ideological trends, tirelessly propagated the Party's democratic revolutionary program, and played an important role in public opinion propaganda and policy guidance during the National Revolution movement. Many people regarded The Guide as reading material pointing the way to national salvation, praising it as "a beacon in the dark society of China."
Return to TopBy: 张勇安
Drugs are a long-standing common enemy of humanity, severely endangering people's physical and mental health, social stability, and public security. In the historical process of the struggle between humanity and drugs, countries have increasingly realized that it is difficult to solve the drug problem by relying on one country alone, and have thus gradually embarked on the path of transnational collaboration and joint drug control. In February 1909, the International Opium Commission (万国禁烟会), held in Shanghai, China, with the participation of 13 countries, pioneered the first international multilateral drug-control cooperation and was the first truly meaningful international drug-control conference in human history.
Countries gradually realized the importance of multilateral drug-control cooperation
At the end of the 18th century, Western powers led by Great Britain began to smuggle large quantities of opium into China, which met with resistance and opposition from the Qing government and the Chinese people. In the mid-19th century, they flagrantly launched two Opium Wars and forced the Qing government to sign the unequal Treaty of Commerce and the Supplementary Treaty (通商章程善后条约), compelling the Qing government to accept the legalization of the opium trade. This further intensified the spread of opium in China, severely damaged the physical and mental health of the Chinese people, and deepened the degree of semi-colonization of modern China. China thus became the country most deeply harmed by the opium problem.
From Yongzheng's first opium prohibition edict in 1729, to Lin Zexu's Humen Opium Destruction in 1839, and then to the Ten-Article Opium Prohibition Regulations (禁烟章程十条) promulgated under the New Policies of the late Qing in 1906, despite a tortuous process, the Chinese government never gave up its efforts to prohibit opium. On September 20, 1906, the Qing government issued an opium prohibition decree, repeatedly emphasizing the harm of the opium poison that had led to a state of poverty and weakness, and resolved to eradicate opium completely within ten years in order to thoroughly remove the 沉疴痼疾 (chén kē gù jí – "deep-seated illness and chronic disease," a long-standing and stubborn ailment). On November 30, 1906, the Qing government promulgated the Ten-Article Opium Prohibition Regulations, demonstrating China's firm determination to eradicate the opium scourge. At the same time, the Qing government repeatedly engaged in opium prohibition negotiations with relevant countries such as Great Britain, seeking international support from multiple sides. In its practice of solving the opium problem, China gradually realized that relying solely on its own efforts could not curb transnational drug production and smuggling.
During the same period, the increasingly serious opium problem in the United States itself and its colony the Philippines gave the United States a similar feeling. In 1904–1905, the U.S.-led Philippine Opium Investigation Committee, through a systematic investigation of the opium trade and consumption in the Far East, similarly realized that its own strength alone was insufficient to solve the opium problem of the United States and its colony the Philippines; the increasingly rampant opium smuggling in particular made the United States and the Philippines feel 力不从心 (lì bù cóng xīn – "strength does not follow the heart," to feel incapable of doing something despite wanting to). Therefore, when the Qing government hoped that the United States would support China's opium prohibition in 1906, the United States clearly expressed its approval. U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt proposed that Great Britain, France, the Netherlands, Germany, the United States, China, and Japan jointly conduct a comprehensive and impartial investigation into the opium trade in the Far East, and actively lobbied the relevant countries to convene an international drug-control conference.
The proposal for a transnational joint investigation and a multilateral conference on opium quickly received an active response and strong support from China, which had been deeply harmed by opium. Ultimately, 13 countries agreed to participate. China contributed a great deal, from agreeing on the meeting schedule to selecting Shanghai as the conference venue. At the same time, China carefully selected officials who were well versed in diplomacy and skilled in rhetoric, sending ten representatives including Duanfang (端方), Minister of Nanyang and Governor-General of Liangjiang; Liu Yulin (刘玉麟), Counselor of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; Xu Huaqing (徐华清), Director of the Beiyang Military Medical School; and Tang Guoan (唐国安), a student of the Reserve Talent Institute of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Great Britain sent seven representatives, the United States sent three, and the other ten countries also sent high-level delegations. China had the largest number of representatives, also showing its great importance attached to this conference. With China's active promotion, the countries finally agreed to hold the International Opium Commission in Shanghai on February 1, 1909, to study the scientific, moral, economic, political, and other aspects of the opium problem and, as far as possible, to propose solutions.
The conference adopted the Nine Resolutions (九项决议案)
On February 1, 1909, 41 representatives from 13 countries—China, the United States, Great Britain, France, Germany, Japan, the Netherlands, Austria-Hungary, Italy, Portugal, Russia, Persia, and Siam—gathered at the Palace Hotel (汇中饭店, now the Peace Hotel) on the Bund in Shanghai, and the International Opium Commission opened. To show fairness, the seating of the delegates was decided by drawing lots. The honorary chairman of the conference, Chinese representative Duanfang, first delivered a speech on behalf of the host country China, proposing that the international community unite to completely ban the cultivation of the opium poppy, the sale and smoking of opium, and expressing China's firm determination to eradicate opium. He stated, "The purpose of this conference is to eradicate a poison, a scourge that harms humanity," and "If, through the hard work of the conference, we can find a way to shorten the period and eradicate the opium scourge early, it would be a great blessing for the whole world."
From February 1 to 26, the conference held a total of 14 meetings. The participating delegates discussed a series of important issues, such as the retention or abolition of the opium monopoly system, the volume of Indian opium exports to China, and the establishment of a medical investigation committee, laying the groundwork for the final consensus of the conference. On February 24, the conference entered the stage of discussing China's proposals. Chinese representative Tang Guoan, starting from the moral impact and economic harm of the opium problem, explained the Chinese government's position on the opium trade and the measures it had taken, proposing that "the problem of opium smoking… is the most urgent moral and economic problem that our country must face," and called on all countries of the world to provide the most comprehensive cooperation: "To achieve complete success, the cooperation of other countries is needed." At the same time, he emphasized the importance of international joint drug control from the perspective of opium's harm to the world economy: "This problem is also an international problem, because China's relations with other countries of the world are seriously affected by this problem." Subsequently, China's representatives put forward four proposals centered on the Chinese government's determination to strictly enforce the opium ban, urging the international community to take effective measures, close opium dens located in concessions or settlements, ban the sale of so-called opium-cure pills, and implement special pharmaceutical regulations. After consultation and amendment with the governments of various countries, all four proposals were adopted.
It is worth mentioning that during the conference, of the seven proposals put forward by the United States, only two were adopted; of the four proposals put forward by Great Britain, three were adopted; and the two proposals put forward by the Netherlands were neither adopted. Only the four proposals put forward by China were all adopted. After being refined by the Revision Committee, these proposals were finally reviewed and adopted at the last meeting on February 26, forming the conference's outcome document—the Nine Resolutions.
The specific provisions of the Nine Resolutions include: First, affirming the Chinese government's determination and effectiveness in strictly enforcing the opium ban; second, calling on the participating governments to gradually implement a smoking ban according to their national conditions; third, urging the international community to strictly limit opium and its derivatives such as morphine to medical uses; fourth, requiring countries to learn from the experience of other countries and improve their domestic control and cross-border interception mechanisms; fifth, recommending that countries formulate strict regulatory rules for the rampant production and sale of morphine and opium extracts; sixth, supporting scientific research into smoking cessation drugs; seventh, urging governments with concessions or settlements in China to close down opium dens within their boundaries as soon as possible; eighth, concluding treaties with the Chinese government to prohibit the manufacture and sale of opium-cure pills containing opium; and ninth, implementing drug monopoly regulations within the scope of consular jurisdiction to ensure the effective enforcement of drug-control measures in settlements or concessions.
A detailed comparison of China's four proposals with the content of the finally adopted Nine Resolutions shows that China's four proposals respectively became the core content of Articles 1, 5, 7, 8, and 9 of the Nine Resolutions. This also highlights the important role played by the Chinese government in setting the agenda and achieving outcomes at this conference.
Far-reaching impact on the international drug-control movement
The convening of the International Opium Commission and the adoption of the Nine Resolutions had important significance and far-reaching impact both on the drug-control movement of that time and later. On the one hand, this conference made the international community truly realize for the first time that the production, manufacture, and abuse of opium and its derivatives and preparations was a major "international problem." Taking this conference as an opportunity and relying on the dissemination of international public opinion, the non-medical use of opium began to be regarded as a vice, and the "international consensus" that opium addiction is the antithesis of morality and human welfare was gradually established. The International Opium Commission removed international obstacles to China's anti-opium movement and effectively promoted the development of China's anti-opium movement. At the same time, the international community gained a deeper understanding of the firm determination and significant effectiveness of the Chinese government and people's anti-opium movement. Chinese officials represented by Duanfang and Tang Guoan, through detailed reports of China's investigations and reasoned, forceful, and measured responses to questions from the international community, made the delegations of various countries deeply feel the momentum and determination of China's opium prohibition at that time, creating a favorable external environment for the contract renewal negotiations between the Chinese government and the British government in 1910–1911, and ultimately led to the conclusion of the Sino-British Opium Prohibition Agreement (中英禁烟条件) in 1911, thereby institutionalizing Sino-British cooperation on opium prohibition through a treaty.
On the other hand, the International Opium Commission formally opened the prelude to international drug-control cooperation and the construction of a global drug-control mechanism. As the first truly meaningful "International Drug-Control Conference" in the world, although due to obstruction by Great Britain, France, the Netherlands and other countries, this meeting was only designated as a consultative "Commission" rather than a "Diplomatic Conference" with decision-making power in the true legal sense, the method of prior consultation and communication among countries to agree on the meeting's agenda, the mid-term formation of committees by countries to conduct investigations, the later holding of meetings to review national reports, and the final adoption of resolutions was actually carried out entirely in the form of a "Diplomatic Conference." The content of the Nine Resolutions was also largely drawn upon by the subsequent Hague International Opium Convention (海牙国际鸦片公约), becoming an important starting point for the construction of a global drug-control mechanism. On December 1, 1911, in order to "treaty-ize" the resolutions of the International Opium Commission, China and the United States jointly joined ten other countries to convene the International Opium Conference in The Hague, Netherlands, where they discussed and adopted the world's first international drug-control treaty—the Hague International Opium Convention—providing legal basis and practical guidance for the international drug-control movement.
Although global drug governance still faces severe challenges today, the precedent of multilateral cooperation that began in Shanghai, China, over a hundred years ago has long been deeply inscribed into the genes of contemporary global drug-control mechanisms and will continue to provide inspiration across the ages for the future international drug-control cause.
(The author is a researcher at the International Drug Policy Research Center, Shanghai University)
Return to TopNews Dispatch
From June 7 to 13, the 27th session of the dedicated national affairs study program for senior directorate-level civil servants of the Hong Kong SAR Government was held at the National Academy of Governance (国家行政学院).
Xie Chuntao (谢春涛), executive vice president of the National Academy of Governance, taught the first lesson of the opening session — Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. Zhang Zhongjun (张忠军), vice president of the National Academy of Governance, attended relevant activities of the study program and delivered a speech. The delegation leader, Huang Jieyi (黄洁怡), Registrar of Companies of the Hong Kong SAR Government, and the deputy delegation leader, Chen Dong (陈东), Director of the Crime and Security Division of the Police Force of the Hong Kong SAR Government, delivered opening remarks and a study summary respectively.
A total of 22 directorate-level civil servants from relevant departments under the Hong Kong SAR Government participated in the study program. Responsible persons from the International and Hong Kong-Macao Training Center of the National Academy of Governance and the Civil Service College of the Hong Kong SAR Government attended the above activities. The study program also went to Zhengzhou, Henan Province for inspection and study.
(Deng Min (邓敏))
Our Staff Reporter
On the occasion of the 105th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, on June 17, Wang Junzheng (王君正), Secretary of the Tibet Autonomous Regional Committee of the CPC and President (Dean) of the Party School of the Tibet Autonomous Regional Committee (School of Administration), held a symposium with students and faculty representatives of the Regional Party School (School of Administration). He stressed the need to thoroughly study and implement Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building (习近平党建思想), firmly establish and practice a correct view on political achievements, and strive to build a contingent of cadres who are loyal, clean, and responsible, making greater contributions to the long-term peace and stability and high-quality development of Tibet. Liu Jiang (刘江), Executive Deputy Secretary of the Regional Committee; Gong Huicai (龚会才) and Xu Zhiwen (徐芝文), members of the Standing Committee of the Regional Committee, attended the symposium. Members of the School (Academy) Committee of the Regional Party School (School of Administration), students of various main training classes, and faculty representatives — 130 people in total — participated in the meeting.
At the symposium, Cui Luchun (崔禄春), on behalf of the School (Academy) Committee, reported on the work of implementing the spirit of the National Conference on Party Schools (Schools of Administration) and the Regional Symposium on the Work of Party Schools (Schools of Administration), and advancing the building of the teaching, research, policy advisory, and talent teams. Student and faculty representatives, combining their own realities, shared their research insights and practical inspiration, and offered opinions and suggestions on the teaching and training work of the Party School.
Wang Junzheng pointed out that studying well and implementing well Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building is an important political task for the current and future period. It is necessary to adhere to studying the original text thoroughly and comprehensively and systematically, deeply understand that Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building is a systematic, complete, logically rigorous, richly connotative, broad and profound organic whole, focus on understanding and grasping the "Fourteen Persistences" (十四个坚持), further deeply comprehend the decisive significance of the "Two Establishments" (两个确立), resolutely achieve the "Two Upholds" (两个维护), and transform learning outcomes into concrete actions of being loyal to the Party, protecting the Party, and fully revitalizing and strengthening the Party. It is necessary to strengthen systematic and theoretical research and interpretation, clearly explain the principled achievements, original contributions, scientific system, rich connotations, spiritual essence, and practical requirements of this thought, and make clear the profound principles, theories, and philosophies contained within it.
