Summary: The article calls for heightened vigilance and bottom-line thinking on the new journey ahead. It stresses balancing development with security and using resilient struggle to withstand severe tests. The goal is to resolutely safeguard national sovereignty, security, and development interests. It also urges continuing China’s two miracles of rapid economic growth and long-term social stability. No specific official or U.S.-related content is mentioned.
Summary: The article, authored by a Chinese Academy of Social Sciences academician, argues that accelerating foreign-related rule of law is essential for Chinese modernization, high-level opening up, and addressing external risks. It cites Xi Jinping’s emphasis on strengthening foreign-related legal system building, including countering “long-arm jurisdiction” and unilateral sanctions by some countries—an implicit allusion to the United States. The piece traces policy evolution from “foreign-related legal work” to a comprehensive “foreign-related rule of law system” under the 15th Five-Year Plan. It outlines six implementation priorities: legislation, law enforcement, judiciary, compliance, legal services, and talent cultivation. Finally, it calls for integrating domestic and international legal governance to reshape global governance and build a community with a shared future for mankind.
Summary: The article, authored by the Party Secretary and Director of the Policy Research Center of the Ministry of Ecology and Environment, argues that building a modern environmental governance system during the 15th Five-Year Plan period is crucial for achieving the Beautiful China goal and supporting high-quality development. It outlines the system's strategic significance, practical foundations, and implementation paths, emphasizing legal governance, accountability chains, source control, and digital empowerment. The author calls for coordinated reforms across responsibility, supervision, market, and legal systems, using pilot programs to drive institutional innovation.
Summary: The article argues that accountability is essential to effective national governance and that institutional rigidity ensures responsibilities are truly implemented. It cites Xi Jinping’s emphasis on confining power within institutional “cages,” enforcing rules without exceptions, and treating institutional regulations as “live high-voltage lines.” The piece diagnoses weak enforcement, vague responsibility boundaries, and lenient accountability as causes of policy failure, while stressing that flexibility must never undermine institutional authority. It calls for coordinated efforts in institutional design, execution mechanisms, and accountability systems to close loopholes and deter evasion. Finally, it links institutional rigidity to rule-of-law and governance modernization, urging that institutional advantages be translated into durable governance effectiveness.
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Summary: 该文分析认为，人工智能产业扩张正驱动全球对铜、锂、稀土等关键矿产的需求激增，并引发主要经济体与资源国之间的战略竞争。美国正通过推动多边机制和资金支持构建排他性矿产供应链，欧盟、日韩等亦强化布局，资源国则加强资源主权管控。作者指出，关键矿产博弈本质是第四次工业革命主导权的争夺，涉及资源获取、技术主导与供应链安全。未来供需矛盾将加剧，供应链加速重构，并呼吁构建开放可持续的全球资源治理体系。
Summary: This article analyzes U.S. science diplomacy as an evolving tool for strategic competition, tracing its phases from Cold War aid and controls to post-2017 rivalry marked by export restrictions, subsidies, and AI-focused initiatives. It identifies three drivers: maintaining global technological dominance, supporting domestic industry and capital expansion, and advancing security interests through value-based partnerships. Key features include state-coordinated public-private efforts, differentiated strategies combining cooperation, aid, and restrictions toward allies, developing states, and strategic competitors, plus alliance-based rule-setting. Recent trends emphasize AI "full-stack" exports, bilateral tech pacts with allies, and selective opening that targets rivals. The article concludes U.S. science diplomacy has dual effects—facilitating some cross-border knowledge flows but also fragmenting global tech ecosystems—and warns that hegemonization undermines collective problem-solving.
Summary: The article argues that establishing a modern environmental governance system during the 15th Five-Year Plan period is crucial for building a Beautiful China and supporting high-quality development. It emphasizes that this system is a key institutional carrier for Xi Jinping's ecological civilization thought and an intrinsic requirement for modernizing national governance. The piece reviews progress since the 18th Party Congress, including tightened responsibility chains, optimized supervision, expanded carbon markets, and the newly promulgated ecological environment code. It calls for systematic efforts in legal implementation, responsibility accountability, source control, pollutant discharge permitting, digital empowerment, and pilot reforms to build a coordinated and effective governance system. The author is identified as the Party Secretary and Director of the Policy Research Center of the Ministry of Ecology and Environment.
Summary: The article outlines the importance of building a high-caliber cadre team capable of national rejuvenation, a key component of Xi Jinping's thought on party building. It traces the concept's origins to Mao Zedong's 1942 speech and emphasizes the need for cadres who are politically loyal, capable, and morally upright. The piece highlights Xi Jinping's repeated calls for strict cadre management, selection, and training, including the "20-character" standard for good cadres. It also stresses the importance of talent development and the implementation of systems for cultivating, selecting, and managing cadres. Ultimately, the article underscores that building such a cadre team is essential for the Party to navigate new challenges and achieve national rejuvenation.
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Summary: The article analyzes the 2022 revision of the "Provisions on Promoting Leading Cadres to Be Able to Be Promoted and Demoted," a key intraparty regulation aimed at institutionalizing the "能上能下" mechanism for cadre management. It highlights the expansion of criteria for identifying "unsuitable" cadres from 10 to 15 situations, including new language on political capability, fighting spirit, performance concepts, and formalism/bureaucratism. The revised regulation also optimizes adjustment channels, procedures, and scope, extending coverage to leading personnel in state-owned enterprises and public institutions. The piece emphasizes that the regulation's effectiveness depends on rigorous implementation, requiring party committees to assume responsibility and integrate the rules with other disciplinary regulations. No U.S.-related content appears in the article.
Summary: The article commemorates the 90th anniversary of the Long March, arguing that its enduring significance lies in its demonstration of idealistic faith, the Party's independent turn at Zunyi, reliance on the people, and iron discipline. It highlights how the Red Army's victory stemmed from unwavering belief in the Party and communism, Mao Zedong's leadership after the Zunyi conference, and deep popular support. The author frames the Long March as a source of inspiration for today's "new era Long March" toward national rejuvenation under Xi Jinping's leadership. The piece stresses the need for firm loyalty to the Party Central Committee and adherence to Marxist theory adapted to Chinese conditions. The author is identified as a former political academy president and air force major general.
Summary: The article recounts the history of China's first surface-to-air missile forces, asymbolized by "July 1 Medal" recipient Wang Yuchang, who treasured a 1964 photo of Mao Zedong receiving him and his comrades. It describes how the units, created in 1958, overcame technical gaps by importing and mastering Soviet equipment, then downed multiple U.S.-made U-2 and RB-57D spy planes that the United States had provided to Taiwan for reconnaissance over mainland China. It highlights the development of the "near-fast tactic" to counter U-2 electronic warnings, enabling an 8-second engagement that shot down a U-2 in 1963. The Second Battalion earned the title "Hero Battalion" and was received by Mao in 1964, with Wang earning a personal first-class merit for his role in the engagements.
Summary: The article argues that accelerating China’s foreign-related legal system and capacity building is a strategic priority for Chinese modernization, high-level opening up, and national security, following Xi Jinping’s emphasis on integrating domestic and international legal governance. It traces policy evolution from “foreign-related legal work” to comprehensive “foreign-related rule of law” under successive Party plenums and the 15th Five-Year Plan. The piece outlines practical steps in legislation, law enforcement, judiciary, compliance, legal services, and talent training to strengthen China’s global legal influence. It also alludes to the United States by condemning “long-arm jurisdiction,” unilateral sanctions, and hegemony, while calling for resistance to such practices. The author is a CASS academician and vice president of the China Law Society.
Summary: President Xi Jinping, at a June 30, 2025 Politburo collective study session, described mass supervision and media supervision as an “outpost” for detecting problems, emphasizing the need to combine them with intra-party supervision. He stressed that these forms of supervision provide close-range reconnaissance and round-the-clock early warning, helping prevent power abuse and minor issues from escalating. The article highlights that while intra-party supervision remains primary and fundamental, mass and media oversight must be integrated with it and other supervisory systems to form a coordinated governance mechanism. It also outlines measures to broaden channels for public oversight, sharpen focus on key risk areas, and strengthen institutional safeguards for effective supervision.
Summary: The article reports on Xi Jinping’s speech at the “Shanghai Cooperation Organization+” meeting in Tianjin on September 1, 2025, where he formally proposed a Global Governance Initiative. Xi called on the SCO to take the lead in practicing this initiative, urging joint efforts to build a “more just and reasonable” global governance system and move toward a community with a shared future for mankind. The piece frames the initiative as the fourth global proposal after development, security, and civilization initiatives, and as an enrichment of Xi Jinping Thought on Diplomacy. It also traces China’s evolving participation in global governance, from past exclusion to its current role as a builder and contributor, stressing multilateralism, international law, and greater representation for developing countries. The article presents the initiative as China’s response to global turbulence and a demonstration of its “great-power responsibility,” without specifically addressing the United States or bilateral U.S.-China ties.