Wang Junzheng stressed, it is necessary to fully implement the general requirements of "establishing the Party for the public good, benefiting the people through governance, making scientific decisions, and working hard for tangible results" (立党为公、为民造福、科学决策、真抓实干), and firmly establish and practice a correct view on political achievements. Uphold the Party-nature principle of establishing the Party for the public good, strengthen Party-nature cultivation, raise ideological consciousness, spiritual realm, and moral cultivation, always place the soul on the heights, stand high, see far, think deeply, and speak thoroughly, and with the responsibility of "achievements need not be mine, but achievements must include me" (功成不必在我、功成必定有我), sincerely fulfill duties and responsibilities for the Party and the people. Adhere to the value pursuit of benefiting the people, firmly establish a people-centered development thought, always stand firmly on the people's side, sit squarely on the side of the common people, realize, safeguard, and develop the fundamental interests of the overwhelming majority of the people, do solid work on livelihood matters, and continuously enhance the sense of gain, happiness, and security of the people of all ethnic groups. Grasp the working method of scientific decision-making, adhere to seeking truth from facts, vigorously promote the practice of investigation and research, consciously ask the people for their needs and advice, strictly observe the rules for deliberation and decision-making, organically unify democracy and centralism, and achieve scientific and democratic decision-making, resolute and powerful implementation, and lawful and efficient handling of affairs. Carry forward the fine work style of working hard for tangible results — when the work style is correct, political achievements are solid. All cadres should further promote fine work styles, embody the correct view on political achievements in concrete actions of seeking truth from facts and being practical, do more things that lay foundations, benefit the long term, and produce tangible effects, ensuring that General Secretary Xi Jinping's important instructions and the decisions and deployments of the Party Central Committee are resolutely implemented in Tibet.
Wang Junzheng stressed, it is necessary to strive to improve work ability and level, making greater contributions to the long-term peace and stability and high-quality development of Tibet. Enhance the overall concept, always think about problems, make decisions, and handle matters under the overall situation, coordinate and advance the implementation of the four major tasks defined by General Secretary Xi Jinping for Tibet — stability, development, ecology, and strengthening border areas — promote the "Four Creations" (四个创建) to achieve tangible results with the spirit of driving nails, achieving both adding luster to one region and adding brilliance to the overall picture. Actively innovate thinking, with the courage and broad-mindedness of self-reform, study new situations, solve new problems, explore scientific and effective working mechanisms, be good at learning and drawing on good practices and good experiences, and continuously promote the work of the region and department to achieve new results. Improve comprehensive qualities, adhere to learning what is needed for the work and supplementing what is lacking, actively adapt to the development of the situation, strengthen knowledge learning, improve the knowledge system, and become an expert in the work. Based on one's own post, maintain true colors in character, perform roles in position, diligently fulfill duties, and do solid work in one's own post, demonstrating new achievements in the practice of promoting Tibet's economic and social development.
Wang Junzheng stressed, it is necessary to unswervingly implement the strategic policy of comprehensively enforcing strict party governance, and become a good cadre of the new era who is loyal, clean, and responsible. Strengthen the awareness of integrity and self-discipline, focus on consolidating the foundation and cultivating the essence (固本培元 (gù běn péi yuán - "consolidate the foundation and cultivate the essence," to strengthen the root and cultivate the source) at the ideological level, firmly establish the idea that there is no particularity in anti-corruption, fasten the "first button" of clean governance, put discipline and rules first, and strive to create a clean and upright political atmosphere (风清气正 (fēng qīng qì zhèng - "clear wind, upright atmosphere," a political environment of integrity and fairness). Establish a correct view of power, adhere to exercising power impartially, according to law, for the people, and with integrity, consciously accept supervision from inside and outside the Party, and forever maintain the political character of Communists who resist corruption and are never tainted. Achieve loyalty, cleanliness, and responsibility, deeply understand that loyalty is a character, cleanliness is a realm, and responsibility is a duty, adhere to the unity of knowledge and action (知行合一 (zhī xíng hé yī - "knowledge and action are one," the unity of knowing and doing), be consistent in words and deeds, learn by doing and do by learning, and firmly establish and practice a correct view on political achievements in the unity of knowledge and action. Party schools at all levels should play the important role of a front for the Party's ideological and theoretical construction, earnestly shoulder the mission of cultivating talents for the Party and offering advice for the Party, incorporate Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building into the training system, improve education and training methods, raise the quality of education and training, enhance the comprehensive school-running level, so that cadres gain something and comprehend something at the Party School; enhance the ability for scientific research and political advisory, and produce more results in the research and interpretation of the Party's innovative theories, promoting the Party's theoretical innovation, and offering suggestions for the Party and the government.
Return to TopNews Report. On June 12, the "Cultural Enrichment of Xinjiang (文化润疆)" Forum, sponsored by the Party School of the CPC Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Regional Committee (Administrative College) (新疆维吾尔自治区党委党校（行政学院）) and guided by the China Western Regions Research Center of the United Front Work Department of the CPC Central Committee (中央统战部中国西域研究中心), was held in Kashgar. Liu Zhengjiang (刘正江), Deputy Director of the China Western Regions Research Center of the United Front Work Department of the CPC Central Committee; Zhou Yunhua (周云华), member of the Kashgar Prefectural Committee, Head of the Organization Department, and President of the Party School (Administrative College); and Liu Baodong (刘宝东), Executive Vice President of the Party School (Administrative College) of the Autonomous Regional Committee, attended the meeting and delivered speeches. The meeting was presided over by Yuan Jinhui (袁金辉), Vice President of the Party School (Administrative College) of the Autonomous Regional Committee.
The participating experts conducted in-depth discussions on implementing the Party's strategy for governing Xinjiang in the new era (新时代党的治疆方略) and advancing the theoretical and practical issues of "cultural enrichment of Xinjiang." Yu Zhiyong (于志勇), Deputy Secretary of the Party Committee and President of the Autonomous Region's Qiuci Research Institute (龟兹研究院); Wu Xinhua (巫新华), Research Fellow at the Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences; and Niu Ruji (牛汝极), former Vice President and second-level professor of Xinjiang Normal University, delivered keynote reports on topics including "Strengthening the Protection, Inheritance, and Utilization of Qiuci Historical and Cultural Heritage to Solidly Advance Cultural Enrichment of Xinjiang," "Strengthening the Quality and Effectiveness of Cultural Identity in Cultural Enrichment of Xinjiang Work—Observations and Reflections Taking Kunlun Culture as an Example," and "Breaking the 'Chess Eye' in Southern Xinjiang under the 'Five Strategic Positioning' (五大战略定位): Cultural Enrichment of Xinjiang Empowerment and the Building of the Chinese National Community."
The participating experts believe that cultural enrichment of Xinjiang is an important component of the Party's strategy for governing Xinjiang in the new era, and a vivid practice of Xi Jinping's cultural thought taking root in border ethnic regions. Cultural enrichment of Xinjiang profoundly reveals the inner laws of advancing the modernization of the border governance system and governance capacity, and provides fundamental guidance for promoting various undertakings in Xinjiang, especially the development of cultural undertakings, under the new circumstances. The fundamental purpose of advancing cultural enrichment of Xinjiang is to enhance the Chinese cultural identity of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang and to forge a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation. It is necessary to fully, accurately, and comprehensively implement the Party's strategy for governing Xinjiang in the new era, continuously forge a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation, and advance the building of the Chinese national community.
This forum, for the first time, publicly solicited contributions nationwide, receiving a total of 557 papers submitted by 210 universities and research institutes. After multiple rounds of review, 93 high-quality academic papers were finally selected. More than 140 people, including experts and scholars from Renmin University of China, Minzu University of China, Yunnan University, Xinjiang Academy of Social Sciences (新疆社会科学院), Xinjiang University, and Kashgar University, attended the meeting. (Zhao Wei (赵玮))
Return to TopBy: 安怀宇 亢岩松
In recent years, the Party School of the Guizhou Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China (Guizhou Academy of Governance) (贵州省委党校（行政学院）), building upon the upgrading of the campus environment and breaking through the boundaries of traditional classrooms, has systematically planned a "1+8+1" teaching matrix, namely 1 core thematic classroom, 8 outdoor and indoor thematic teaching bases, and 1 comprehensive potential development center. These 10 bases deeply integrate the Party's innovative theories, the Party's history, and the revolutionary spirit into the campus field, meticulously crafting an immersive "Red Campus" (红色校园), and powerfully promoting a profound transformation of Party spirit education from "classroom lectures" to "panoramic comprehension."
Stepping into the "Thematic Classroom on the Practice of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era in Guizhou" (习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想贵州实践主题教室), theoretical learning instantly becomes knowable and perceptible. On the interactive screens, comparative data from Guizhou's "Golden Decade" (黄金十年) of catching up and leaping forward continuously flickers; real-time images of the "China Sky Eye" (中国天眼) and "Big Data Center" (大数据中心) rush towards the viewer. Trainee Wu Liang (吴亮), while operating the screen, expressed with emotion: Here, every strategy, every "golden quote" (金句), can be matched one-to-one with Guizhou's earth-shaking changes. Here, "gratitude and striving" (感恩奋进) is not just a slogan, but a visible and tangible development report card. This kind of presentation, which transforms grand narratives into vivid and concrete forms, enables trainees to profoundly grasp the decisive significance of the "Two Establishments" (两个确立) in a more intuitive way, and their will to resolutely achieve the "Two Upholds" (两个维护) becomes even more steadfast.
The mighty power of thought needs even more to be verified amidst the mountains and rivers. Moving outdoors, the "Thematic Teaching Base on Xi Jinping's Thought on Ecological Civilization" (习近平生态文明思想主题教学基地) winds through the forest. Trainees walk along the 1.3-kilometer ecological patrol trail, identifying native plants, checking carbon sink measurement display boards, and listening to explanations amidst the real "lucid waters and lush mountains" (绿水青山). "The construction of an ecological civilization is no longer an abstract policy text; it is the extension of this path of guardianship beneath our feet," said trainee Yang Bi (杨毕). This, he said, made him deeply realize that protection and development can completely coexist synergistically under a scientific and systematic approach; the key lies in whether decision-makers can possess and practice this kind of systematic thinking.
The "Thematic Teaching Base on Marx" (马克思主题教学基地), through thematic sculptures, relief art, and exhibition narratives, vividly presents Marx's life, intellectual trajectory, and the great cause he initiated. Here, the term "Marxism" transforms into perceptible images and stories; the image of the intellectual giant steps out from the books, becoming three-dimensional and approachable. After visiting, trainee Li Jia (李佳) remarked: Seeing the thoughts of the young Marx on career choice, learning about the tumultuous birth of the *Communist Manifesto*, and then gazing upon those theoretical works that profoundly influenced the world, I understand more deeply what "the power of truth" (真理的力量) means.
The cultivation of Party spirit is valuable for touching the soul. At the "Thematic Teaching Base on the Red Army's Long March in Guizhou" (红军长征在贵州主题教学基地), the path the trainees retrace is a "path of the heart" (心路). Looking back along the relief culture wall at the breathtaking "Great Turning Point" (伟大转折), standing before the "Hundred Battles Staircase" (百战梯) landscape and listening to the stories of revolutionary martyrs, the power of faith that transcends time and space strikes directly at the heart. "This is more powerful than any written description," said trainee Ding Runpeng (丁润朋). It prompts him to ponder deeply, on the "Long March road" (长征路) of the new era, how to preserve that steadfastness of "revolutionary ideals higher than the sky" (革命理想高于天) and transform it into the courage to overcome difficulties.
The echoes of history always resonate with the pulse of the times. At the "Thematic Teaching Base on Guizhou's Practice of Shaking off Poverty" (摆脱贫困的贵州实践主题教学基地), the restored "thatched cottages" (茅草屋), the wall of smiling faces of the masses, and the dazzling array of model worker deeds together compose an epic of struggle. "I am both a participant and a visitor," said trainee Chen Ying (陈颖) from the township party secretary class, who lingered here for a long time. She said that here, personal memories of struggle are integrated into the collective grand narrative. I not only saw achievements that will shine in history, but also understood the spirit of fighting poverty: "unity of purpose from top to bottom, deploying the best forces, precision and pragmatism, innovation and pioneering, tackling tough problems, and living up to the people" (上下同心、尽锐出战、精准务实、开拓创新、攻坚克难、不负人民). This vivid textbook will continuously inspire trainees to bring this spirit to the new battlefield of rural revitalization.
Furthermore, the "Thematic Teaching Base on the History of the Communist Party of China in Guizhou" (中国共产党贵州历史主题教学基地) reflects the Party's century of glory through the tremendous changes in Guizhou; the "Thematic Teaching Base on Yangming Culture" (阳明文化主题教学基地) skillfully uses the scenery of cascading waterfalls and the Dixin Pavilion (涤心亭) to create the artistic conception of "refining oneself through practical affairs" (事上磨炼); the "Thematic Teaching Base for Leading Cadres to 'Have a Clear Picture'" (领导干部‘心中有数’主题教学基地) cultivates trainees' "data thinking" (数据思维) and modern governance capabilities through interactive experiences; the "Guizhou Cadre Party Spirit Education Thematic Teaching Base (School History Museum)" (贵州干部党性教育主题教学基地（校史馆）) uses the imagery of a "tree" (树) to inherit the Party School's original aspiration and journey of "cultivating talents for the Party" (为党育才); the "Leadership Potential Development Center" (领导潜能开发中心) uses psychology and technological means to create "precise portraits" (精准画像) and scientific development of trainees' leadership abilities. Each base is a unique "energy field" (能量场), providing precise empowerment for different dimensions of cadre growth.
The vitality of the teaching matrix lies crucially in its "use" (用). They are by no means rigid exhibits, but rather active modules deeply embedded in the entire teaching process. Nowadays on campus, a common teaching model has quietly emerged: after theoretical lectures in the classroom, the teacher immediately leads the trainees into the corresponding thematic classroom or teaching base, sparking thought, deepening understanding, and organizing discussions within specific scenarios.