Summary: Hu Huanyong (1901–1998), a founding figure of modern Chinese geography, is celebrated for his lifelong commitment to using scholarship in service of national strategy. He is best known for proposing the “Hu Huanyong Line” in 1935, which delineated China's population distribution and remains a basic reference in territorial planning. The article highlights his early academic defense of China's sovereignty over the South China Sea, including coining the name “Nansha Islands,” and his 1945 book *Taiwan and the Ryukyus* arguing that the Ryukyus should revert to China, a position he uniquely advocated at the 1947 peace treaty review. His philosophy emphasized “observing trends, seizing momentum, and steering circumstances”—using geography to address urgent national issues, from wartime defense to flood control. Late in life he remained prolific, publishing major works on population geography and proposing the“eight-region theory,” embodying his belief that true scholarship must be rooted in national realities.
Summary: The article, authored by the deputy Party secretary of Shanxi Agricultural University, argues that education, science, and talent are essential to building a "Beautiful China," as emphasized by General Secretary Xi Jinping. It acknowledges current weaknesses in ecological civilization education, such as shallow student understanding and insufficient integration across curricula and practice. The author proposes strengthening top-level design, embedding ecological values into ideological, general, and professional courses, and expanding practical education through the "grand ideological-political course" approach. It also calls for coordinated ecological education across primary, secondary, and higher education institutions, using a progressive teaching model. Finally, it advocates promoting green, low-carbon lifestyles among students through volunteer activities and campus initiatives to cultivate ecological awareness and action.
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Summary: The article analyzes the 1985 Plaza Accord, signed by the U.S., Japan, West Germany, France, and Britain, as a U.S.-led strategy to address its trade deficit by depreciating the dollar and appreciating the yen and deutsche mark. It argues the accord stemmed from U.S. economic difficulties and Japan's rise, with Japan cooperating in hopes of easing trade friction and advancing yen internationalization. For Japan, the accord triggered sharp yen appreciation, aggressive monetary easing, an asset bubble, and its collapse, contributing to decades of stagnation. For the U.S., it failed to reduce the trade deficit or ease friction, as bilateral deficits remained high and tensions shifted to structural negotiations. The article draws lessons on U.S. tactics of shifting domestic contradictions abroad, the risks of relying solely on exchange-rate adjustments for currency internationalization, and the need for strategic autonomy in macroeconomic policy.
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Summary: A national symposium on social development for party schools was held July 26-27 at the Jilin Provincial Party School, themed on social construction during the “15th Five-Year Plan” period and building China’s independent knowledge system. Central Party School Vice President Gong Weibin and Jilin Provincial Organization Department Head Li Mingxiang attended the opening and delivered speeches, with Qiao Qingju giving the conference summary. Speakers emphasized that social construction is a key priority under the Party Central Committee and Xi Jinping, requiring responses to social structural changes, rising public demands, and intertwined risks. They called for integrating policy, theory, and grassroots research, and for developing original concepts to build China’s autonomous social construction knowledge system. About 120 experts and scholars attended, including Zheng Gongcheng, Zhang Yi, and others, who discussed livelihood security, social mobility, and grassroots governance.
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Summary: Shanghai Party Institute held a collective lesson-preparation meeting on August 24 to develop a curriculum on Xi Jinping’s thought on party building, with Executive Vice President Zeng Jun, Vice President Luo Feng, and Education Director Zhao Yong attending, alongside retired professors Yuan Bingda and Liu Zonghong. Zeng Jun stressed high-quality course development, requiring teaching teams to refine lectures, uphold political and content standards, study original texts, integrate research and teaching, and turn research results into classroom and advisory outputs. Nearly 30 teachers from eight teaching departments presented course frameworks on topics including the general introduction to Xi’s thought and the study guide to the selected works. Experts and school leaders offered targeted feedback to improve the courses. The meeting aimed to strengthen teachers’ understanding and teaching capacity for party-building theory and improve cadre education and training.
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Summary: The Ningxia Regional Party School held a six-day training class from July 19–24 for 80 young Marxist theory talents, aimed at strengthening their political loyalty, theoretical understanding, teaching, research, and policy consulting skills. The program featured lectures from national experts, in-depth study of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics, and reading of Marxist classics and Xi’s major works. Participants engaged in group discussions on key challenges in teaching, research, and decision-making consulting. Trainees reported achieving a "threefold advancement" in theoretical thinking, interpretation, and internalization, pledging to better serve local development and uphold the Party school’s mission of "educating cadres and contributing wisdom for the Party."
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Summary: The article reports on Leshan Municipal Party School’s systematic efforts to cultivate young teachers through four key dimensions: political loyalty, theoretical grounding, practical training, and institutional incentives. It describes mechanisms such as常态化学习体系, a three-year classic text研读工程, mentorship and grassroots assignments, and performance-based reward reforms. The author, identified as the school’s education director, highlights achievements including new courses, research awards, and policy recommendations recognized by municipal and provincial leaders. No U.S.-China relations are discussed in the article.
Summary: The article, written by the education director of Fuzhou Municipal Party School, reports on efforts to integrate and improve Party school work across Fuzhou’s counties. It highlights mechanisms for regional collaboration, shared teaching resources, and coordinated research to raise overall quality. The piece also details achievements in developing精品 courses, research projects, and on-site teaching bases. Additionally, it outlines measures to strengthen faculty training, performance incentives, and talent cultivation. No mention is made of the United States or U.S.-China relations.
Summary: The article reviews the history of the Chinese People's Anti-Japanese Military and Political University (Kangda), founded in 1936 and renamed in 1937, which was personally guided by Mao Zedong, who served as chairman of its education committee and formulated its motto and core educational principles. It highlights that Kangda trained over 100,000 military and political cadres through its main campus and 14 branch schools, combining political education with practical military training. The piece quotes leaders such as Mao, Liu Bocheng, Deng Xiaoping, and Nie Rongzhen, who praised Kangda as a "revolutionary furnace" and the "cradle of military talent" for the People's Army. It specifically notes that over 500 Kangda affiliates were awarded the rank of major general or above in the 1955 PLA commissioning ceremony. The article concludes by urging the inheritance of the Kangda spirit as a valuable historical legacy for the Party's current and future endeavors.
Summary: This article is a personal reflection on the Chinese writer Zhao Shuli, emphasizing how his works authentically capture the lives, language, and emotions of rural farmers. It contrasts Zhao's style with that of earlier New Literature writers like Lu Xun, noting that Zhao wrote from within the peasant community rather than observing it from outside. The author traces a journey from childhood hearsay about Zhao's stories to a later realization, upon visiting his ancestral village, that Zhao's characters and dialogue mirror real rural life exactly. The piece praises Zhao's deep empathy and grounded literary approach, arguing that his plain, earthy narratives remain enduringly powerful and relevant even in today's digital age. It concludes by affirming Zhao's legacy as a beloved chronicler of ordinary people, whose works continue to resonate across generations.
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On the new journey, we must strengthen our awareness of potential dangers, establish bottom-line thinking, better coordinate development and security, and with tenacious fighting spirit and superb fighting skills, actively respond to the major tests of high winds and swift waves or even 惊涛骇浪 (jīng tāo hài làng - "startling waves, terrifying billows," violent storms), resolutely defend national sovereignty, security, and development interests, and continue to write new chapters of the two great miracles of rapid economic development and long-term social stability.
Return to TopBy: 莫纪宏
General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized that strengthening foreign-related rule of law building is both a long-term need for comprehensively advancing the great cause of building a strong country and national rejuvenation through Chinese-style modernization (中国式现代化), and a pressing task of the moment (当务之急, dāng wù zhī jí - "the urgent task of the moment," a pressing matter requiring immediate attention) for advancing high-level opening up and responding to external risks and challenges. The Outline of the 15th Five-Year Plan makes arrangements for "accelerating the building of the foreign-related rule of law system and capacity." At present, the major changes unseen in a century are accelerating, the international balance of power is undergoing profound adjustment, unilateralism and protectionism continue to spread, some countries abuse "long-arm jurisdiction" and impose unilateral sanctions, and the global governance system is being deeply reshaped. At the same time, China's high-level opening up continues to deepen, cross-border economic, trade, scientific, technological, and people-to-people exchanges are becoming increasingly frequent, the number of foreign-related legal matters has surged, their fields continue to broaden, and their complexity has increased significantly, making the strategic value of foreign-related rule of law increasingly prominent. Standing in the new era and on the new journey, accelerating the building of the foreign-related rule of law system and capacity is an inevitable requirement for thoroughly implementing Xi Jinping Thought on the Rule of Law (习近平法治思想), and also a key strategic measure for coordinating both domestic and international situations, balancing the two major tasks of development and security, and promoting the building of a community with a shared future for mankind (人类命运共同体).