The Party School of the Guizhou Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China (Guizhou Academy of Governance), using 10 thematic teaching bases as pillars on campus, has constructed a three-dimensional teaching pattern that covers the entire campus and penetrates the entire process. Through the multi-dimensional immersion of "seeing, listening, thinking, comprehending, and acting" (看、听、思、悟、行), trainees complete a deep transformation from knowledge reception to emotional resonance, and then to belief internalization and conscious action. Party spirit education, because it is "immersive" (身临其境), touches the soul more deeply; theoretical arming, because it is "observable and perceptible" (可观可感), becomes more vivid and powerful; capacity training, because of "situational simulation" (情境仿真), becomes more pragmatic and effective. Strolling through the "Red Campus," the trainees' theoretical level, Party spirit cultivation, and ability to perform their duties are continuously enhanced.
Return to TopOur Newspaper Dispatch
June 18 — Yang Ming (杨明), Executive Vice President of the Jiangsu Provincial Party School (School of Administration) (江苏省委党校（行政学院）), presided over a meeting of the school (academy) committee to convey and study the spirit of the National Symposium on Party Building Work (全国党建工作座谈会).
The meeting pointed out that this year marks the 105th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, and that the Party Central Committee's affirmation of Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building (习近平党建思想) conforms to the overall situation and general trend, conforms to the heart of the Party and the hearts of the people, and conforms to the laws of Party building development, and is of great and far-reaching significance.
The meeting emphasized that the Party School, as the main channel for cadre education and training and an important front for the Party's ideological and theoretical construction, must elevate its political stance, study one step ahead and delve one level deeper, promptly convey the spirit of the meeting well, and take the initiative in studying, implementing, propagating, and interpreting Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building. It is necessary, in accordance with higher-level requirements, to update and improve existing courses, and solidly advance the integration of Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building into special topics, into the classroom, and into the minds of the trainees. It is necessary to focus on the principle-based achievements and original contributions of Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building, make efforts in systematic and theoretical research and interpretation, make good use of the "two journals and one newspaper" (两刊一报) platform, and strengthen organized scientific research. It is necessary to persist in combining study with application; Party organizations at all levels throughout the school must, guided by Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building, solidly advance Party building work, providing strong political, ideological, and organizational guarantees for the school (academy) to cultivate talent for the Party with high quality and to offer counsel for the Party with a high standard.
Return to TopDispatch from our staff
Since the launch of the study and education on establishing and practicing the correct view on political achievements (正确政绩观), the Party School of the Anhui Provincial Committee of the CPC (Administration College) (安徽省委党校（行政学院）), together with the Provincial Organization Department, following the general idea of "provincial-level coordination, vertical linkage, adaptation to local conditions, and pursuit of practical results" (省级统筹、上下联动，因地制宜、务求实效), organized the trainees of the provincial Party school's young and middle-aged cadres training class (中青班) to focus on the "five special topics" (五个专题) and effectively implement the study and education work for young cadres.
Establish special teaching modules. The young and middle-aged cadres training classes of provincial, municipal, and county-level Party schools specially set up a teaching module on "establishing and practicing the correct view on political achievements", helping young cadres enhance their ideological and action consciousness in establishing and practicing the correct view on political achievements through various forms such as theoretical lectures, expert guidance, case analysis, on-site teaching, warning education, and exchange and discussion. Adopting a "main classroom + branch classroom" (主课堂+分课堂) video linkage format, they invited relevant leading experts to give special guidance reports, organized the provincial Party school's young and middle-aged cadres training class trainees to "attend the same class together", and promoted high-quality teaching resources to reach the grassroots directly.
Carry out special warning education. They invited leaders of the Provincial Commission for Discipline Inspection and Supervision (省纪委监委) to give special lectures to the provincial Party school's young and middle-aged cadres training class trainees, organized the provincial young and middle-aged cadres training class trainees to go to nearby prisons to conduct on-site warning education, and enhanced the intuitiveness and impact of the warning education through forms such as prisoners giving firsthand accounts and collectively watching warning education videos on young cadres' disciplinary and legal violations. At the same time, they organized trainees to study typical cases of young cadres disciplined and punished in recent years, especially those with misplaced views on political achievements, and write understanding and reflections, guiding young cadres to conduct self-examination and reflection against the cases and identify shortcomings.
Carry out special heart-to-heart talks. Focusing on the theme of "establishing and practicing the correct view on political achievements", based on the young cadres' job responsibilities, growth experience, and other circumstances, and closely adhering to the four requirements of "faithfulness, pragmatism, responsibility, and self-discipline" (笃信、务实、担当、自律), cadres responsible for the organization departments of provincial, municipal, and county-level Party committees conducted heart-to-heart talks with the trainees of the corresponding level Party school's young and middle-aged cadres training class, discussing understanding, pointing out gaps, and raising requirements. The heart-to-heart talks adopted two forms: collective talks and one-on-one discussion exchanges, covering both gains and experiences as well as gaps and shortcomings, achieving thorough and penetrating talks that make faces red and sweat 红脸出汗 (hóng liǎn chū hàn - "red face, sweat," to make one feel embarrassed and uneasy) and refresh the mind 提神醒脑 (tí shén xǐng nǎo - "refresh the spirit and awaken the mind," to make one alert and clear-headed).
Carry out special practice-based teaching. Deepen the "five togethernesses" (五同) practice education. Provincial Party schools at all levels arranged about one week for the young and middle-aged cadres training class trainees to go deep into grassroots frontlines such as villages, communities, and enterprises, eating together, living together, working together, studying together, and discussing together with the masses. Through field visits, discussion exchanges, labor experiences, study and research, they enabled young cadres to enhance their sense of purpose and cultivate their feelings for the people in serving the people that is "down-to-earth" (接地气) and "stained with soil" (沾泥土).
Carry out special Party spirit analysis. Take establishing and practicing the correct view on political achievements as an important content of Party spirit analysis, organize young and middle-aged cadres training class trainees to carefully write Party spirit analysis materials (non-CCP member trainees write ideological analysis materials), hold Party spirit analysis mobilization meetings and special organizational life meetings, deeply carry out criticism and self-criticism, and clarify directions of effort and rectification measures. Ensure that Party spirit analysis does not go through the motions and achieves practical results.
(Hao Xianghong)
News Dispatch
Recently, the Party School of the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region Committee of the Communist Party of China (Guangxi Academy of Governance) (广西壮族自治区党委党校（行政学院）), focusing on the strategic deployment of the autonomous region party committee and government regarding artificial intelligence development, proactively fulfilled its party school functions, actively prepared to establish the Guangxi Leading Cadres Artificial Intelligence Training Center, pioneered the creation of an artificial intelligence education and training system curriculum, and planned and launched a six-episode micro-course series titled "Smart Connectivity with ASEAN, Embracing the Future" (智联东盟拥抱未来). The micro-course series designs six modules: "Situation – Pathway – Platform – Outcomes – Governance – Action," adhering to the principle of "a small cut presenting a big theme" (小切口呈现大主题). Each lecture is presented on camera by young PhD teachers, comprehensively and systematically covering in about eight minutes the strategic judgment for Guangxi's artificial intelligence development, characteristic pathways, the core hub role of the China-ASEAN Artificial Intelligence Innovation Cooperation Center, the practical achievements of AI empowering all industries, security governance requirements, and pathways for improving cadre competency. After the micro-course series was officially launched through platforms such as the Guangxi Party School Theory Window (广西党校理论视窗), Guangxi Radio and Television Station, and Baguixianfeng Net (八桂先锋网), it received an enthusiastic response, becoming a beneficial exploration for serving the central work of the local party committee.
Earlier this year, the autonomous region party committee clearly required the party school to focus on the artificial intelligence era to pioneer the creation of an education and training system. The Party School of the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region Committee of the Communist Party of China (Guangxi Academy of Governance) acted quickly, assembling the strength of young PhD teachers, planning and producing the micro-course series in a short time, ensuring major topics received a timely response and timely transformation, striving to promote the cadre education and training of the entire party school (academy of governance) system to resonate at the same frequency with the autonomous region's central work. In the planning and creation of the micro-course series, it adhered to the "open-door course development" (开门办课) approach, actively liaised with business supervisory departments such as the Autonomous Region Development and Reform Commission and the Big Data Development Bureau to solicit opinions, striving to precisely grasp the autonomous region party committee's strategic intentions and policy key points, ensuring the micro-course series focuses on real problems, teaches real policies, and responds to real needs.
Since 2025, the Party School of the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region Committee of the Communist Party of China (Guangxi Academy of Governance) has hosted multiple sessions of the Vietnam Leading Cadres Artificial Intelligence Training Classes, training over 100 Vietnamese cadres, effectively serving the national peripheral diplomacy strategy through cadre education and training work. In the next step, the artificial intelligence micro-course content will be embedded into foreign-related training, allowing ASEAN students to perceive Guangxi's development through the party school window and tell Guangxi's story well. At the same time, based on the development needs of the situation and tasks, the school (academy) will continue to launch a series of artificial intelligence micro-courses, promote the inclusion of artificial intelligence general education as a required course in main training classes, and build an artificial intelligence cadre education and training brand with Guangxi characteristics.
(Li Xiaomin (李晓敏) and Xu Leipeng (徐雷鹏))
Return to TopOur News Agency Report In order to further consolidate young teachers' basic teaching skills and improve the quality of lectures for main training sessions, the Shaanxi Provincial Party School (Administration College) (陕西省委党校（行政学院）) recently carried out special guidance on young teachers' basic teaching skills, inviting well-known experts from the national Party school (administration college) system to conduct special lecture guidance on the topic of "how to teach main training session courses well".
During the guidance process, the experts closely adhered to the new situation, new tasks, and new requirements of cadre education and training work, combined their own many years of rich experience in teaching and research work, focused on four aspects — profound understanding of original works and principles, diligent grasp of innovative theories, appropriate use of real-life cases, and effective application of historical materials — and conducted explanations that were 深入浅出 (shēn rù qiǎn chū - "enter deeply, emerge shallowly," to explain profound ideas in simple terms) from the two levels of the "Way" of teaching and the "Art" of lecturing. They emphatically elaborated on the principles of political correctness, standardization, and rigor that must be upheld in Party school classroom teaching, lecture script review, and other work, and shared the paths and methods for transforming teaching and scientific research achievements. They conducted on-site 答疑解惑 (dá yí jiě huò - "answer doubts, resolve confusions," to clarify questions) in response to young teachers' questions concerning course framework design, logical system architecture, distillation of viewpoints and methods, and application of teaching methods.
The young teachers who participated in the activity universally expressed that this guidance was highly targeted, guiding, and practical. In future work, they will take the deepening of basic literature study and participation in the basic teaching skills competition as an opportunity, actively shore up weaknesses and strengthen shortcomings, deeply cultivate classic original works, devote themselves to academic research, deeply study and thoroughly comprehend the latest achievements of the Party's innovative theories, strive to consolidate basic teaching skills, teach Party school courses precisely and well, and contribute to the high-quality development of the school (academy).
Return to TopA news report from our staff
On June 17, the Jinan Municipal Party School (Academy of Governance) held a mobilization meeting for the cultivation of high-quality courses, summarizing achievements, exchanging experiences, and arranging and deploying key tasks for the next stage. At the meeting, Professor Zhang Aijun (张爱军), Director of the Philosophy Teaching and Research Department, and Professor Chen Jun (陈军), Deputy Director of the Scientific Socialism and United Front Theory Teaching and Research Department, who had received the National Party School (Academy of Governance) System Outstanding Teaching Achievement Award, along with representatives of their respective course teams, exchanged and shared their experiences and insights.
The meeting pointed out that the cultivation of high-quality courses is an important task that is foundational, guiding, and driving. It is necessary to deeply understand the new circumstances, new tasks, and new challenges currently faced, and to continuously push the work of cultivating high-quality courses to a higher level. It is essential to accurately grasp the core requirement that "every class is a high-quality course," striving to achieve completeness, accuracy, depth, and thoroughness in teaching. The focus should be on implementing the "Teaching Quality and Efficiency Iterative Improvement Action" and the "Four-Emphases Quality Enhancement Project" (四讲提质工程), and earnestly strengthening course quality construction. It is necessary to continuously stimulate the strong momentum for creating high-quality courses, making efforts in anchoring research directions, deepening academic foundations, enhancing comprehensive literacy, striving for iterative breakthroughs, forging a sense of responsibility, and凝聚攻坚合力 (níng jù gōng jiān hé lì - "gathering joint forces to tackle hard problems," to unite efforts to overcome difficulties), efficiently advancing the life project of establishing quality as the foundation of the school, and providing a solid guarantee for comprehensively building a high-level, first-class party school and continuously promoting the connotative, high-quality development of the party school enterprise.
(Jia Sai)
By: 张谷
In recent years, the Xiamen Municipal Committee Party School (Administration Academy) (厦门市委党校（行政学院）) has firmly grasped the original aspiration of the Party school — "cultivating talents for the Party and offering counsel for the Party" — based on Xiamen's locational advantages, practical advantages, and resource advantages, adhered to reform empowerment, precisely matched the needs of cadre education and training, taken the curriculum system as the core, the scientific research system as the foundation, and the teaching staff system as the guarantee, continuously improved teaching quality, and promoted the regularized deep cultivation, connotative quality improvement, and all-dimensional efficiency enhancement of basic training.
Refine the curriculum system, consolidate the core support for precise teaching.
Strictly align with the basic training curriculum construction standards, integrate "Xiamen elements" into the "prescribed actions", making basic training more targeted in aim, deeper in foundation, and stronger in actual effect. First, highlight gathering hearts and forging souls, consolidate the ideological foundation. Persist in taking Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era as the first course, main course, and compulsory course, systematically construct a unit curriculum system, develop 12 special topic courses. Leverage Xiamen's unique advantages, deeply explore cases, refine experiences, create 68 practical interpretation and case teaching courses such as "The Nurturing and Enlightenment of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era in Xiamen", forming a three-in-one curriculum module of "theoretical tracing + scenario interpretation + case analysis". Second, strengthen Party spirit training, temper political character. Deeply excavate red resources such as Party history education bases and revolutionary sites, launch red teaching routes such as "Tan Kah Kee Spirit (嘉庚精神) and Its Contemporary Enlightenment". Taking the opportunity of carrying out the study and education on establishing and practicing a correct view of performance, develop 10 series courses on "Important Discourses of General Secretary Xi Jinping on Establishing and Practicing a Correct View of Performance". Organize trainees of basic training classes to go to red bases such as Yan'an and Gutian for off-site on-site teaching, to perceive the original aspiration and mission in historical real scenes. Relying on carriers such as themed Party Day activities and Party spirit analysis, realize the running of Party spirit training through the entire process of trainee management. Third, focus on practical empowerment, enhance performance capability. Closely follow the major decisions and deployments of the Party Central Committee and the work requirements of the Provincial Party Committee and the Municipal Party Committee, adhere to the Party committee and government setting topics, departments proposing topics, the Party school breaking topics, and trainees solving topics, develop 26 performance capability courses. Upgrade the "Learning Path (学习之路)" themed classroom, connect on-site teaching points for grassroots governance such as Yundang Lake (筼筜湖) and Tong'an Military Camp Village (同安军营村), forming a practical teaching chain with distinct themes and logical progression. Currently, it has received over 1,500 batches and more than 47,000 person-times for research and study.
Deepen scientific research empowerment, strengthen the theoretical foundation for improving training quality.
Adhere to supporting high-quality basic training with high-quality scientific research, deeply advance the reform of integrated construction of teaching, research, and consultation, perfect the closed loop of transformation of teaching, scientific research, and decision-making consultation, providing solid theoretical support for improving the quality and efficiency of basic training. First, perfect the system chain, improve the collaborative transformation mechanism. Issue the "Implementation Opinions on the Integrated Construction of Teaching, Research, and Consultation" and supporting work guidelines, revise 5 management systems such as the "Assessment Measures for Scientific Research Workload", construct a full-chain transformation mechanism of "teaching produces topics, research writes articles, results enter the classroom, and consultation provides decision-making", annually cultivate over 30 fusion topics of "three topics in one" for teaching, research, and consultation. Establish a topic full-cycle management mechanism led by school leaders, tackled by backbone teachers, and coordinated by professional departments, covering all links of topic initiation, process tracking, result deepening, and classroom transformation, ensuring that research achievements continuously enrich teaching content. Second, build collaborative platforms, stimulate scientific research innovation vitality. Construct multi-dimensional collaborative mechanisms such as "Party school and Party-government research departments" and "Party school and universities", jointly build 9 characteristic cooperation platforms including the "Xiamen University Taiwan Research Center Xiamen Municipal Research, Teaching, and Consultation Base (厦门大学台湾研究中心厦门市教研咨政基地)", host the "Cross-Strait Integrated Development" academic seminar for 4 consecutive years, produce a batch of research achievements with both theoretical value and practical significance. In recent years, a total of 85 decision-making consultation reports have been submitted, with 32 person-times receiving instructions from leaders at provincial and ministerial level or above. 264 various topics have been approved, including 4 national-level topics and 34 provincial-level topics. Over 300 academic papers have been published, including 12 published in the "Three Newspapers and One Journal" and 32 in core newspapers and periodicals, providing sufficient theoretical materials and practical cases for iteratively updating course content and developing Xiamen's local characteristic courses. Third, strengthen achievement transformation, promote feeding back into teaching practice. Carry out major topic research around the "Three-Year Research Plan (2025-2027) on the Nurturing and Practice of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era in Xiamen", adhere to the integrated promotion of theoretical interpretation, topic tackling, and course development, continuously enhance the theoretical depth and practical thickness of basic training. In 2025, the school (academy) was rated as a propaganda base of the Fujian Provincial Research Center for Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era (福建省习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想研究中心).
Build a strong teaching staff echelon, activate the endogenous power of 教学相长 (jiào xué xiāng zhǎng – "teaching and learning mutually enhance," the mutual improvement of teaching and learning).
Adhere to the strategy of strengthening the school with talent, coordinate the promotion of famous teacher guidance, youth cultivation, and trainee empowerment, create a composite teaching staff with solid capabilities, complete echelon, and complementary full-time and part-time members, laying a solid talent foundation for improving the quality and efficiency of basic training. First, implement the Famous Teacher Project, strengthen guidance and driving. Advance the Famous Teacher Project in batches, establish and perfect standardized mechanisms for the selection, incentive, and performance management of famous teachers, select school-level famous teachers strictly and with excellence. Clarify the core responsibilities of famous teachers in discipline construction, demonstration teaching, scientific research tackling, etc., annually carry out over 60 activities such as teaching research salons and lesson preparation sharing, take the lead in developing and polishing over 20 boutique courses, famous teacher teaching covers all basic training classes, driving the overall improvement of the school's teaching quality with backbone demonstration. Second, cultivate young backbone, accumulate development momentum. Implement the "335 Cultivation Plan for Young Teacher Growth", set gradient cultivation cycles and differentiated growth goals for young teachers according to their years of employment. Through personalized cultivation plans, mentor group pairing and guidance, integrated training of teaching, research, and consultation, smooth the advancement channels for young teachers' growth, precisely fill shortcomings in teaching, research, and consultation capabilities. Focus on the standardized construction of the whole process of young teachers' teaching preparation and lesson evaluation, issue systems such as "Party School Lesson Preparation Work Guidelines" and "Teacher Lesson Evaluation Work Guidelines", further refine lesson preparation standards, standardize lesson evaluation procedures, and compact teaching responsibilities. In 2025, the courses of 2 young teachers were rated as excellent teaching achievements in the national Party school (administration academy) system. Third, expand classroom boundaries, enhance teaching effectiveness. Fully leverage the advantages of trainees' rich job experience and wide industry coverage, break through the one-way teaching model, enrich classroom teaching perspectives and fill practical teaching materials through forms such as teacher-student joint research on the same topic, trainee forums, experience sharing, and structured discussions. In the past 3 years, trainees have participated in experience sharing a total of over 270 times, forming a vivid situation of full participation, full-domain empowerment, and two-way improvement.
[The author is the Executive Vice President of Xiamen Municipal Committee Party School (Administration Academy)]
Return to Top**Xinhua News Agency Report**
On the occasion of the 105th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, on June 17, Wang Junzheng, Secretary of the Tibet Autonomous Regional Committee of the CPC and President (Dean) of the Party School of the Tibet Autonomous Regional Committee of the CPC (School of Administration), held a symposium with students and faculty representatives of the Regional Party School (School of Administration). He emphasized the need to deeply study and implement Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, to firmly establish and practice a correct view of political performance, and to strive to build a cadre contingent that is loyal, clean, and responsible, making greater contributions to the long-term stability and high-quality development of Tibet. Liu Jiang, Executive Deputy Secretary of the Regional Party Committee, and Regional Party Committee Standing Committee members Gong Huicai and Xu Zhiwen attended the symposium. Members of the School (Academy) Committee of the Regional Party School (School of Administration), along with 130 students from various main training classes and faculty representatives, participated in the meeting.
At the symposium, Cui Luchun, on behalf of the School (Academy) Committee, reported on the implementation of the spirit of the National Conference on Party Schools (Schools of Administration) and the Regional Symposium on the Work of Party Schools (Schools of Administration), and on the progress of work in advancing teaching, scientific research, policy consultation, and talent team building. Student and faculty representatives, based on their respective realities, shared their research insights and practical inspirations, and offered opinions and suggestions on the Party school's teaching and training work.
Wang Junzheng pointed out that studying and implementing Xi Jinping's thought on Party building well is an important political task for the present and a period to come. It is necessary to adhere to studying the original texts comprehensively and systematically, to deeply understand that Xi Jinping's thought on Party building is a systematic, complete, logically rigorous, richly connotative, and profoundly broad organic whole. The focus should be on understanding and grasping the "Fourteen Persistences," further deeply comprehending the decisive significance of the "Two Establishments," and resolutely achieving the "Two Upholds," transforming the learning outcomes into concrete actions of loyalty to and protection of the Party, and wholehearted efforts to rejuvenate and strengthen the Party. It is necessary to strengthen systematic and theoretical research and interpretation, clearly explaining the principled achievements, original contributions, scientific system, rich connotations, spiritual essence, and practical requirements of this thought, and making clear the profound principles, theories, and philosophies contained within it.
Wang Junzheng emphasized the need to fully implement the general requirements of "building the Party for the public good, benefiting the people, making scientific decisions, and working with genuine effort," and to firmly establish and practice a correct view of political performance. Adhere to the Party's principle of building the Party for the public good, strengthen Party spirit tempering, enhance ideological awareness, spiritual realm, and moral cultivation, always place the soul at a high level, stand tall, see far, think deeply, and speak clearly, and with the sense of responsibility that "achievement does not necessarily depend on me, but achievement must necessarily include me," sincerely fulfill duties and responsibilities for the Party and the people. Uphold the value pursuit of benefiting the people, firmly establish a people-centered development philosophy, always stand firmly on the side of the people, sit squarely on the side of the common people, realize, safeguard, and develop the fundamental interests of the vast majority of the people, solidly handle practical matters concerning people's livelihoods, and continuously enhance the sense of gain, happiness, and security of people of all ethnic groups. Grasp the working method of scientific decision-making, adhere to seeking truth from facts, vigorously promote the practice of investigation and research, consciously ask the people for their needs and seek their advice, strictly abide by the rules of deliberation and decision-making, organically unify democracy and centralism, achieving scientific and democratic decision-making, resolute and powerful implementation, and lawful and efficient handling of affairs. Carry forward the fine work style of working with genuine effort; a correct work style leads to solid political performance. Cadres at all levels should further promote fine work styles, embody the correct view of political performance in concrete actions of seeking truth from facts and being pragmatic, do more work that lays the foundation, benefits the long term, and yields practical results, ensuring that General Secretary Xi Jinping's important instructions and the Party Central Committee's decisions and deployments are resolutely implemented in Tibet.
Wang Junzheng emphasized the need to strive to enhance work capabilities and levels, making greater contributions to the long-term stability and high-quality development of Tibet. Strengthen the overall concept, always think about problems, make decisions, and handle affairs within the broader context, coordinate the implementation of the four major tasks defined by General Secretary Xi Jinping for Tibet — stability, development, ecology, and strengthening border areas — and promote the effective implementation of the "Four Creations" with the spirit of driving in nails, achieving both adding luster to one's own region and contributing to the overall picture. Actively innovate thinking, with the courage and broad-mindedness for self-reform, study new situations, solve new problems, explore scientific and effective working mechanisms, be adept at learning from and drawing on good practices and experiences, and continuously achieve new results in the work of the region and department. Enhance comprehensive competence, adhere to learning what is needed for the job and supplementing what is lacking, actively adapt to the development of the situation, strengthen knowledge learning, improve the knowledge system, and become an expert in one's work. Based on one's own post, maintain one's true character in conduct, play one's role in performing duties, be dedicated and fulfill responsibilities, do one's own work solidly, and demonstrate new achievements in the practice of promoting Tibet's economic and social development.
Wang Junzheng emphasized the need to unswervingly implement the strategic policy of comprehensively and strictly governing the Party, and to be good cadres of the new era who are loyal, clean, and responsible. Strengthen the awareness of integrity and self-discipline, focus on consolidating the foundation from an ideological perspective, firmly establish the idea that there is no exception in the fight against corruption, fasten the "first button" of clean governance, prioritize discipline and rules, and strive to create a political ecosystem that is upright and clean. Establish a correct view of power, adhere to the fair exercise of power, the lawful exercise of power, the exercise of power for the people, and the clean exercise of power, consciously accept supervision from both inside and outside the Party, and forever maintain the political character of Communists who resist corruption and remain unsullied. Achieve loyalty, cleanliness, and responsibility, deeply understand that loyalty is a character, cleanliness is a realm, and responsibility is a duty, adhere to the unity of knowledge and action, consistency of words and deeds, learn by doing, do by learning, and firmly establish and practice a correct view of political performance in the unity of knowledge and action. Party schools at all levels must play their role as important positions for the Party's ideological and theoretical construction, earnestly shoulder the duties and missions of cultivating talents for the Party and offering advice for the Party, incorporate Xi Jinping's thought on Party building into the training system, improve educational and training methods, enhance the quality of education and training, raise the comprehensive level of school operation, so that cadres gain knowledge and insights at the Party school; enhance the capacity for scientific research and policy advisory, and produce more high-quality results in the research and interpretation of the Party's innovative theories, the promotion of the Party's theoretical innovation, and the provision of suggestions and advice for the Party and the government.
Return to TopIn order to deeply implement the work requirements of the central, provincial, and municipal levels on strengthening cadre education and training and encouraging cadres to take responsibility and achieve results (担当作为), and to effectively address the capability shortcomings of young and middle-aged cadres in areas such as grassroots governance, mass work, and conflict resolution, the Party School of the Hengyang Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China (衡阳市委党校) in Hunan Province, during the 2026 city-wide training course for outstanding cadres who take responsibility and take action, added for the first time a practical teaching session titled "Leading the Handling of Petition Matters" (领办信访事项). More than 140 participating cadres were organized to go down to the front line in the capacity of "Petition Supervision Commissioners" (信访督查专员) to tackle and resolve 220 difficult repeated petition cases. This has blazed a new path in cadre education and training that deeply integrates classroom teaching with front-line practice, achieving a multiple-win outcome of "cadres receive education, the masses gain tangible benefits, and teaching reaches a higher level."