Deeply Grasping the Theoretical Positioning of Foreign-Related Rule of Law
Foreign-related rule of law is an original and iconic concept of Xi Jinping Thought on the Rule of Law, a major theoretical innovation in the sinicization and modernization of Marxist legal theory, and a marker that our Party's understanding of the laws governing comprehensive law-based governance, legal safeguards for opening up, and rule of law building in global governance has risen to a new height. In February 2019, General Secretary Xi Jinping presided over the Second Meeting of the Central Committee for Comprehensive Law-Based Governance (中央全面依法治国委员会) and pointed out that "strengthening foreign-related rule of law building creates a sound legal environment for advancing reform, development, and stability work." In November 2020, at the Central Conference on Work Related to Comprehensive Law-Based Governance (中央全面依法治国工作会议), General Secretary Xi Jinping proposed "persisting in coordinately advancing domestic rule of law and foreign-related rule of law" and incorporated it into the core essence of Xi Jinping Thought on the Rule of Law. This major theoretical breakthrough expanded the vision of rule of law building from purely domestic governance to comprehensive governance that coordinates both domestic and international dimensions, precisely matched the development characteristics of deep integration between China and the world in the new era, and clarified the core positioning that rule of law building must both consolidate the foundation of domestic governance and actively respond to risks in the international rule of law field, serve the overall situation of opening up, and participate in shaping international rules. In November 2023, at the tenth collective study session of the 20th Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, General Secretary Xi Jinping made clear that foreign-related rule of law is an important component of the system of socialist rule of law with Chinese characteristics (中国特色社会主义法治体系). Foreign-related rule of law is not a simple extension of domestic rule of law, but an independent field adapted to cross-border governance, international exchanges, and global governance, 相辅相成 (xiāng fǔ xiāng chéng - "mutually complement and mutually complete," mutually complementary) and organically unified with domestic rule of law. Accelerating the building of the foreign-related rule of law system and capacity is in essence the implementation and application of Xi Jinping Thought on the Rule of Law. As an original and iconic concept, the theory of foreign-related rule of law is grounded in the practice of Chinese-style modernization, takes into account both domestic governance needs and the responsibility of upholding international rule of law, adheres to the bottom line of national sovereignty, security, and development interests, upholds the global governance vision of extensive consultation, joint contribution, and shared benefits (共商共建共享), and provides a Chinese rule of law solution for resolving the dilemmas of international rule of law and building a more just and equitable global governance system. Accelerating the building of the foreign-related rule of law system and capacity focuses on transforming the institutional advantages of socialism with Chinese characteristics into effective cross-border and global governance, filling the shortcomings and weaknesses of foreign-related rule of law, and safeguarding high-level opening up and high-quality development with high-level foreign-related rule of law.
Comprehensively Reviewing the Policy Evolution of Foreign-Related Rule of Law Building
Since the 18th CPC National Congress, China has deeply integrated into economic globalization; cross-border trade, investment, finance, and the digital economy have flourished; foreign-related civil, commercial, administrative, and criminal legal matters have grown substantially; and cross-border rule of law risks have continued to become prominent. The traditional single-dimensional, matter-oriented model of foreign-related legal work can hardly meet the governance needs of the new era; there is an urgent need to improve the foreign-related rule of law layout through top-level design and build a systematic and coordinated cross-border rule of law governance system. In response, the CPC Central Committee has continuously optimized the foreign-related rule of law policy system, which as a whole presents a policy trajectory of 循序渐进 (xún xù jiàn jìn - "advance step by step in due order," to proceed gradually and systematically), progressing layer by layer, and improving through iteration, realizing a strategic upgrade from special work deployment to systematic building and from partial advancement to overall layout, and steadily advancing foreign-related rule of law building deeper and more solidly. The Decision of the CPC Central Committee on Several Major Issues Concerning Comprehensively Advancing Law-Based Governance, reviewed and adopted at the Fourth Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee, proposed "strengthening foreign-related legal work." It focused on basic rule of law safeguards for opening up, concentrated on resolving fundamental shortcomings such as the lack of foreign-related rules, insufficient legal services, and imperfect dispute resolution mechanisms, and laid a solid policy foundation for subsequent systematic building. As China has become deeply embedded in the international rules system, the needs to participate in global governance, respond to international rule of law competition, and safeguard overseas interests have become increasingly urgent, and the connotation and extension of foreign-related rule of law have continued to expand. The Fourth Plenary Session of the 19th CPC Central Committee explicitly proposed upgrading "strengthening foreign-related legal work" to "strengthening foreign-related rule of law work." This change of a single character demonstrated conceptual innovation, realized a leap from handling individual matters to all-round rule of law building, highlighted the overall improvement of the rule of law system, rule of law capacity, and rule of law thinking, and marked the basic formation of a systematic and institutionalized understanding of foreign-related rule of law. The Outline of the 14th Five-Year Plan explicitly proposed "strengthening the building of the foreign-related rule of law system," incorporated foreign-related rule of law into the overall economic and social development, established the building direction of systematization, capacity-building, and modernization, and promoted the shift of foreign-related rule of law from piecemeal rectification to systematic quality improvement and scaled development. The Third Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Committee further improved the strategic layout of foreign-related rule of law work, made "strengthening foreign-related rule of law building" a special arrangement as part of improving the system of socialist rule of law with Chinese characteristics, and explicitly proposed improving the system of foreign-related laws and regulations and the rule of law implementation system, deepening international cooperation in law enforcement and judiciary; improving judicial and adjudication systems under which parties in foreign-related civil legal relations may agree on jurisdiction and choose the application of foreign law in accordance with the law; improving international commercial arbitration and mediation systems, cultivating world-class arbitration institutions and law firms, and actively participating in international rule-making. This round of arrangements refined the core carriers and practical levers of foreign-related rule of law building, filled key shortcomings in dispute resolution, international cooperation, and rule participation, completed the overall top-level layout for building the foreign-related rule of law system and capacity, and established a complete strategic system covering top-level design, institutional building, practical operation, and mechanism safeguards. Looking at the overall policy evolution, from "foreign-related legal work" to "foreign-related rule of law work," from "foreign-related rule of law building" to "foreign-related rule of law system building," and then to "accelerating the building of the foreign-related rule of law system and capacity," the trajectory clearly reflects the CPC Central Committee's continuously deepening understanding of the laws governing foreign-related rule of law building, precisely matches China's strategic transformation in opening up from mainly "bringing in" to placing equal emphasis on "bringing in" and "going global," and from passively integrating into international rules to actively participating in global governance, and comprehensively responds to the needs of the new era to manage foreign-related affairs according to law, prevent cross-border rule of law risks, safeguard legitimate overseas rights and interests, and lead the development of global rule of law.
Practical Paths for Implementing Foreign-Related Rule of Law Building
Building the foreign-related rule of law system and capacity is a systematic project that runs through the entire chain of rule of law, covers all fields of opening up, and links the domestic and international dual circulations. We must focus on the six core links of legislation, law enforcement, judiciary, law-abiding, legal services, and talent development, make systematic efforts and take targeted measures, promote the two-way integration of "externalization of domestic rule of law" and "internalization of foreign rule of law," comprehensively raise the level of modernization of foreign-related rule of law, empower Chinese-style modernization with high-level foreign-related rule of law, and contribute to building a community with a shared future for mankind.
Improving the Foreign-Related Legislation System and Consolidating the Foundation of the Foreign-Related Rule of Law System
A complete system of foreign-related laws and regulations is the premise and foundation of foreign-related rule of law building. Based on the needs of high-level opening up and global governance, we must adhere to problem orientation, systematic thinking, and forward-looking layout, and build a foreign-related legal system that is scientific and complete, internally and externally connected, adapted to international standards, and strongly guaranteed. On the one hand, we should focus on key fields such as cross-border economy and trade, cross-border finance, digital trade, intellectual property, ecological governance, and maritime rights and interests, fill the shortcomings in foreign-related legislation, improve supporting norms for foreign-related civil, commercial, administrative, and criminal matters, refine the rule of law standards for cross-border activities, and fill legislative gaps in emerging fields. On the other hand, we should strengthen the building of the system for the extraterritorial application of Chinese law, improve the legal systems for countering sanctions, countering interference, and countering "long-arm jurisdiction," improve the rules for overseas rights and interests protection, foreign-related risk prevention and control, and cross-border compliance supervision, and build a solid rule of law barrier for national sovereignty, security, and development interests. At the same time, we should actively align with high-standard international economic and trade rules, deeply participate in the revision and creation of international treaties and international practices, promote the sound connection between domestic foreign-related legislation and international rule of law norms, and enhance the international adaptability and rule influence of China's foreign-related legal system.