Innovating teaching concepts, creating a new "three-in-one" practical teaching model. Based on the primary responsibility and main business of cadre education and training, breaking the limitations of traditional classrooms, a "three-in-one" practical teaching system of "theory empowerment + practical training + assessment and verification" has been constructed. First, targeted teaching to address shortcomings. Closely focusing on the four core capabilities that young and middle-aged cadres urgently need to improve — policy application, communication and coordination, analysis and judgment, and promotion of implementation — carefully selected repeated petition cases that involve concentrated demands from the masses and are difficult to resolve were used as exclusive teaching cases. A progressive teaching model of "case teaching + group discussion + on-site supervision + tackling and resolution" was adopted, guiding participating trainees to immerse themselves in grassroots practice at zero distance, familiarize themselves with grassroots realities, thoroughly grasp methods of mass work, and effectively enhance their comprehensive abilities in overall planning and coordination, handling affairs according to law, and emergency response, achieving a transformation from 纸上谈兵 (zhǐ shàng tán bīng - "talking about military tactics on paper," to be an armchair strategist) to "personally engaging in practice." Second, anchoring the original aspiration to do practical things for the people. Consistently making doing practical things for the people the core foothold of practical teaching, focusing on key and difficult petition matters in the field of people's livelihood, the actual effectiveness of resolving practical problems was taken as the core content of teaching assessment. By the time of graduation, all 220 led petition cases had been concluded, including 72 cases where the case was closed and the matter settled (32.7%), 103 cases where phased resolution results were achieved (46.8%), and 45 cases concluded in accordance with laws and regulations (20.5%). Through measures such as on-site office work, public hearings, and diversified assistance, each group successfully resolved a number of long-unresolved petition cases, earning widespread recognition from the masses. Trainees deeply cultivated their feelings for the people in the process of doing practical things and solving difficulties for the masses. Third, based on actual combat to temper work style. The practical classroom was taken as an important carrier for tempering a correct view of performance and cultivating a sense of responsibility. The job responsibilities and disciplinary requirements for participating trainees were clearly defined, making practical teaching a vivid classroom for tempering the excellent work style of cadres and strengthening their sense of responsibility. All trainees set aside their identities, lowered their posture, went deep into fields, villages, communities, and enterprises, patiently listened to the voices of the masses, and wholeheartedly resolved the difficulties of the masses. They actively sacrificed rest time to sort out case details and coordinate work. Their sense of purpose, mass viewpoint, and sense of responsibility were comprehensively strengthened, fully demonstrating the excellent work style of the city's outstanding cadres who take responsibility and take action.
Standardizing closed-loop management, building a new refined teaching system with a seven-step process. To ensure the effectiveness of the new practical teaching model, the Municipal Organization Department (市委组织部) and the Municipal Bureau of Letters and Visits (市信访局) coordinated and collaborated to establish a full-process closed-loop management mechanism, innovate and implement a seven-step workflow of "case assignment — task division — professional guidance — coordinated promotion — materials collection — assessment and evaluation — exchange and commentary," achieving standardization and normalization of the entire teaching process. First, scientific division of labor, precise assignment of teaching tasks. The Municipal Joint Conference Office for Letters and Visits (市信访联席办) formally assigned the screened petition cases, establishing a management system of "one case, one contact person." All trainees were divided into 4 small classes and 20 tackling groups. One department-level cadre was selected as the group leader for each group, forming a work pattern of "overall class coordination, group tackling, and full participation," achieving assignment of tasks to individuals and responsibilities to posts. Second, professional empowerment, consolidating the foundation of practical teaching. Targeted professional training on petition work was carried out, taught by professional staff from the Municipal Bureau of Letters and Visits. Each small class was equipped with a dedicated petition cadre serving as a teaching assistant, providing full-course guidance to the group. Each group orderly carried out teaching practices such as case studies, field visits, and conflict resolution, advancing the resolution of petition cases scientifically, orderly, and in accordance with laws and regulations. Third, strict assessment, strengthening teaching quality control. A scientific and complete trainee assessment and evaluation method was formulated, and an innovative assessment mechanism of "numbered blind review + collective evaluation + full-process supervision" was implemented. Objective scoring was strictly carried out according to the standard of "process standardization 30 points + result effectiveness 40 points + case investigation 20 points + comprehensive quality 10 points." The study style supervision group provided strict full-course supervision. Before graduation, exchange and commentary meetings were held to achieve mutual learning and common improvement.
(Liu Huifang (刘慧芳))
Return to TopBy: 徐瑛
General Secretary Xi Jinping made important instructions on the work of Party schools (schools of administration), emphasizing that "on the new journey, Party schools (schools of administration) at all levels must adhere to the guidance of Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, uphold the principle of the Party school being of the Party, keep in mind the original aspiration of the Party school, and better cultivate talents for the Party and offer suggestions for the Party," and "we must strengthen the systematic and theoretical study and interpretation of the Party's innovative theories, and give full play to the role of think tanks." Strengthening think tank construction is an important part of the Party school's mission to offer suggestions for the Party, and a key measure to highlight the unique value of the Party school. In recent years, the Party School of the Tianjin Municipal Committee has adhered to the principle of the Party school being of the Party, kept in mind the original aspiration of the Party school, and made efforts from three dimensions: keeping the direction correct, activating the momentum, and improving the mechanisms, to build a high-end think tank, fully exert the function of advising on governance, and strive to provide solid intellectual support for the decisions of the Party and the government.
Adhere to using political guidance to keep the direction of think tank construction correct. Adhere to the correct political direction, value orientation, and academic orientation, and run the clear-cut emphasis on politics throughout the entire process and all aspects of think tank construction, effectively ensuring that think tank construction advances steadily without deviating from the direction.
Find the correct own positioning. Always take General Secretary Xi Jinping's important expositions on Party school work as the fundamental guidance, deeply understand the fundamental attribute of the Party school think tank being "of the Party and for the Party", clarify the positioning of "red academy, high-end think tank", and consciously position and scientifically plan think tank construction within the overall work of the Party and the state and the overall situation of Tianjin's economic and social development. Anchor on the goal of "providing timely and powerful intellectual support for the decisions of the Party and the government", identify the combination points, entry points, and focal points of the Party school's decision-making consultation work with the Party's central tasks, and strive to ensure that whatever major issues the Party needs to research and solve, the Party school will work hard to offer suggestions and advice in those areas.
Anchor on the correct direction. Carefully benchmark against General Secretary Xi Jinping's important expositions on strengthening the construction of new-type think tanks with Chinese characteristics, clarify the development direction, strengthen top-level design, incorporate think tank construction into the Party school's development plan outline and annual key work, and deploy, promote, and assess it together with education and training, discipline construction, and scientific research. Establish academic norms that reflect the characteristics of the Party school, take topic selection conforming to the Party's theories, line, principles, and policies, and results reflecting the principle of Party spirit as hard standards, strictly manage the political review and content check of the entire process of topic selection planning, research and demonstration, and result submission, ensuring that decision-making consultation work always advances along the correct political direction.
Serve the overall situation of the center. Adhere to demand orientation and problem orientation, focus on the major national strategy of coordinated development of the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei region, organize teachers to go deep into the industrial parks, enterprises, and grassroots frontline of the three areas, and explore development paths for key areas such as industrial collaborative innovation and joint ecological environment governance; focus on the "Ten Actions" for high-quality development of Tianjin and key work such as "Three New" and "Three Quantities", increase research efforts on practical issues such as port-industry-city integration and revitalization of idle assets; focus on issues of urgent concern to the masses such as medical care, elderly care, and fire safety, and carry out down-to-earth and warm research. By deeply exploring actual conditions and studying development trends, a batch of advisory results with accurate data, thorough analysis, and practical countermeasures have been formed, providing important references for the formulation of national and Tianjin medium- and long-term plans as well as various special work plans.
Adhere to using reform and innovation to activate the momentum of think tank construction. Deeply implement the advisory high-quality product cultivation project, take creating original high-quality results as the orientation, reform the management system, innovate work models, actively build platforms, optimize guarantees, gather synergy, and fully release the momentum of high-quality development of think tanks.
Build platforms and carriers. Strengthen the systematic construction of think tanks, focus on strengthening 6 school-level think tanks and 2 characteristic research bases, construct a "1+6+2+N" think tank matrix, connect with national strategy and Tianjin's development needs at different levels, and carry out forward-looking, targeted, and reserve policy research. Deeply cultivate the main position of the Party school's decision-making consultation internal publication Think Tank Suggestions, continuously reform the layout and improve quality, plan columns such as expert policy essays and student special reports, and serve as a good staff assistant for the decisions of the municipal party committee and municipal government. The rate of leadership instructions on Think Tank Suggestions has remained stable at around 80%. After years of effort, the Party school has been selected as a "2025 AMI Think Tank Storage Unit for China Think Tank Comprehensive Evaluation", awarded the CTTI 2025 Think Tank Construction Demonstration Case, and also evaluated as a first batch of high-end think tanks in Tianjin and a Tianjin circular economy think tank unit, further enhancing the influence of decision-making consultation.
Solidly grasp investigation and research. Continue to work hard on the basic skill of investigation and research, organize and guide teaching and research personnel to step out of the "small classroom" of the classroom and into the "big classroom" of society, go deep into the front line for field visits and multiple symposiums, grasp first-hand information and obtain first-hand data, use investigation and research to truly perceive cutting-edge practices, understand the demands of the masses, and summarize fresh experiences, and effectively transform the research results into countermeasure suggestions for solving problems and helping Tianjin's development. Regularly promote think tank talents to go deep into municipal and district-level party and government organs and grassroots for practical training and stationary research, deeply participate in the formulation of major policies and the promotion of key projects of the municipal party committee and municipal government, and consolidate the foundation of countermeasure research with solid investigation, so that advisory suggestions fit the actual situation, have substance, and are feasible and implementable.
Strengthen coordination and synergy. Focus on统筹 internal and external resources, concentrate forces, and jointly tackle key problems, form 13 interdisciplinary research teams, and through methods such as "announcing tasks and selecting leaders" and "assigning generals and deploying troops", strengthen collective research on major practical issues. Deepen communication and collaboration with party and government departments, actively connect with the Municipal Party Committee Office, Propaganda Department, Research Office, the Municipal Government Office, Research Office and other party and government departments, establish mechanisms for information co-construction and sharing, supply-demand matching and connection, submission of advisory results, and feedback on application and implementation, closely combine the policy research of party and government departments with the countermeasure research of think tanks, and effectively improve the professionalism, targeting, and effectiveness of decision-making consultation. During the "14th Five-Year Plan" period, the decision-making consultation results of the Party School of the Tianjin Municipal Committee received 372 approvals from leaders at the provincial/ministerial level and above, and the advisory efficiency continued to improve.
Adhere to using optimized mechanisms to consolidate the support for think tank construction. Focus on development bottlenecks such as insufficient talent vitality and poor connection between teaching, research, and advisory, establish and improve the think tank operation mechanism conducive to producing high-quality countermeasure suggestions, and continuously lay a solid foundation for the healthy and long-term development of the Party school think tank.
Improve the talent introduction and cultivation mechanism. Take talent construction as an important foundation for building a high-end think tank, and strive to do a good job in the article of "introduction and cultivation". During the "14th Five-Year Plan" period, 72 doctoral teaching and research personnel were introduced, 139 personnel were promoted in professional titles, and the think tank talent reserve continued to expand. Launched the "Famous Teacher" project, appointed 6 "Party School Famous Teachers" in two terms, and radiated and drove talent incubation through the construction of the "Famous Teacher" team. Established a postdoctoral innovation practice base, jointly trained postdoctoral fellows with Nankai University, forming a new model of talent cultivation and absorption. Implemented the talent capability improvement project, regularly held thematic seminars and teacher training courses on "organized scientific research and capability improvement for offering suggestions to the Party", invited well-known experts from the Central Party School (National Academy of Governance), universities, and academies of social sciences to give lectures and guidance. Improved the "master-apprentice" training model, forming a professional think tank talent team that combines old, middle-aged, and young, has a complete echelon, and passes on the torch (xīn huǒ xiāng chuán - "pass on the torch," to pass on knowledge or tradition from generation to generation).
Establish an integrated mechanism for teaching, research, and advisory. Improve the linkage mechanism of "teaching raises topics, research writes articles, results enter the classroom, and advisory offers good suggestions", discover new topics for research and advisory from teaching practice, use advisory results to feed back into teaching and research, and comprehensively promote deep integration and concerted efforts in all work. Establish a "Practice Teaching and Research Center", create a collaborative platform for curriculum cultivation, theoretical research, and suggestion offering, and promote the spirit of General Secretary Xi Jinping's important speech during his inspection of Tianjin to take root and bear fruit in the land of Tianjin. Innovate the mechanism for students to participate in decision-making consultation, institutionalize thematic research, and let those who often make decisions provide "golden ideas" and "good prescriptions" for decision-making research.
Improve the assessment and incentive mechanism. Establish a clear orientation that values hard work, actual performance, and real results, and build a comprehensive incentive system. Fully exert the role of assessment as a "baton", issue institutional mechanisms such as the "Measures for Business Assessment of Newly Recruited Teaching and Research Personnel", "Measures for Management of Researchers in the Postdoctoral Innovation Practice Base", and "Work Plan for Post-employment Position Appointment of Career Personnel for the 2027–2029 Appointment Period", take the number of decision-making consultation results and the situation of approval and adoption as important bases for professional title evaluation and appointment, award evaluation and excellence recognition, and position promotion, effectively stimulating the endogenous motivation of teaching and research personnel to deeply engage in decision-making consultation.
(The author is the Executive Vice President of the Party School of the Tianjin Municipal Committee)
Return to TopBy: 何燕
The Party School (College of Administration) of the Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region Party Committee (宁夏回族自治区党委党校（行政学院）) has always adhered to the original aspiration of the Party school of "cultivating talents for the Party and offering strategies for the Party," focused on improving the quality of cadre education and training, continuously deepened research on the laws of Party school education and cadre growth, promoted whole-chain teaching, whole-process tempering, and all-round management, embedded party spirit education throughout the entire process and all aspects of cadre education and training, promoted party spirit education to enter the mind and heart and be 刻骨铭心 (kè gǔ míng xīn – "engraved on bones and remembered in the heart," deeply impressed), and helped cultivate and forge a cadre backbone team capable of shouldering the heavy task of national rejuvenation.
Build an integrated curriculum system, consolidate the foundation of whole-chain teaching. Persist in deeply integrating party spirit education into teaching content, creating a teaching chain that is full-coverage, progressively layered, and distinctly featured. First, systematically plan the layout, promote the integration of educational content. Systematically construct an integrated teaching pattern of "theoretical education + party spirit education + competency training." The theoretical education unit implements the "1+X" education and training model, systematically develops 335 basic training thematic courses, and uses the implementation of the "four lectures and four evaluations" mechanism (四讲四评) as a lever to improve the quality of the Party's innovative theory courses. The party spirit education unit strictly implements the "six ones" requirements (六个一), makes standardized arrangements for courses on ideals and beliefs, Party Constitution, Party regulations and Party discipline, correct performance outlook, deeply taps red resources such as the Red Army's Long March in Ningxia and the Red Army's Western Expedition in Guyuan (固原), and develops a series of 54 courses. The competency training unit focuses on improving political ability, based on the actual work of the trainees, sets up thematic courses such as the Party's mass line and investigation and research. Second, innovate teaching forms, activate the endogenous driving force of education. Intensively carry out teaching activities such as on-site teaching, interview teaching, case analysis, simulation drills, exchange discussions, etc., build an "eight-in-one" party spirit education model (八位一体). Regularly hold teaching activities such as trainee forums, party spirit education lectures, reading salons, and art-themed Party classes, continuously enhance the vividness and appeal of party spirit education. Third, adhere to the unity of knowledge and action (知行合一, zhī xíng hé yī – "knowledge and action are one," integrating theory and practice), enhance the practical effectiveness of education. Closely follow the overall development of the region and the characteristics of the class, set practical topics in a targeted manner. The First Class of the Young and Middle-Aged Cadres Training Class (中青一班) carries out "three-same" practice exercises (三同实践锻炼 – eating, living, and working together with the masses), the Second Class of the Young and Middle-Aged Cadres Training Class (中青二班) implements the strategic blue army plan, main classes lasting more than one month add social practice investigation and research, guide trainees to go deep into the grassroots, get close to the masses, and strengthen the awareness of purpose and practical ability. In the past three years, trainees have submitted 98 decision-making consultation reports, of which 52 reports received instructions from leaders at the deputy-provincial level or above, involving 62 person-times.
Create continuous training scenarios, firmly grasp whole-process party spirit tempering. Persist in running party spirit tempering throughout the entire cycle of trainee training, constructing a chain of party spirit tempering that starts with "entering training upon enrollment," deepens tempering in the mid-term, and sublimates upon graduation. First, strictly control the entrance and training initiation checkpoint, build a solid ideological foundation. Take party spirit education as the primary task of entrance education, implement "first lesson" on loyalty, "first test" on discipline, "first oath" on keeping the original aspiration, invite leaders of the Autonomous Region Party Committee to give the first lesson of the semester, organize trainees to watch warning education films, carry out warning education and discipline propaganda, promote trainees to quickly complete the transformation of identity, thought, and action; establish a temporary Party branch of trainees, deploy party spirit analysis tasks in advance. Second, firmly grasp the mid-term tempering link, polish political character. Give full play to the role of the temporary Party branch of trainees, strictly implement the "three meetings and one class" system (三会一课) and the "first agenda" system (第一议题), regularly carry out study of the Party Constitution, Party regulations and Party discipline. Combine with important time points to organize activities such as labor experience and political birthday. In the mid-term of training, organize trainees to report their thoughts, initiate party spirit analysis, organize report writing, group exchange and commentary activities, with the school (college) leaders, class advisors, and project leaders providing full-process guidance, and hold organizational life meetings with high quality. Third, strictly control the graduation sublimation checkpoint, consolidate educational results. Before graduation, carry out warning education "re-alert," incorporate the effectiveness of party spirit education into the graduation examination for "re-examination," implement comprehensive quantitative assessment of trainees for "re-evaluation." In the quantitative assessment, adhere to taking party spirit tempering as the core assessment module and give it the highest weight, construct a four-dimensional evaluation system of "training assessment, branch evaluation, peer evaluation among trainees, and class advisor evaluation," use strict examination and solid evaluation to force continuous improvement of party spirit cultivation.
Improve long-term guarantee mechanisms, build a solid all-round management system. Persist in integrating party spirit education into the entire process of academic affairs management, teaching operation, and trainee management, perfect the institutional system, and consolidate the responsibility of education and training work. First, strengthen top-level design, stabilize the direction of work. Adhere to the unified arrangement of the school (college) committee, the fulfillment of duties by the teaching committee, and the main implementation by teaching departments, regularly study and deploy party spirit education work, solve bottlenecks and difficulties; formulate and issue systems such as the "Implementation Plan for Integrating Party Spirit Education throughout the Entire Process of Education and Training (Trial)" (《党性教育贯穿教育培训全过程实施方案（试行）》), the "Implementation Plan for Trainee Party Spirit Tempering" (《学员党性锻炼实施方案》), and the "Measures for Quantitative Points Assessment of Trainees" (《学员量化积分考核办法》), clarifying overall requirements, task paths, and guarantee measures. Second, optimize teaching management, improve the quality and efficiency of education. Innovate the teaching plan generation mechanism, adopt a combination of targeted designation and horizontal bidding, put the overall module of the party spirit education unit out for bidding to teaching and research departments, continuously optimize the allocation of elements such as courses, teachers, teaching methods, and teaching materials; invite retired teachers with rich teaching experience and in-service teachers to set up a special teaching supervision team, carry out supervision work in a combination of regular and random methods, ensure that all requirements of party spirit education are implemented and effective. Third, gather collaborative synergy, create a strong atmosphere. Establish a multi-department collaborative linkage mechanism, the Training Department insists on and strengthens the party spirit tempering of trainees, perfects the trainee management and quantitative assessment system; the Party Organ Committee strengthens Party building leadership, jointly carries out immersive integrity Party classes, reading of red family letters and other activities; the Living Service Center, Library, etc., based on their functions, carry out activities such as red culture entering the campus and thematic reading salons. All departments coordinate, cooperate, and go all out to create a good atmosphere of "every place is a classroom, everyone receives education, and always speaks of party spirit."
[The author is a member of the school (college) affairs committee and director of the Academic Affairs Office of the Party School (College of Administration) of the Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region Party Committee (宁夏回族自治区党委党校（行政学院）校（院）务委员、教务处处长)]
Return to TopBy: 甘建芳
Teaching is the central work of Party schools (Schools of Administration). The newly revised Regulations on the Work of Party Schools (Schools of Administration) of the Communist Party of China (中国共产党党校（行政学院）工作条例) clearly states that, in accordance with the demands of the situation and tasks, teaching content should be continuously enriched and innovated, the teaching layout of Party schools (Schools of Administration) should be optimized, and local Party schools (Schools of Administration) may offer teaching courses that reflect local characteristics. The Zhongshan County Party School of Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region (广西壮族自治区钟山县委党校) closely focuses on the demands of county economic and social development and the needs of cadre growth, continuously innovates to build a localized teaching brand of the "Four Lectures" (四大讲堂), comprehensively employs case-based, experiential, interview-based and other diverse teaching methods to carry out education and training, and promotes the transformation of learning outcomes into concrete actions that drive local development, achieving good results.
Highlight theoretical education, build the "County Department Directors' Lecture" (县直单位局长讲堂). Adhere to the guidance of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, center on the core tasks and serve the overall situation, invite the "first-in-command" of county departments to give lessons, and meticulously build the "County Department Directors' Lecture". On the one hand, focus on the Party's innovative theory, offer relevant courses, guide students to deeply study and carefully comprehend the Party's innovative theory, and master the standpoints, viewpoints, and methods that run through it; on the other hand, closely follow themes such as economic development, business environment, and reform and tackling hard problems, offer courses on policy interpretation and case analysis, and help students grasp the situation, thoroughly understand policies, and enhance professional competence. Conduct special seminars on the bottlenecks of county development, strengthen and enhance students' political quality and policy level.
Highlight Party spirit education, build the "Revolutionary Tradition Education Lecture" (革命传统教育讲堂). Deeply excavate and integrate local red resources, build the Zhongshan County "Revolutionary Tradition Education Lecture" (革命传统教育讲堂) Party spirit education brand that integrates Party spirit tempering, red gene inheritance, and revolutionary spirit promotion, and hold 10–15 revolutionary tradition education lectures each year. Focus on offering courses such as "Loyalty Originates from Faith – The Perseverance of the Guangxi Provincial Working Committee (广西省工委) in Hardship" and "Military Career Tempers Soldiers' Hearts, Glory Illuminates the Path Forward," inviting local revolutionary veterans and their descendants to give on-site talks; through immersive teaching such as scenario simulation and role-playing, guide students to delve into historical scenes, feel the faith and responsibility of the forebears, and temper Party spirit cultivation and political capability.
Highlight capability enhancement, build the "Power of Example Lecture" (榜样的力量讲堂) and the "Township Party Committee Secretaries' Lecture" (乡镇党委书记讲堂). First, focus on improving performance capability, strengthen the integration of learning, thinking, and application, and the unity of knowledge, faith, and action, invite national model worker Liao Qizhi (廖其智) and other advanced models from the front line of production and work within the county into the classroom, and build the "Power of Example Lecture". On the one hand, through telling moving stories of staying true to the original aspiration, loving one's job and dedicating oneself to work, and tackling difficulties, vividly interpret the profound connotation of "real work and real responsibility," and stimulate students' enthusiasm to 见贤思齐 (jiàn xián sī qí - "see the worthy, think to equal," to emulate the virtuous) and strive to be pioneers; on the other hand, through introducing advanced experience in areas such as economic development and rule-of-law construction, promote students to master work methods and enhance performance capability. Second, focus on the integration of theory and practice, invite "construction squad leaders" such as township Party committee secretaries and township heads to take the stage and give lessons, and build the "Township Party Committee Secretaries' Lecture". Centering on themes such as rural revitalization, grassroots Party building, and social governance, share practical techniques for resolving conflicts, handling emergencies, and serving the masses with students; adopt a three-in-one model of "case review + method deconstruction + on-site Q&A," directly face grassroots difficulties and bottlenecks, through typical case analysis and strategic explanation, precisely enhance students' ability to respond to emergencies, make scientific decisions, and work with the masses; move the "Township Party Committee Secretaries' Lecture" to the front line of resolving disputes, the front line of solving problems for the people, and the front line of benefiting the people with services, allowing students to learn while doing, enhance skills in a down-to-earth manner, and achieve the integration of learning and application, and the unity of learning, thinking, and practice.
The teaching platform of the "Four Lectures" organically combines local red genes, advanced examples, front-line experience, and the study and application of policies, realizing a complete closed loop from "casting the soul" to "empowering," making cadre education and training more grounded and more effective.
(Author unit: Zhongshan County Party School, Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region)
Return to TopBy: 张立国
The "Regulations on Cadre Education and Training Work" propose to "standardize the management of on-site teaching points and improve the quality of teaching." On-site teaching is an important lever for deepening the reform of Party school teaching and enhancing the quality of cadre training. In recent years, the Zibo Municipal Party School of Shandong Province has deeply tapped into local specialty training resources, taking the construction of an on-site teaching system characterized by "overall territorial coordination, whole-chain integration, and full-effect empowerment" as its starting point, and has vigorously worked to create the "Walking Classroom" on-site teaching brand.
Integrating on-site teaching resources across the entire territory. Based on resources such as Zibo's history, culture, and red heritage, efforts are made to create open, panoramic, and immersive on-site teaching classrooms.
Deeply excavating red resources. Zibo is the place where Wang Jinmei (王尽美) and Deng Enming (邓恩铭), delegates to the First National Congress of the Communist Party of China, launched the workers' movement; it is the hometown of Jiao Yulu (焦裕禄), the "Model of County Party Secretaries" (县委书记的榜样). It has produced advanced exemplary figures such as Zhu Yanfu (朱彦夫), the nation's first "Model of the Times" (时代楷模), and Li Zhenhua (李振华), a National Moral Model. Based on this red fertile soil, the Municipal Party School, in coordination with relevant departments, renovated the Jiao Yulu Memorial Hall, upgraded teaching points such as the Shandong Yuanshan Hard Work Entrepreneurship Education Base (山东原山艰苦创业教育基地) and the Ma'anshan Anti-Japanese Site (马鞍山抗日遗址), optimized the exhibition layout, refined the spiritual connotation, embedded scene performances, and enhanced the appeal and impact of Party school classrooms through interactive, scenario-based, and immersive teaching.
Nurturing the context of Qi culture. Zibo is the birthplace of Qi culture (齐文化). Relying on this deep cultural context, and following the standard of "one exhibition hall, one batch of exhibits, one video, one Party lesson," we have upgraded distinctive teaching bases such as the Qi Culture Integrity Education Base (齐文化廉政教育基地), deeply explored cultural connotations, developed distinctive courses, innovated experience scenarios, and transformed historical culture, integrity thought, etc., into teaching content that is visible, understandable, and actionable.
Sharing transformation experience. Zibo is one of the important birthplaces of modern and contemporary industry, with an industrial development history of over 120 years. It has accumulated a series of referenceable experiences in industrial transformation, technological innovation, and other areas. Focusing on improving cadres' performance capabilities, practical training classrooms have been established at some advanced industrial bases, moving the teaching site to the front line of industry, allowing trainees to enter workshops, listen to case studies, have face-to-face exchanges with entrepreneurs and technicians, and learn advanced experiences.
Optimizing the on-site teaching model across the whole chain. A systematic design of teaching routes, processes, mechanisms, etc., forms a closed loop for improvement of "learning—thinking—action."
Creating premium routes. Adhere to 因地制宜 (yīn dì zhì yí - "adjust measures to local conditions," i.e., act according to circumstances). In accordance with eight major themes including Party spirit education, high-quality development, rural revitalization, grassroots governance, and cultural inheritance, systematically sort out the city's 54 on-site teaching bases (points), design 47 routes, and jointly compile with the Municipal Party Committee Organization Department (市委组织部) the characteristic textbook Walking Classroom. Adhere to training based on demand; for main class series, highlight problem orientation and practical orientation, setting up practical and effective training units; for external class series, combine industry characteristics and class-running needs to recommend customized, personalized training menus.