Strengthening Foreign-Related Law Enforcement Cooperation and Improving the Effectiveness of Cross-Border Rule of Law Governance
Foreign-related law enforcement is a key link in implementing the foreign-related rule of law system, regulating cross-border order, and preventing foreign-related risks. In view of the characteristics of foreign-related law enforcement, which crosses jurisdictions and national borders and requires strong coordination, we need to improve international law enforcement cooperation mechanisms and build a foreign-related law enforcement system that is standardized and efficient, with clear powers and responsibilities, and open and inclusive. We should continue to deepen law enforcement cooperation with governments of various countries and international organizations, build normalized cooperation platforms in fields such as combating transnational crime, intellectual property protection, antitrust regulation, cross-border data security, and ecological environment governance, and smooth the working channels of information sharing, lead transfer, joint law enforcement, and mutual recognition of results. We should strictly standardize foreign-related law enforcement procedures, unify law enforcement standards, enhance law enforcement transparency and credibility, balance the rigidity of law enforcement with openness and flexibility, and continuously optimize a first-class business environment that is market-oriented, law-based, and internationalized. We should improve the mechanisms for early warning, assessment, and handling of foreign-related rule of law risks, precisely prevent and control cross-border economic and trade risks, international rule of law game risks, and national security risks, and safeguard the orderly advancement of opening up with precise and efficient foreign-related law enforcement.
Improving the Quality of Foreign-Related Judicial Services and Improving the International Dispute Resolution Mechanism
Fair and efficient foreign-related judiciary is the core support for optimizing the foreign-related rule of law environment, resolving international commercial disputes, and enhancing the discourse power of international rule of law. We need to focus on the core needs of resolving cross-border disputes and comprehensively improve the internationalization and professionalization of the case-handling capabilities of China's judicial, mediation, and arbitration institutions. We should continue to improve the international commercial litigation mechanism, optimize the operation model of international commercial courts, standardize the trial procedures for foreign-related cases, and enhance the professionalism, authority, and international credibility of judicial adjudication. We should integrate the multiple resources of litigation, mediation, and arbitration, and build an international commercial dispute resolution system that is efficient and convenient, with controllable costs and smooth connections. Relying on new platforms such as the International Organization for Mediation (国际调解院), we should actively participate in the formulation and practical operation of international dispute mediation rules, and enhance China's institutional discourse power in the field of international dispute resolution. We should adhere to the principle of equal protection, safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of all types of business entities in accordance with the law, and create a stable, fair, transparent, and predictable foreign-related judicial environment.
Deepening Foreign-Related Legal Publicity and Law-Abiding, and Cultivating an Internationalized Rule of Law Ecosystem
A sound foreign-related rule of law atmosphere is the social foundation for foreign-related rule of law to take root and produce results. Along with enterprises "going global" and cross-border exchanges of citizens becoming increasingly normalized, we need to build a normalized, targeted, and full-coverage foreign-related legal publicity system in accordance with the requirements of the Law on Rule of Law Publicity and Education (法治宣传教育法). Focusing on key groups such as foreign trade enterprises, cross-border practitioners, and outbound citizens, we should carry out targeted legal publicity on international trade law, international investment law, cross-border compliance, overseas rights and interests protection, and foreign-related dispute response, and comprehensively enhance the foreign-related rule of law thinking, compliance awareness, and risk prevention and control capabilities of business entities and the general public. We should guide all types of foreign-related entities to consciously abide by domestic foreign-related laws and regulations and internationally accepted rules, and regulate cross-border business and foreign-related exchange behaviors. At the same time, we should actively carry out international rule of law exchanges and communication, tell China's rule of law stories well, spread China's foreign-related rule of law concepts, demonstrate China's rule of law commitment to respecting international law, upholding the international order, and practicing multilateralism, and create a sound international public opinion environment for rule of law.
Optimizing Foreign-Related Legal Services and Building a Full-Coverage Service System
High-quality foreign-related legal services are an important link connecting domestic and international rule of law, safeguarding the legitimate rights and interests of entities, and resolving foreign-related rule of law risks. We need to integrate public legal service resources and market-oriented legal service resources, and build an integrated, full-domain, and professional foreign-related legal service system. We should improve the legal affairs working mechanisms of Chinese embassies and consulates abroad, improve the foreign-related public legal service platform, and provide inclusive services such as free legal consultation, compliance guidance, dispute mediation, and rights and interests assistance for small and medium-sized foreign trade enterprises, grassroots foreign-related entities, and outbound citizens. We should cultivate the high-end foreign-related legal service market, guide lawyers, notarization, judicial appraisal, and intellectual property service institutions to deeply cultivate the foreign-related field, and enhance professional capabilities in cross-border compliance review, international dispute response, and rule of law safeguards for cross-border investment and financing. Focusing on key areas such as pilot free trade zones, cross-border cooperation zones, and open ports, we should gather high-quality legal service resources, build highlands of internationalized legal services, and provide all-round support for high-level opening up.
Building a Strong Foreign-Related Rule of Law Talent Team and Consolidating the Intellectual Support for Long-Term Development
High-quality foreign-related rule of law talents are the core strategic resource for foreign-related rule of law building. At present, China's foreign-related rule of law talents still have prominent shortcomings such as insufficient total numbers, suboptimal structure, acute shortage of high-end talents, and weak practical adaptability, which constrain the high-quality development of foreign-related rule of law. We must adhere to the simultaneous introduction and cultivation, targeted measures by category, and systematic training, and build a team of interdisciplinary foreign-related rule of law talents who are politically sound, well-versed in international law, proficient in foreign languages, familiar with international rules, and possess a global vision. We should optimize the talent cultivation system in colleges and universities, improve core courses such as international law and international dispute resolution, strengthen practical teaching and international exchanges, and consolidate the foundation of reserve talents. We should improve the normalized training mechanism for in-service personnel, carry out special training in key fields such as foreign-related law enforcement and judiciary, international rules research, and cross-border legal services, and enhance the professional capabilities of personnel on the job. We should improve the mechanisms for talent evaluation, incentives, and introduction, gather international high-end rule of law talents, build normalized exchange and cooperation platforms, promote the scaled, professional, and internationalized development of foreign-related rule of law talents, and provide lasting intellectual support for foreign-related rule of law building.
Coordinately Promoting the Integration of Domestic and Foreign Rule of Law and Serving Global Governance and the Building of a Community with a Shared Future for Mankind
Foreign-related rule of law building is not a single-dimensional extraterritorial rule of law building, but a systematic governance project that coordinates the domestic and international dual circulations and connects domestic rule of law with international rule of law. We must adhere to a systematic approach, rely on the building of the system of socialist rule of law with Chinese characteristics, promote the two-way integration and two-way empowerment of "externalization of domestic rule of law" and "internalization of foreign rule of law," and realize the coordinated progress of the quality improvement and upgrading of domestic rule of law and the orderly participation in international rule of law. The so-called externalization of domestic rule of law means that, based on China's mature rule of law practice and institutional advantages, we promote the outward extension of domestic rule of law experience, governance models, and institutional concepts, actively participate in the reshaping of global rules, and contribute Chinese rule of law wisdom and rule of law solutions. We should always firmly uphold the international system with the United Nations at its core and the international order based on international law, resolutely resist unilateralism, hegemonism, and illegal extraterritorial jurisdiction, and safeguard the fairness and justice of international rule of law. Focusing on emerging fields such as digital trade, artificial intelligence governance, climate change, cross-border data flows, and outer space governance, we should proactively arrange rule research and institutional creation, and continuously enhance China's discourse power and influence in international rule-making. The so-called internalization of foreign rule of law means that we proactively benchmark against international high-standard economic and trade rules, judicial standards, legal service systems, and talent cultivation models, reasonably draw on advanced international rule of law governance experience, fill the shortcomings in domestic rule of law building, and promote the all-round optimization of rule of law concepts, institutional mechanisms, and governance capabilities.
Rule of law advances hand in hand with opening up; every step forward in opening up requires a corresponding step forward in foreign-related rule of law building. On the new journey, we must always plan foreign-related rule of law building in a coordinated manner within the overall context of high-level opening up and global governance transformation, deeply grasp the major theoretical, practical, and strategic significance of foreign-related rule of law building, adhere to the correct political direction, focus on shortcomings and weaknesses, strengthen systematic coordination, continuously improve the foreign-related rule of law institutional system, implementation system, service system, and talent system, continuously promote the further improvement of the foreign-related rule of law system and the comprehensive leap of foreign-related rule of law capacity, and constantly enhance the effectiveness of foreign-related rule of law governance. Through high-level foreign-related rule of law building, we will resolutely safeguard national sovereignty, security, and development interests, protect the legitimate overseas rights and interests of enterprises and citizens in an all-round manner, continuously optimize a first-class business environment that is market-oriented, law-based, and internationalized, vigorously promote the transformation of the global governance system, and build a solid rule of law foundation for the construction of a community with a shared future for mankind.