Designing a closed-loop process. Insist on "preparation before the class, thinking during the class, and sublimation after the class." Pre-heat with "guided learning" beforehand, using vehicle explanations and distributing guided reading materials to guide trainees to learn with questions and think while walking. On-site explanations focus on "analyzing the principles," adopting a "one class, two lectures" approach: the docent introduces the base overview, and the Party school teacher delves into the underlying logic. Seminar exchanges promote "transformation"; after the on-site teaching ends, promptly organize trainees to exchange and discuss around "the most shocking scenes, the most perplexing problems, the most beneficial inspirations," etc., pushing sensory experience to transform into rational understanding and internalize into conscious action.
Perfecting the operational mechanism. Improve the demand research mechanism: before teaching, align training needs and optimize route design; after teaching, sort feedback opinions and iteratively improve content, achieving resonance between teaching supply and demand. Improve the teacher guarantee mechanism: select key teachers to serve as guiding instructors, helping teaching bases upgrade exhibitions, polish lecture scripts, and perfect processes, ensuring "one place, one characteristic; one route, one theme; one class, one gain." Improve the dynamic assessment mechanism: regularly conduct comprehensive evaluations of teaching base usage rates, trainee satisfaction, facility completeness, etc., focusing on building high-quality points, continuously improving average points, promptly eliminating substandard points, and pushing on-site teaching bases from "existence" to "excellence."
Enhancing on-site teaching effectiveness in multiple dimensions. Leverage the linkage role of on-site teaching in the Party school teaching system, using 以点带面 (yǐ diǎn dài miàn - "use a point to drive the area," i.e., promote overall work by developing a model) to raise the level of classroom teaching, policy research, and open schooling.
"On-site + Courses" to enhance teaching effectiveness. Hold a city-wide Party school on-site teaching standardization and improvement activity. Following the standard of "having clear teaching objectives, reasonable teaching arrangements, a fixed teaching team, and mature course lecture scripts," organize collective lesson preparation, launch 11 municipal-level demonstration lessons, and upgrade to create 25 county-level excellent lessons. Actively promote the integration of on-site teaching with theoretical teaching, case teaching, and interactive teaching, taking 多措并举 (duō cuò bìng jǔ - "multiple measures are taken simultaneously," i.e., adopt various measures together) to enhance teaching effectiveness.
"On-site + Research" to strengthen policy consultation support. Insist on linking on-site teaching with scientific research and policy consultation, establishing a work chain of "finding methods on site, collectively tackling difficulties, and promoting results transformation." During the creation of teaching bases, organize teachers to conduct in-depth research, deeply explore connotations, and form research reports based on polishing courses; after the teaching bases are completed, arrange on-site teaching specifically according to trainees' policy research topics, organizing trainees to observe with topics, visit with questions, discuss with thoughts, and return with results. In recent years, relying on various on-site teaching bases, Party school teachers and trainees have produced a series of high-quality results, with 106 items receiving signatures and approvals from leaders at the municipal level and above.
"On-site + Openness" to showcase the city's image. In accordance with the Municipal Party Committee's requirement to make the Party school an important display window for promoting and publicizing Zibo's image, take on-site teaching as the starting point to establish a "1+8+N" open school-running community of the Municipal Party School, district-county Party schools, and distinctive bases. Strengthen targeted contacts with departments, units, and industry systems; actively undertake important training activities of national ministries and commissions, provincial departments, state-owned enterprises, institutions of higher learning, and various municipal departments and units. Jointly establish training and research bases with China Economic Reform Magazine (中国经济体制改革杂志社), Shandong Provincial Department of Finance, Shandong Luneng Group, etc. On-site teaching at the Party school has become an important window for the outside world to observe Zibo and understand Zibo.
(The author is a permanent executive vice principal of Zibo Municipal Party School, Shandong Province.)
Return to TopBy: 刘盈辛
Wuxiang County (武乡县), Changzhi City, Shanxi Province, is hailed as "the hometown of the Eighth Route Army, the cradle of the soldiers' offspring," and is extremely rich in revolutionary site resources. Shigedi Village (石圪垤村), located in the eastern part of the county, is adjacent to Wangjiayu (王家峪), the former site of the Eighth Route Army headquarters, and was the place where the Women's Training Class (妇训班) of the Northern Bureau of the CPC Central Committee (中共中央北方局) conducted its lessons. The education and training work of the Women's Training Class played a positive role in liberating women's thinking and organizing women to participate in the War of Resistance, reflected the Party's emphasis on cultivating women cadres, and was an effective practice in the Party's history of cadre education.
After the full-scale outbreak of the War of Resistance against Japan, the Northern Bureau of the CPC Central Committee actively implemented the instructions of the Party Central Committee and Mao Zedong. In November 1937, together with the Eighth Route Army headquarters and the 129th Division, it advanced into the southeastern Shanxi region of the Taihang Mountains. On the one hand, it waged guerrilla warfare to strike at the Japanese invaders who were continuing their southward advance; on the other hand, it actively propagandized among the masses, organized the masses, armed the masses, and established new anti-Japanese political powers. For a time, various villages successively established Workers' Salvation Associations, Youth Salvation Associations, Women's Salvation Associations, Children's Corps, and Self-Defense Militias; counties and districts also established guerrilla units. The broad masses of women also took up guns and set foot on the new battlefield of the anti-Japanese struggle.
On March 8, 1939, the General Women's Salvation Association of Southeastern Shanxi (晋东南) held its inaugural meeting in Nangou Village (南沟村), Qin County (沁县), Shanxi. The meeting elected Kang Keqing (康克清) as honorary chairwoman of the General Women's Salvation Association of Southeastern Shanxi, and Pu Anxiu (浦安修) as a standing committee member. This meeting conveyed the guiding spirit of the Central Women's Committee (中央妇委): first, it required Party organizations at all levels to recognize that the mobilized women were an important force in the national liberation movement, to include women's work on the agenda of Party organizations at all levels, to regularly study women's work, to establish a women's work system within the Party, and to require leaders of Party organizations at all levels to concurrently hold leadership positions. Second, it required attaching importance to training local women cadres, organizing them to study politics, culture, and military affairs, to supply women cadres to various units, and to strengthen the construction of women's work in the base areas.
The Northern Bureau of the CPC Central Committee conducted concrete studies and decided to establish the Women's Work Committee (妇女工作委员会), with Yang Shangkun (杨尚昆), Secretary of the Northern Bureau, concurrently serving as Secretary of the Women's Work Committee. Zhuo Lin (卓琳) and others were also successively transferred to work in the Women's Work Committee of the Northern Bureau. In order to coordinate with the anti-Japanese work of the Eighth Route Army headquarters, the Women's Work Committee of the Northern Bureau decided to conduct women cadre training in Shigedi Village, adjacent to the Eighth Route Army headquarters in Wangjiayu, so as to unite and mobilize all forces, strengthen the anti-Japanese ranks, and boost anti-Japanese morale.
In early 1940, the first Women's Training Class was held. The trainees of the first class were partly chairwomen and vice-chairwomen of Women's Salvation Associations from various counties in southeastern Shanxi, and partly women cadres from northwestern Shanxi; the training lasted three months. The Party branch secretary of the Training Class was Liu Zhilan (刘志兰), and the class monitor was Zhuo Lin. Deputy Commander-in-Chief Peng Dehuai (彭德怀) attended the graduation ceremony of the first Training Class and delivered a speech. In the second half of 1940, the second Women's Training Class was held. The trainees of this class were partly women cadres from various counties in the Taihang region (太行区), and partly women cadres from the Hebei-Shandong-Henan region (冀鲁豫); the duration was about one month. Commander-in-Chief Zhu De (朱德) once went to the Training Class to give a report, calling on women cadres to help the broad masses of women liberate themselves from the feudal rule of clan authority, religious authority, and husband authority, and actively contribute to the War of Resistance.
The conditions for running the Women's Training Class were extremely harsh. Teachers and students stayed in the homes of local villagers, with a dozen people crowded into one cave dwelling. The classroom was set up on the stage of the Shixiang Temple (时飨殿) at the eastern end of the village. They blocked the opening of the stage with bricks and adobe, hung a wooden blackboard on the wall, and placed small stools and small kang tables borrowed from villagers' homes on the ground. The trainees studied, wrote, listened to lectures, and held discussions here every day.
The teaching methods of the Women's Training Class were flexible and diverse. They invited relevant responsible comrades from the Northern Bureau to personally give lectures, and drew on the teaching experience of Yan'an's Shaanbei Public School (陕公) and the Anti-Japanese Military and Political University (抗大), dividing into small groups for repeated discussions, posing discussion questions, inviting people to provide answers, and conducting self-summaries. Then, based on the opinions raised by the trainees, the instructors provided concrete assistance. Pu Anxiu, in her capacity as a responsible person of the Northern Bureau, often went to the Training Class to provide study guidance and participate in class and group discussions. Besides organizing and guiding study, Pu Anxiu, Zhuo Lin, and Liu Zhilan often went deep into the classes and groups to promptly identify and resolve ideological issues that arose among the trainees. They organized the trainees to set up women's literacy classes in the countryside, to eradicate illiteracy, and to teach anti-Japanese songs; they mobilized women to oppose 陈规陋习 (chén guī lòu xí - "outdated rules and bad habits," old customs and bad practices), helped women break free from feudal bonds, and participate in 力所能及 (lì suǒ néng jí - "within the power of one's ability," within one's power) labor such as raising chickens and pigs, spinning thread and weaving cloth, gradually improving the political and economic status of the broad masses of women.
The learning content of the Women's Training Class was rich and colorful. It mainly covered Marxist-Leninist theory, the situation of the War of Resistance, the united front, basic Party knowledge, and women's work in the base areas, along with some military knowledge. The "Women's Reader" (《妇女读本》) was one of the main textbooks of the Training Class, with specific chapters such as "Sentry Duty," "The Way Out for Chinese Women," and "Protracted War." The Training Class often organized literary evenings and singing competitions, and the local villagers came to watch the performances. Kang Keqing and others often led the trainees to help the villagers husk rice, grind flour, and hull millet. Through study and training, these women cadres not only increased their theoretical knowledge and remolded their thinking, but also enhanced their abilities in women's work.
Over the two sessions, the Women's Training Class trained more than 100 women cadres. The graduates were assigned to the Taihang Mountains and other places, promoting women cadre training work at all levels, and cultivating a large number of women cadres for the anti-Japanese base areas such as Taihang, northwestern Shanxi, and Hebei-Shandong-Henan. Under their organization and mobilization, many women stepped out of the Taihang Mountains, actively participated in labor such as reclaiming wasteland for farming, spinning thread and weaving cloth, and undertook important combat service tasks such as sewing uniforms, transporting military grain, and caring for the wounded, making significant contributions to the victory of the War of Resistance.
Return to TopBy: 李诚
Lanzhou's summer arrives decisively; as soon as the sun blazes, the entire city suddenly turns hot. But its heat is not unbearable, because it has the moisture brought by the Yellow River. As the saying goes, the Yellow River under heaven has ninety-nine bends, and the city of Lanzhou, like a sparkling emerald, is set precisely on one of the "几"-shaped bends.
I have lived in Lanzhou for more than 20 years. On ordinary days I am busy with work and writing, and rarely take a special walk along the river. This weekend I finally had some free time and walked alone to the banks of the Yellow River. The Yellow River cuts through the city between two mountains. The river wind, laden with summer heat, struck my face, carrying a warm, moist quality. The mountains on both banks were lush green, spreading from the foot to the summit. On the river flats, the willows and locust trees were dense and leafy, like canopies. In one sweeping glance, the entire riverbank seemed enveloped in shade.
Casually stepping onto a dock, the water of the Yellow River before me was turbid, churning eastward. The concrete steps beneath the dock had been washed smooth and level by the river. A few old men had stuck their fishing rods into the crevices among the stones on the bank and sat leisurely on the steps waiting. It is said that the big Yellow River carp are most active in summer, and as long as you have patience, you are sure to catch something. Not far away, under a tea stall awning, tables and chairs were set out, and the sweet fragrance of sanpaotai (三炮台) tea mingled with the scent of the river. Occasionally a speedboat skimmed across the surface of the river, quickly slicing a water trail. I stood under a willow tree, gazing at the Zhongshan Bridge on the opposite bank. That iron bridge has stood over the river for more than a hundred years, its body steady and calm, like a silent old man gazing at Lanzhou's past and present.
Lanzhou is deeply favored by the Yellow River: it was born of the river, and it thrives because of the river. As early as the Paleolithic Age, the Lanzhou section of the Yellow River had already formed, and ancient people were already living on the terraces of that section. In the sixth year of the Shiyuan era of Emperor Zhao of the Western Han (81 BCE), Jincheng Commandery (金城郡) was established, serving as a fortress on the passage through which the Western Han administered the Western Regions. In the third year of the Kaihuang era of Emperor Wen of the Sui (583 CE), Jincheng Commandery was changed to Lanzhou Prefecture, and a general-in-chief's office was set up. During the Ming and Qing dynasties, Lanzhou became an important node on the Tea Horse Road. It was the Yellow River that created this transportation hub, military fortress, and commercial center of the ancient Silk Road. The Yellow River is Lanzhou's mother river.
Suddenly I remembered the time when I was in college: I came to the Yellow River bank with a few classmates to enjoy ourselves and to write. A classmate who was a native of Lanzhou pointed at the river and said, "Look at this water — it rolls down all the way from the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau, carrying some silt along, yet it still has so much strength, just like the temperament of Lanzhou people." I suddenly felt that the character of Lanzhou people is probably steeped out of the Yellow River — honest and steady, unhurried and unflustered.