(The author is a member of the Academic Division of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and Vice President of the China Law Society (中国法学会).)
Return to TopBy: 胡军
The "15th Five-Year Plan" period is a critical period for consolidating the foundation and comprehensively exerting efforts to basically realize socialist modernization, and also a key stage for Beautiful China construction to 承前启后 (chéng qián qǐ hòu - "inherit the past and open the future," to serve as a link between past and future), expand coverage and improve quality, and realize a fundamental improvement in the ecological environment. The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Party designated "improving the ecological environment governance system" as an important task for deepening the reform of the ecological civilization system, and the "15th Five-Year Plan" Outline made special arrangements for "improving the modern environmental governance system." Deeply grasping the strategic significance, practical foundation, deployment requirements, and implementation paths of improving the modern environmental governance system has major theoretical and practical significance for ensuring that all goals and tasks of Beautiful China construction during the "15th Five-Year Plan" period are implemented and for supporting high-quality development with high-level ecological environment protection.
Fully understand the great significance of improving the modern environmental governance system
Improving the modern environmental governance system is an important institutional vehicle for implementing Xi Jinping Thought on Ecological Civilization. It bears on the overall situation of advancing the country's high-efficiency governance, bears on using comprehensively deepening reform as the driving force to make the socialist system with Chinese characteristics more complete, more mature, and more established, and bears on comprehensively advancing the modernization of harmonious coexistence between humanity and nature through Beautiful China construction.
An inherent requirement for advancing the modernization of the national governance system. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that "China's national governance system and governance capacity are the concentrated embodiment of the socialist system with Chinese characteristics and its implementation capacity." The modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity is the process and result of the improvement and perfection of various national systems and the effective enhancement of institutional implementation capacity. The ecological civilization institutional system is an important component of the socialist system with Chinese characteristics, and the modern environmental governance system is the concrete implementation of the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity in the field of the ecological environment. The "15th Five-Year Plan" Outline incorporated "deeply advancing the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity" into the main goals of economic and social development during the "15th Five-Year Plan" period, putting forward higher requirements for the systematic integration and coordinated efficiency of governance systems in various fields. Improving the modern environmental governance system and deepening systematic governance, law-based governance, comprehensive governance, and source governance is not only an urgent need for consolidating the institutional foundation of ecological civilization construction, but also an inevitable requirement for supporting the realization of the overall goal of the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity.
The core starting point for deepening the reform of the ecological civilization system. China's ecological civilization reform has always advanced steadily along the direction of systematization and integration. In 2015, the "Overall Plan for the Reform of the Ecological Civilization System" proposed building an institutional system of the nature of "four beams and eight pillars" for ecological civilization. In 2020, the "Guiding Opinions on Building a Modern Environmental Governance System" proposed building a diversified governance pattern of "Party committee leadership, government dominance, enterprise subjectivity, and joint participation of social organizations and the public." The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Party emphasized "advancing the construction of the responsibility system, supervision system, market system, and laws, regulations, and policies system for ecological environment governance." During the "15th Five-Year Plan" period, the construction of the modern environmental governance system is 一脉相承 (yī mài xiāng chéng - "come down in one continuous line," to be in the same tradition) and refined layer by layer with the reform direction established by the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee and the strategic goals clarified by the Fourth Plenary Session. It is the core carrier for transforming top-level reform deployments into operable, implementable, and assessable five-year specific measures, and also the key starting point for breaking deep-seated institutional and mechanism obstacles and opening up the "last kilometer" of institutional implementation.
The fundamental institutional guarantee for comprehensively advancing Beautiful China construction. Building a Beautiful China is an important task for advancing Chinese-style modernization. The "Beautiful China Construction '15th Five-Year Plan'" clearly takes "continuously improving the ecological environment governance system that meets the requirements of Beautiful China construction" as an important goal. In essence, this is an institutional arrangement based on the long-term, systematic, and overall characteristics of Beautiful China construction, and it must rely on a more mature, stable, and complete institutional system as a fundamental guarantee. Only by improving the systematic and complete modern environmental governance system can the strategic vision of Beautiful China construction be transformed into quantifiable and assessable institutional implementation, ensuring that various binding and expected indicators during the "15th Five-Year Plan" period are implemented and effective, and promoting Beautiful China construction to 行稳致远 (xíng wěn zhì yuǎn - "walk steadily and reach far," to advance steadily and sustainably).
Deeply grasp the practical foundation and strategic requirements for improving the modern environmental governance system
Improving the modern environmental governance system is rooted in the practical achievements of ecological civilization system reform in the new era and conforms to the trend of the times of comprehensively advancing Beautiful China construction. On the basis of consolidating existing reform achievements, accurately grasping the reform orientation is a key prerequisite for promoting the improvement and development of the governance system.
The construction of the ecological environment governance system in the new era has achieved outstanding results. Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has continuously deepened the reform of the ecological civilization system, pushing the construction of ecological environment laws and institutions into the stage with the greatest legislative intensity, the densest institutional promulgation, and the strictest supervision and enforcement standards. The ecological civilization institutional system has achieved historic transformation, systematic reshaping, and overall reconstruction, and a modern environmental governance system with clear orientation, scientific decision-making, strong implementation, effective incentives, diversified participation, and benign interaction has been initially constructed.
The responsibility system has been compacted layer by layer, and the rights and responsibilities of diversified governance have been gradually clarified. A rigid responsibility chain has been established for target evaluation and assessment of ecological civilization construction, departure audits of natural resource assets, and lifelong accountability for ecological environment damage liability. The ecological environment protection responsibilities of Party and government leading cadres at all local levels have been firmly compacted, the main responsibility of enterprises for pollution control has been strengthened, public supervision channels have been broadened, and a diversified governance pattern has basically taken shape.
The supervision system has been continuously optimized, and key institutions have achieved major breakthroughs. The Ministry of Ecology and Environment (生态环境部) was established, and the supervision system achieved historic reconstruction. The reform of the vertical management system for monitoring, inspection, and law enforcement of environmental protection institutions below the provincial level and the comprehensive law enforcement reform were implemented, breaking local protection's interference with monitoring and law enforcement. Central ecological environment protection inspection was implemented, ecological environment zoning control was implemented, the pollutant discharge permit system was comprehensively implemented, and the river-lake chief system and forest chief system were promoted across the entire region, promoting the continuous improvement of ecological environment quality.
The market system has been gradually improved, and the efficiency of resource allocation has continued to improve. The world's largest national carbon emission rights trading market has been established, pilot projects for pollutant discharge rights and water use rights trading have been continuously deepened, and 33 cross-provincial river basin horizontal ecological protection compensation mechanisms in 24 provinces across the country have been implemented and operated. A multi-level green financial system has been systematically constructed, the scale of green loans ranks first in the world, and market-based and diversified investment mechanisms for ecological environment protection have been gradually improved.
The legal system has become increasingly rigorous, and the foundation of law-based pollution control has been continuously consolidated. The Ecological Environment Code was promulgated and implemented, realizing the leap of ecological environment governance from field-specific special legislation to systematically integrated codified governance, which is a major milestone in the construction of ecological civilization in the new era. The linkage mechanisms of administrative law enforcement, criminal justice, and procuratorial public interest litigation have been continuously improved, and the strictest institutions and the most rigorous rule of law have become the distinctive background of ecological environment protection.
New stage and new requirements for the modern environmental governance system during the "15th Five-Year Plan" period. At present, ecological environment governance is leaping comprehensively from the battle against pollution prevention and control to Beautiful China construction, putting forward new and higher requirements for the construction of the governance system. First, the governance logic is shifting to source prevention and control and systematic governance. Taking the coordinated advancement of carbon reduction, pollution reduction, green expansion, and growth as the strategic orientation, and promoting the comprehensive green transformation of economic and social development through region-specific, differentiated, and precise control. Second, the governance path is shifting to overall coordination across the entire region and systematic integration. The scope of governance has expanded to multiple fields such as new pollutant governance, ecological protection and restoration, and climate change response, requiring the breaking of governance divided by elements, departments, and regions, and promoting multi-element coordination, multi-field linkage, and integrated governance. Third, governance means are shifting to digital-intelligence empowerment and precise governance. As reform enters the deep water zone, the marginal benefits of traditional governance models continue to narrow. The integrated application of new technologies such as big data, satellite remote sensing, and artificial intelligence has become the only way forward, forcing the synchronous upgrading of the governance system and supporting institutions, and promoting the transformation from experience-based decision-making to data-driven, smart governance.
Systematically advance the construction of the modern environmental governance system during the "15th Five-Year Plan" period
During the "15th Five-Year Plan" period, adhere to the coordinated efforts of law-based guidance, responsibility closure, source control, precise supervision, digital-intelligence empowerment, and pilot innovation, continuously enhance the systematic, holistic, and coordinated nature of reform, build an institutional system of strict source prevention, strict process management, and strict risk control, and accelerate the formation of a modern environmental governance system with clear rights and responsibilities, multi-party co-governance, and coordinated efficiency.