Looking up, the White Pagoda Mountain north of the bridge was a deep green, and the Gaolan Mountain south of the bridge was a bright green. The two mountains, north and south, were like two arms gently cradling this muddy yellow river. I heard that in the old days the Yellow River under Zhongshan Bridge was covered everywhere with sheepskin rafts drifting on it; the raftsmen sang rough work songs as they ferried grain and hides back and forth between the two banks. Now those work songs have long since dissipated, leaving only the river water still flowing day and night.
I walked up from the river flats and sat on a wooden bench to rest. I watched several children run by, holding up their phones to photograph the water, the boats, the pigeons flying overhead — their laughter was crisp. As I scrolled through fine essays on a public account, I saw someone writing about the Yellow River water in Linxia, and someone else posting photos of the upper reaches of the Yellow River in Qinghai — the water was clear, blue-green, and the comments section was full of exclamations. I could not help marveling at the Yellow River's wonder and variability. On the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau it is a clear spring welling from snow-capped mountains; at Hukou on the border between Shaanxi and Shanxi it surges in violent waves with thunderous force; on the Hetao Plain it flows placidly, wide and clear... but this great river before my eyes was muddy, silent, flowing eastward without a moment's stop.
The sunlight slanted onto the river's surface, and the rolling water was lit up with a layer of golden light. The wind blew from the river's center, and the ripples on the water pushed one wave after another; that golden layer scattered and then gathered, gathered and then scattered. A child ran past me, holding up his phone and shouting, "Dad, look, the river is shining!" I glanced at his phone screen — in the picture there was only a shifting bright shadow, like scattered sunlight.
Suddenly I felt: this is the Yellow River of Lanzhou. No blue ripples, no clarity to the bottom — it just flows along, thick and solid, bringing the breath of the upper reaches to the lower reaches, blending today's light and shadow into yesterday's waves. That muddy yellow of the river water is the mark of the many years it has traversed. It is silent; it simply flows, layering Lanzhou's history one stratum upon another into the silt of the riverbed.
The sky was gradually growing dark, and an evening breeze lightly stirred. I stood up and slowly walked back along the riverbank. In the distance, lights came on atop White Pagoda Mountain, their reflection falling on the river surface — scattered specks of light, as if the Yellow River water were gently swaying.
I turned back to look. The Yellow River was still the same, unhurriedly flowing eastward. In its shadow there were mountains, there was the city, there was me, and there were also those people who had already gone far away.
Return to TopBy: 段培华 陈学科
In the fourth year of Xiande of the Later Zhou (957), when the Southern Tang was about to lose the region north of the Huai River, the general Zhu Kuangye (朱匡业) sighed, "When fortune comes, heaven and earth lend their strength; when fortune departs, even heroes lack freedom." In the third year of Qiande of the Northern Song (965), when the great general of the Later Shu, Wang Zhaoyuan (王昭远), suffered 全军覆没 (quán jūn fù mò - "whole army overturned and sunk," total annihilation) of his army, he likewise sighed, "When fortune comes, heaven and earth lend their strength; when fortune departs, even heroes lack freedom." When facing difficulties, the famous generals of the two largest separatist regimes in the south during the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period 不约而同 (bù yuē ér tóng - "not having agreed, yet alike," coincidentally without prior agreement) lamented the same line of poetry, showing how famous this line was and how deeply it resonated. The author of these two lines was none other than the famous late-Tang poet Luo Yin (罗隐).
Throughout his life, Luo Yin was 才华横溢 (cái huá héng yì - "talent flowing horizontally," exceptionally talented). He became famous for his poetic talent at an early age, writing many 脍炙人口 (kuài zhì rén kǒu - "meat and millet are pleasing to the mouth," widely popular and praised) fine lines. His poetry roughly falls into four categories: poems reflecting on history and antiquities, poems of offering and reciprocity, poems of sentiment and travel, and poems on objects with allegorical satire, among which the history-reflecting poems are the most famous. Contemporaries held Luo Yin in high esteem; some referred to him together with the earlier generation poets Wen Tingyun and Li Shangyin as the "Three Talents." When Linghu Hu (令狐滈), son of the prime minister Linghu Tao (令狐绹), passed the jinshi examination, Luo Yin wrote a poem to congratulate him. Linghu Tao said to his son, "I am not happy that you passed the examination; I am happy that you obtained a piece of work from Mr. Luo." Luo Shaowei (罗绍威), the military governor of Weibo, also greatly admired Luo Yin. Because Luo Yin was a renowned scholar of Jiangdong, he even renamed his own poetry collection as "Stealing Jiangdong Collection" (偷江东集). Qian Liu (钱镠), the founding ruler of the Wuyue Kingdom, once highly praised Luo Yin: "The Yellow River may indeed have a day when it becomes clear, but later generations will find it hard to match this talent."
Luo Yin repeatedly failed the imperial examinations throughout his life. In the thirteenth year of Dazhong of the Tang (859), at age 27, Luo Yin went to Chang'an for his first examination and 名落孙山 (míng luò Sūn Shān - "name falls behind Sun Shan," failed the exam). In the third year of Xiantong of the Tang (862), Luo Yin failed for the third time. That year, in his poem "To What I Long For" (投所思), he wrote: "Wan and worn in Chang'an, what am I doing? My wandering soul and meager fate doubt each other." "The floating life is seventy, now I am thirty; from now on, desolation and anxiety are unknowable." Frustration in the examination hall brought him only illness and melancholy. In the eighth year of Xiantong (867), having taken the examinations for eight years, Luo Yin still had not passed. He wrote "Composed in the Year Dinghai" (丁亥岁作). In the poem he wrote: "Sick, I think of the physician's gate, longing for plums; ten years, my heart's ground has turned only to ashes. Had I known early that worldly affairs are always like this, I myself am alone and humble, not meant to come." He lamented that he had accomplished nothing in nearly ten years. That same year, he also wrote a book "Book of Slander" (谗书) to express his pent-up indignation. This book consists mainly of short essays, some written on contemporary affairs, some reflecting on readings. Most are sharp in argument. Lu Xun considered this book almost entirely composed of protests and impassioned remarks. In the thirteenth year of Xiantong (872), Luo Yin, having failed again, passed through Zhongling (钟陵) and met again with the song girl Yun Ying (云英). In earlier years, Yun Ying had greatly admired Luo Yin's talent. Unexpectedly, after more than ten years without seeing each other, Luo Yin was still a commoner, and Yun Ying was still registered in the music registry. Luo Yin saw that she, like himself, was a 同病相怜 (tóng bìng xiāng lián - "those with same illness pity each other," fellow sufferers), so he wrote a poem to give to her. In the poem he wrote: "I have not achieved fame, you have not married; perhaps we both are inferior to others." Around the fourth year of Qianfu of the Tang (877), nearly twenty years into the examinations, aging Luo Yin wrote in the poem "Occasional Stirring" (偶兴): "Following the crowd for twenty springs, by Qujiang Pool I avoided carriage dust. Now I have gained only approaching decrepitude, idly watching the proud ones of the world." Finally, in the third year of Guangqi of the Tang (887), Luo Yin joined the secretariat of Qian Liu in Wuyue and ceased to persist in seeking the jinshi degree.
Perhaps because of his plain appearance, humble family background, and temperament 不合时宜 (bù hé shí yí - "not conform to current customs," out of step with the times), perhaps because the number of admission places was too small, Luo Yin's path through the civil examinations ended in failure. The Tang dynasty's criteria for selecting scholars included four standards: "physique, speech, calligraphy, judgment." "Physique" required examinees to have a robust and graceful body, dignified bearing, and correct facial features. Unfortunately, Luo Yin was ugly in appearance. In the Tang dynasty, a single civil examination admitted only thirty people per year. Moreover, Luo Yin's "Book of Slander" contained critical remarks about contemporary politics, and many of those admitted as jinshi came from high-ranking families, so it was difficult for Luo Yin to ever rise.
Although Luo Yin was 愤世嫉俗 (fèn shì jí sú - "angry at the world, hating the vulgar," cynical and world-weary), he always remained loyal to the Great Tang. In the first year of Kaiping of the Later Liang (907), Zhu Wen (朱温) usurped the Tang and established the Later Liang, and the Great Tang fell. The Wuyue king Qian Liu recognized Zhu Wen as emperor. When Luo Yin heard about this, he strongly remonstrated with Qian Liu, asking him to send troops to punish Zhu Wen and not to bow down to Zhu Wen, who had usurped the Tang. Qian Liu had thought that Luo Yin, being exceptionally talented yet never passing the examinations, must be deeply dissatisfied with the Great Tang. He did not expect that a strong wind reveals the tough grass, and turmoil reveals the loyal minister — Luo Yin had not forgotten the greater principles because of his own misfortunes. Although Qian Liu, based on the balance of power, did not accept Luo Yin's advice, he respected Luo Yin's moral character even more.
Suffering too many failures and blows in life naturally affected Luo Yin's poetic creation, giving him a 别具一格 (bié jù yī gé - "having a distinct style," unique and distinctive poetic style). "Drink today's wine while today is here; worry about tomorrow's sorrow when tomorrow comes." "After gathering a hundred flowers into honey, for whom is the toil, for whom the sweetness?" "If taught to speak, she would topple kingdoms; even if heartless, she is still moving." ... When people recite these little poems full of spirit, wit, self-mockery, and satirical meaning, one might well pay tribute to this ancient poet who was exceptionally talented, low in status, yet never forgot his country.
Return to TopBy: 刘峰
In the wheat-ripening season, when I look toward my hometown, only three pure colors remain: the azure sky, the golden earth, and the green woodlands. Harvesting on the vast land, a person appears very tiny, like a crawling beetle.
In the early summer of my fifteenth year, my father handed me a sickle, a whetstone, and a bag of parched rice, telling me to go harvest wheat thirty li away. My mother was uneasy; before I left, she pressed a pack of matches into my hand, saying, "With fire, you won't be afraid at night." Father stopped her and said, "Right now the wheat is dry and yellow; a single spark could set it ablaze." Mother could only hold back tears as she watched me walk, step by step, deep into the wheat fields.
Children in the countryside grow up doing farm work, used to hardship. Being tired from cutting wheat was nothing; what I feared was loneliness. The wheat field I was harvesting was an old river channel. Once a great river had flowed there; after it changed course, the farmers used the land to grow wheat. When the wind was still, the wheat field was still too, silent and soundless; when the wind rose, the wheat waves rolled and surged like the river's torrents. In a daze, I seemed to hear faint oar creaks and fishermen's songs. Not far from the old channel was a Shang-dynasty ruin, also planted with wheat, giving off an indescribable quiet and remoteness.
My father's arrangement was correct. The wheat field by the river course was small and far away, demanding much effort. The adults had to rush to harvest the fields around the village — those fields supported each family's livelihood. Thinking this way, I accepted the task from my heart and pulled myself together.
Harvesting alone in the wilderness, sometimes the surroundings were utterly silent — so silent that I could only hear the swish of the sickle cutting wheat. The sky was a limpid, bottomless blue. The solitary sun had a kind of 鸿蒙初开 (hóng méng chū kāi - "the primordial chaos first opened," the desolate vastness of the dawn of creation) desolation. The woods on both sides of the river course shone green, giving off a bitter fragrance. As I cut, I forgot my own existence, as if I had become part of the wilderness. So much so that, many years later, I could still recall that experience of emptiness and stillness.
What broke the peace was a string of bird calls from deep in the forest: "Cut quickly, cut quickly, cut quickly, cut quickly —" It was a cuckoo. Its voice was mellifluous, clear, and sonorous, sounding like a whistle made from a rolled leaf, accompanying the wheat harvest. In an instant, it was as if an electric current, passing through my ears, flowed to every nerve in my body. As I listened, the unbearable loneliness began to fade bit by bit. Keeping time with its pleasant call, my harvesting began to have a rhythm, and a joy of harvest 油然而生 (yóu rán ér shēng - "arises spontaneously from within," well up involuntarily). Labor was no longer monotonous and dull.
The sky was blue, the earth was yellow, the woods were green. And to my ears, the cuckoo's call was transparent — sometimes like passionate spray, sometimes like cool stream water. In those days, one little bird and one adolescent boy, in this place far from human habitation, together shared a period of time as clear as water.
At night, sometimes the moonlight was bright, sometimes the stars filled the sky. I dreamed on the wheat stacks; the cuckoo rested in the dark green bushes; only fireflies carrying little golden-green lanterns flitted across the open field. And at dawn, a solitary cloud of purple-black hung over the eastern horizon. The stars scattered, the moon faded, the insect chirps grew sparse. "Cut quickly, cut quickly, cut quickly, cut quickly —" The cuckoo called again, its voice clear, stirring, and exciting, giving a strength that uplifts. I jumped up all at once and began my new day of harvesting. The bird's call echoed across the land, and my heart began to take root inch by inch in this field. 日出而作、日落而息 (rì chū ér zuò, rì luò ér xī - "work at sunrise, rest at sunset," the daily rhythm of farming life). The cuckoo's cry awakened the rural nature in my bones, awakened my love for this land.
Not until the ochre-red earth was laid bare did I suddenly realize that this year's wheat harvest was over. At dusk, I stood on the highest slope, looked back at this old river channel, and suddenly felt a 难舍难分 (nán shě nán fēn - "hard to give up, hard to part," deep reluctance to separate) emotion. And at the moment when a crystal-clear full moon rose directly ahead, a string of cuckoo calls suddenly came, as if a rustic flutist were playing a lonely tune in the deep purple twilight, as if saying farewell. The lingering resonance hovered long in the watery moonlight, reminding me again and again: no matter where you drift in the future, never forget this land. I could not stop the tears from flowing.
In the years that followed, I increasingly shouldered the family's burdens — farming, watching over the fishpond, cutting lake grass, digging tree stumps... And as I grew up, the deepest memory left was the scene of cutting wheat under the moon.
Now the wheat is yellow again. In dreams far from home, I always think of that cuckoo, think of the stillness of its call. Now in middle age, how I long to return, to go back to the old river channel, to be submerged in the golden wheat fields...
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