Taking the implementation of the Code as the guide, consolidate the legal cornerstone of law-based pollution control. Adhere to taking the implementation of the Ecological Environment Code as the traction, coordinate the formulation, amendment, repeal, and interpretation of supporting regulations, rules, and normative documents, and accelerate the construction of supporting institutions for the Code. Advance the research and formulation of laws and regulations on addressing climate change and carbon peak and carbon neutrality, and new pollutant governance. Continuously improve the ecological environment laws, regulations, and standards system, update pollutant discharge and environmental quality standards, and build a national ecological environment benchmark system. Strengthen the coordination of law enforcement and judiciary and the linkage of procuratorial public interest litigation, unify law enforcement standards, standardize law enforcement procedures, and 保驾护航 (bǎo jià hù háng - "escort the carriage and protect the voyage," to safeguard and protect) Beautiful China construction with rigorous rule of law.
Taking the shared responsibility of the Party and government as the starting point, improve the closed loop of responsibility for inspection and assessment. Adhere to the shared responsibility of the Party and government and dual responsibility for one post, continuously deepen the central and provincial ecological environment protection inspection systems, improve inspection work mechanisms and related supporting institutions, and enhance the support capability and standardization level of inspection. Comprehensively carry out performance assessment of Beautiful China construction, strengthen the application of assessment results and supervision over the implementation of responsibilities. Promote the linkage of ecological environment protection responsibility lists with inspection, assessment, accountability, and incentives, and enhance the precision and effectiveness of responsibility transmission. Fully leverage the coordinating role of regional and river basin ecological environment supervision institutions, compact the ecological environment governance responsibilities of Party committees, governments, and leading cadres at all levels, and build a responsibility system that is comprehensive in coverage, consistent in rights and responsibilities, clear in rewards and punishments, and 环环相扣 (huán huán xiāng kòu - "rings linked to rings," closely interlocked).
Taking source control as the foundation, build a spatial pattern of coordinated governance. Implement the optimization of the territorial space development pattern in the "15th Five-Year Plan," deepen ecological environment zoning control, and establish differentiated environmental access and control rules. Strengthen two-way connection with territorial space planning, and form a working mechanism of data sharing, platform interoperability, and coordinated application. Based on regional resource and environmental carrying capacity and functional positioning, coordinately optimize industrial layout, guide industrial green transformation from spatial source control, and prevent and control environmental risks. Promote the coordinated linkage of zoning control with pollutant discharge permits, ecological environment standards, and other institutions, and realize the deep connection between spatial control and whole-process supervision of pollution sources and ecological environment quality goals.
Taking the pollutant discharge permit as the core, strengthen the effectiveness of precise and scientific supervision. Accelerate the implementation of the fixed pollution source supervision system with the pollutant discharge permit system as the core, comprehensively incorporate discharge types, concentrations, total amounts, and control requirements into pollutant discharge permit management, explore "full-volume permitting," and realize "one-certificate" control of fixed pollution sources. Establish a total amount control system for enterprises and public institutions, and promote the connection and integration of pollutant discharge permits with ecological environment impact assessment, total amount control, emission source statistics, environmental protection tax, and pollutant discharge rights trading. Advance the comprehensive reform pilot of the whole-chain institutions of zoning control, environmental impact assessment, and pollutant discharge permits, promote the "three linkages of environmental supervision" of pollutant discharge permits, monitoring, and law enforcement, compact the main responsibility of enterprises for pollution control, and provide core institutional support for precise and scientific pollution control.
Taking digital-intelligence empowerment as support, enhance the level of governance modernization. Closely follow the deployment requirements for improving the modernization level of monitoring and supervision, coordinately build an integrated air-space-ground-sea ecological environment monitoring network, deepen the quality management of central-local monitoring networks, and consolidate the data foundation for precise governance. Accelerate the construction of a national integrated big data center for the ecological environment, break down cross-departmental and cross-level data barriers, promote the integration, sharing, and interconnection of systems and platforms, and enhance the capacity for scientific decision-making and overall coordination. Accelerate the construction of a smart law enforcement system for the ecological environment, and vigorously promote off-site law enforcement. Deeply implement the action for the development and application of artificial intelligence in the ecological environment, promote the deep application of new technologies such as big data and remote sensing in supervision, monitoring, inspection, and law enforcement, promote the transformation of the supervision model from human prevention to technical prevention, and empower scientific decision-making, precise law enforcement, and risk prediction with digital technology.
Taking pilot demonstrations as the traction, stimulate the vitality of institutional innovation. Fully leverage the comprehensive platform role of national ecological civilization system reform innovation experiments, continuously deepen the construction of national ecological civilization pilot zones, build with high quality the Beautiful China pioneer zones in the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei region, the Yangtze River Delta, and the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area, encourage pioneer regions to take the lead in action, and carry out pilot-first trials and differentiated exploration around institutional systems and institutional mechanisms. Relying on the performance assessment of Beautiful China construction, promote construction through evaluation and promote reform through assessment, promptly summarize and refine the replicable and promotable institutional experiences and governance models of pilot areas, and gradually replicate and promote them nationwide. Focus on regions of major national development strategies, deepen the innovation of ecological environment coordinated governance mechanisms, and 以点带面 (yǐ diǎn dài miàn - "use points to drive the surface," to promote the whole through pilot points) drive the overall upgrading of the national modern environmental governance system, injecting sustained momentum and innovative vitality into Beautiful China construction.
(The author is the Party Secretary and Director of the Policy Research Center for Environment and Economy of the Ministry of Ecology and Environment.)
Return to TopBy: 何海根
The implementation of responsibilities is a key link in the effective operation of the national governance system. Only through the transmission of responsibilities and concrete execution can any governance goal or policy decision be transformed into actual governance effectiveness. The implementation of responsibilities depends on the Party spirit cultivation of Party members and leading cadres themselves, and even more on rigorous institutional mechanisms to strengthen rigid constraint. General Secretary Xi Jinping has emphasized, “Confine power within the cage of institutions; we must not only continuously improve institutional provisions, making institutions dense but not cumbersome, effective and workable, but also strive to improve institutional execution and strengthen rigid constraint,” and “we must uphold that everyone is equal before laws and regulations, that there are no privileges in observing laws and regulations, and that there are no exceptions in enforcing laws and regulations, ensuring that institutional provisions truly become live high-voltage lines.” These important statements profoundly elucidate the importance of rigid institutional constraint for ensuring the implementation of responsibilities, and are intended to delimit boundaries for the exercise of power through clear behavioral norms and predictable consequences, so that there are standards for performing duties and fulfilling responsibilities, boundaries for undertaking work and starting undertakings, and sanctions for failing to perform duties, ensuring that every responsibility requirement truly lands and shows tangible results.
The phenomenon of inadequate implementation of responsibilities is often directly related to the absence or weakening of institutional rigidity. In some fields, vague boundaries of responsibility lead to “responsibility hanging in the air”; in others, selective execution brings “policy deformation”; in still others, overly soft and lenient supervision and accountability breed the “broken windows effect.” The common crux of these problems lies in the insufficiency of institutions' compulsory constraint, causing executors to have a door for avoiding responsibility and dereliction of duty to go unpunished. What must be made clear is that scientific institutional execution requires optimization and adjustment according to local conditions (因地制宜 (yīn dì zhì yí - "according to the land, devise suitable measures," to adapt measures to local conditions)) in practice, reflecting appropriate institutional resilience; but this resilience by no means implies weakening rigidity, still less does it mean permitting the crossing of boundaries or arbitrary adaptation. The vitality of institutions lies both in “establishment” and, even more, in “implementation”; once institutions are established, they must be strictly implemented, and cannot be spoken on the mouth, hung on the wall, written on paper, treating institutions as scarecrows or rubber bands. General Secretary Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized, “one part deployment, nine parts implementation,” and “we must grasp reform implementation with the spirit of hammering nails.” To ensure responsibility lands on the ground through rigid institutional constraint, the key lies in using hard constraints to eliminate soft spots in execution, so that established responsibilities are precisely transformed into governance effectiveness.
The core function of institutions lies in providing stable behavioral expectations and predictable arrangements of consequences, and their efficacy lies precisely in rigid constraint. If institutions lack rigidity, boundaries of responsibility become vague, possibly leading to problems such as arbitrary adaptation, malicious evasion, or even disregard for institutions, ultimately causing responsibilities in all work to hang in the air and implementation to fall empty. Especially in fields such as public safety, protection of citizens' fundamental rights, and social fairness and justice, which directly concern the safety of the people's lives and property and their vital interests, and are the bottom line of social governance and performance of duties, the requirements for institutional rigidity and closed-loop responsibility are even stricter. Once institutional execution develops elastic space, and implementation of responsibilities has loopholes for adaptation, this will not only lead to the hollowing-out of post responsibilities and deformation of work implementation, causing irreversible losses, but may also trigger chain governance problems, gradually accumulating into systemic risks. Therefore, institutions must maintain rigid authority, strictly perform duties, exercise power, and carry out work in accordance with institutions, using definitive institutional rules to regulate duty-performing behavior and firmly consolidate post responsibilities, forcing responsibility to truly land and work to show tangible results.
The construction of institutional rigidity is a systematic project, requiring coordinated advancement and integrated exertion of force at three levels: institutional design, execution mechanisms, and accountability systems. At the design level, it is necessary to enhance the scientific nature and operability of institutions, clearly define subjects of responsibility, contents of responsibility, boundaries of responsibility, and procedures for performing duties, improve the allocation of powers and responsibilities, delimit the boundary between “what should be done” and “what must not be done,” compress the space for ambiguity at the source, and consolidate the foundation of institutional execution. At the execution level, it is necessary to strengthen process management and normalized supervision, integrate institutional execution into daily governance, comprehensively use inspection, evaluation, feedback, and other means to correct deviations in a timely manner, ensuring consistency and continuity of execution. At the accountability level, it is necessary to build an accountability mechanism matching institutional requirements, achieving that violators are invariably investigated and punishments invariably have a basis, strictly handle, in accordance with regulations and facts, acts of failing to perform or improperly performing duties, and, with the certainty and public credibility of accountability, transform rigid constraint into the endogenous driving force for all subjects to perform duties and fulfill responsibilities. The three levels are closely interlocked (环环相扣 (huán huán xiāng kòu - "rings linked to rings," closely linked; each link connected to the next)) and indispensable (缺一不可 (quē yī bù kě - "lacking one is not permissible," none can be absent; all are indispensable)); scientific design is the premise, execution in place is the key, powerful accountability is the guarantee; only when all three exert force in coordination can institutional rigidity truly stand up and land down
All matters under heaven are not difficult in legislation, but difficult in the certain implementation of laws. To ensure implementation of responsibilities through institutional rigidity, it is necessary to integrate rigid requirements into the track of legalization and normalization. On the one hand, it is necessary to improve the rule-of-law system, ensuring that every field has laws to rely on and every link has rules to follow, so that rigid constraint runs through the entire process of daily governance. On the other hand, it is necessary to cultivate institutional culture, so that respecting institutions, executing regulations, and fulfilling responsibilities are internalized into behavioral habits. In advancing the modernization of national governance, we must adhere to using institutional rigidity to consolidate the foundation of responsibility, promote various policies to land and show results, continuously transform institutional advantages into governance effectiveness, and provide a solid guarantee for the country's long-term stability and security (长治久安 (cháng zhì jiǔ ān - "long governance, lasting peace," long-term stability and security)).
Return to TopBy: 夏鹏
Artificial intelligence, as a strategic technology leading the new round of technological revolution and industrial transformation, is reshaping the global economic structure and the landscape of national competition with unprecedented breadth and depth. Critical minerals such as copper, lithium, cobalt, nickel, and rare earths are the core material foundation supporting the development of artificial intelligence and are regarded as the "industrial grain" of the digital economy era; stable supply bears on the development of emerging industries and the lifeline of science and technology. As the artificial intelligence industry chain extends to all scenarios, global demand for critical minerals has entered a cycle of exponential growth. Competition in the artificial intelligence industry has expanded from the level of algorithms, computing power, and data to the level of control over critical mineral resources and dominance over the industrial and supply chains, profoundly affecting the technological development and strategic security of all countries.
Expansion of the artificial intelligence industry drives growth in demand for critical minerals
The artificial intelligence industry chain is long and covers many segments; from chip manufacturing and computing-power server assembly to data center operations and supporting electric power infrastructure construction, the entire chain creates rigid demand for critical minerals and is the driving force behind the growth of global demand for critical minerals.
The per-unit metal usage of computing-power infrastructure (artificial intelligence servers, intelligent computing centers, data centers) is far higher than that of traditional equipment, substantially increasing consumption of bulk minerals such as copper, aluminum, and tin. Optical communications and chips (high-speed optical modules, GPUs, semiconductor packaging) drive explosive growth in demand for scattered rare metals such as gallium, indium, and germanium. Artificial intelligence terminal applications (autonomous driving, intelligent robots, the Internet of Things, intelligent terminals) drive sustained growth in demand for minerals such as rare earths, lithium, cobalt, and nickel. For example, the amount of copper used in a single high-end artificial intelligence server is three times that of a traditional server; the rare-earth permanent magnet materials used for cooling fans and precision motors are three to five times those of a traditional server. Hyperscale data centers have even stronger demand for critical minerals. The report "Energy and Artificial Intelligence" released by the International Energy Agency (IEA) shows that by 2030, global data center electricity demand will more than double, and the associated critical mineral demand will also rise: copper demand up 2 percent, rare earths up 3 percent, gallium up 11 percent. In addition, the high energy consumption of artificial intelligence computing power drives the expansion of energy storage batteries, and demand for core materials such as lithium, cobalt, nickel, and graphite grows in tandem.
Global competition for critical minerals presents a new pattern of multi-actor contention
Facing the rapid expansion of critical mineral demand and the highly concentrated supply pattern, major global economies and resource countries have adjusted their strategic layouts one after another. Critical minerals have become key bargaining chips in geopolitics and industrial layout, and competition around critical minerals has formed a complex pattern with multi-actor participation and multi-dimensional extension.
Advanced economies are accelerating the construction of alliance-based supply systems and promoting bloc-aligned supply chain layouts. The United States has incorporated critical mineral security into its national security strategy, successively promoting multilateral mechanisms such as the "Quad Critical Minerals Initiative," the "Rare Earth Alliance," and the "Silicon Peace Declaration," and launching the "Forum on Resource Geostrategic Engagement" and the $12 billion "Vault Plan," seeking through financial support and technology export to integrate allied resources and build an exclusive mineral supply chain to reduce dependence on a single source. The European Union has issued the Critical Raw Materials Act, setting quantitative targets for domestic mining, processing, and recycling, deepening cooperation with resource-rich regions such as Central Asia and Latin America, building a sustainable raw materials supply network, and promoting diversified industrial chain layouts. Japan, South Korea, and other countries have strengthened their critical mineral supply guarantee capabilities through overseas mining investment, technology R&D cooperation, and other means.
The major resource countries for critical minerals continue to strengthen resource sovereignty control and promote the extension of resource development toward the high end of the value chain. Different from the traditional resource export model, more and more resource countries have begun to control industrial added value through policy adjustments, shifting from "simply exporting resources" to "retaining industrial value." The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) revised its mining law to raise localization ratio requirements; Zimbabwe, Ghana, and other countries have successively introduced export restriction policies for primary mineral products, pursuing the transfer of smelting and processing links to their own countries; Indonesia has completely banned the export of raw nickel ore and promoted the local implementation of the nickel processing industry; some Central Asian and Latin American countries, relying on their resource endowments, pursue diversified and balanced diplomacy to strive for greater discourse power and economic benefits in the game among major powers.
The essence of the critical minerals game is the contest for dominance in the Fourth Industrial Revolution
The continuous intensification of global control over critical mineral resources reflects the spatial-temporal mismatch between supply and demand, and even more so reflects the widespread anxiety of all countries over control of the next-generation technology system. Its core has transcended the simple category of resource acquisition and is evolving into an all-round contest covering the right to resource acquisition, technological dominance, and supply chain security, directly affecting the strategic position of each country in the new round of technological revolution and industrial transformation.
Stable resource supply is the basic guarantee for industrial development. The geographical distribution of critical mineral supply is highly concentrated; core mineral types such as copper, lithium, and cobalt are concentrated in a few countries, and the supply chain is naturally fragile. Against the background of frequent geopolitical conflicts and increasing trade barriers, the ability to stably acquire resources directly bears on the pace of development of the artificial intelligence industry. Once upstream supply is interrupted, downstream chip manufacturing and computing-power infrastructure construction will have to face the risk of stagnation.
Technological capability is the decisive factor in the distribution of critical mineral value. Competition in critical minerals is no longer a simple contest for resource extraction rights, but rather comprehensive capacity building in technology-intensive links such as smelting and purification, high-end materials manufacturing, and recycling. Whichever country masters advanced extraction technologies and special materials preparation capabilities can occupy high-value-added links in the industrial chain and grasp the pricing power of resource value.
Supply chain security is the key support for independent scientific and technological development. Dominance over the critical mineral supply chain directly affects the autonomy and security of the artificial intelligence industry. By controlling the entire chain of exploration, mining, processing, transportation, and recycling, a country can not only ensure the stability of its own industry, but also gain strategic leverage in global technological competition.
Artificial intelligence, as the core driving force of the new round of technological revolution, depends heavily on the support of critical minerals for its development. Mastering the initiative in mineral resources and the industrial chain enables one to occupy the commanding heights of future technological and industrial development; this is also the fundamental motivation for countries around the world to continuously intensify the competition for critical minerals.
Assessment of medium- and long-term development trends in the global critical minerals field
From the perspective of the development cycle, the artificial intelligence industry is in a stage of rapid development and the global energy transition continues to advance, which determines that the resource layout and supply chain adjustment of critical minerals will be a long-term process. Judging comprehensively from the industrial development cycle and the evolution of the geopolitical landscape, the global critical minerals field will present the following development trends in the future.
First, the contradiction between supply and demand for critical minerals intensifies, and the resource gap continues to widen. With the batch construction of computing-power infrastructure, global demand for copper, rare earths, and rare scattered metals will maintain rapid growth. The cycle for mineral resources from exploration to production is as long as several years or even more than a decade, and the speed of capacity release is difficult to match the growth rate of demand; the supply gap will persist in the medium and long term, and some mineral types may experience periodic supply tightness.
Second, geopolitical risks push up supply fluctuations, and supply chains accelerate restructuring. The geographical concentration of mineral distribution and geopolitical games overlap with each other, causing the geopolitical risk of mineral supply chains to continue rising. Means such as export controls, investment restrictions, and trade barriers will appear more frequently in resource strategy adjustments, and local geopolitical conflicts may also directly impact mineral production and transportation corridors; the instability of supply chains will be further highlighted. To reduce supply chain risks, major global economies will continue to promote diversified supply chain layouts; "friend-shoring" and "nearshore production" have become important directions, and the original globalized division of labor system will gradually shift toward regionalization and bloc alignment. The global mineral supply chain landscape will undergo deep adjustment.
Third, technological iteration and substitution breakthroughs become key variables reshaping the landscape. Technological progress will change the competitive landscape of critical minerals from both the supply and demand sides. On the supply side, technological breakthroughs such as green mining, extraction from low-grade ores, and tailings recovery will effectively improve resource utilization efficiency and expand the scale of usable resources. On the demand side, the development of substitute materials technologies may restructure the demand structure; for example, the partial substitution of sodium batteries for lithium batteries and the substitution of new magnetic materials for rare earths will all have profound impacts on the existing mineral demand landscape.
Fourth, competition for critical minerals presents a long-term character, deeply bound to the cycle of the technological revolution. The development of the artificial intelligence industry and the advancement of the energy transition both need to be considered over a long time horizon, which determines that the contest for critical minerals will persist for a long time throughout the entire process of technological transformation. Competition will shift from simple resource acquisition to a comprehensive contest of the entire industrial chain, technology, and governance rules, and its complexity and long-term nature will continue to be highlighted.
Artificial intelligence intensifying the global contest for critical minerals is an inevitable result of the interweaving of industrial development and geopolitical games against the background of the new round of technological revolution. This bears both on the technological security and industrial development of all countries and affects the direction of the global resource governance system. Seeking space for cooperation amid differentiated development, and enhancing the resilience and sustainability of the global supply chain while safeguarding one's own security, will be an important common task facing all countries in the future. At a time when the global artificial intelligence industry is accelerating breakthroughs and pursuing innovative development, building an open, win-win, inclusive, shared, stable, orderly, and sustainable global governance system for mineral resources is 迫在眉睫 (pò zài méi jié - "pressing at the eyebrows and eyelashes," extremely urgent).
[The author is the Director (Curator) of the Development Research Center of the China Geological Survey (中国地质调查局发展研究中心), also known as the National Geological Archives of China (全国地质资料馆) and the Mineral Exploration Technical Guidance Center of the Ministry of Natural Resources (自然资源部矿产勘查技术指导中心).]
Return to TopBy: 邵鹏鸣
Science diplomacy is an international practice in which science and diplomacy serve each other, that is, using scientific knowledge and international scientific and technological cooperation to serve diplomatic objectives, using diplomatic mechanisms to promote scientific cooperation, and through scientific cooperation improving state-to-state relations and addressing global challenges. At present, as technological competition among major powers intensifies and global problems occur frequently, science diplomacy has broken through the single boundary between traditional diplomacy and scientific and technological development, becoming an important tool for countries to reshape bilateral and multilateral relations, participate in global governance, compete for discourse power over international rules, and balance the pattern of competition and cooperation, profoundly influencing the direction of contemporary international relations.
The United States has long attached great importance to the development of science diplomacy, and its relevant policy perceptions and practices have continued to evolve and iterate along with the international landscape, major-power relations, and domestic needs. During the Cold War, the United States adhered to bloc-competition thinking, relying on the Point Four Program and transnational scientific and educational exchanges to win over developing countries, while integrating the Western allied camp through military-technological cooperation and high-tech export controls, forming a policy approach in which technical assistance and technology blockade operated in parallel. During the globalization stage of 1991–2008, the United States used the dividends of economic globalization to amass global talent, capital, and technological resources, relied on multinational enterprises, international research networks, and dominant technical standards to expand its global scientific and technological influence, and brought science and technology issues into the foreign policy decision-making system, achieving the institutionalized development of science diplomacy. During the period of the Obama administration, 2009–2016, in the early period the United States used international scientific and technological cooperation to repair its overseas image, participate in global governance, and ease its foreign relations; in the later period, it served the advancement of the "Asia-Pacific rebalancing" strategy, and science diplomacy gradually shifted toward a focus on national security, economic competitiveness, and relative strategic gains. Since 2017, US science diplomacy has fully entered the stage of strategic competition. Trump's first term strengthened technology blockades and investment and export controls; the Biden administration period intensified with increased industrial subsidies, supply chain restructuring, and ally coordination; and his second term focuses on the artificial intelligence field, promoting the transfer and export of technology systems to allies.
The United States' advancement of science diplomacy is mainly driven by three motivations. First is the strategic demand of maintaining global technological superiority and consolidating its international leading position. As global technological competition intensifies, a single technological lead is difficult to maintain over the long term; only by further converting technological advantages into industrial control, alliance influence, and rule-making power can a more stable competitive advantage be formed. To this end, the United States relies on universities, research institutions, and innovation systems to continuously attract global talent and resources, and uses intellectual property, technical standards, transnational research networks, and ally cooperation mechanisms to build a global innovation ecosystem led by itself. Facing competitors accelerating their catch-up in key technology fields, the United States has also gradually shifted from emphasizing the free flow of technology to strengthening control over technology diffusion, so as to delay the improvement of competitors' innovation capabilities. Second is the economic demand of promoting domestic industrial upgrading and serving the global expansion of capital. US high-end technology industries and financial capital are strongly outward-oriented and need to rely on overseas markets, international capital, and global innovation resources to achieve sustained expansion. Science diplomacy has therefore become an important tool for the United States to support enterprises in expanding into international markets, building industrial ecosystems, and enhancing their position in the global value chain. Through intergovernmental scientific and technological cooperation, technical assistance, and institutional alignment, the United States both creates conditions for its domestic enterprises to enter overseas markets and pushes cooperation partners to become more embedded in the US-led technology system, while using overseas market returns and global innovation resources to feed back into domestic scientific and technological development. Third is the security demand of expanding security boundaries and strengthening the export of values and ideas. As frontier technologies such as artificial intelligence, quantum technology, biotechnology, data, and cloud computing accelerate the reshaping of the international competitive landscape, science and technology issues have been incorporated into the category of national security. The United States combines scientific and technological cooperation with national security, values, and institutional rules, uses concepts such as "trusted technology" and "values partners" to categorize cooperation partners, and strengthens risk control through technology access, institutional constraints, and alliance coordination. Science diplomacy thus not only serves scientific and technological cooperation, but has also become an important means for the United States to safeguard national security, shape international rules, and expand institutional influence.
After decades of iterative refinement, US science diplomacy has formed a unique operational system, displaying distinctive features that distinguish it from other countries. First, it uses national strategy to coordinate and integrate government, research, and industrial forces. In the United States, government departments formulate the overall strategy, agencies for diplomacy, development assistance, and trade finance implement it with a division of labor, and a cross-departmental coordination mechanism is formed through fiscal support, project operations, and enterprise participation; universities, research institutions, and technology enterprises respectively undertake tasks such as basic research, talent cultivation, technology transfer, and market expansion. Science diplomacy has gradually become a comprehensive practice in which national strategy, the innovation system, and industrial forces operate in coordination. Second, it implements differentiated science diplomacy by combining cooperation, assistance, and controls. On the one hand, the United States expands its international influence through bilateral and multilateral scientific and technological cooperation, technical assistance, capacity training, and clean energy projects; on the other hand, it uses export controls, investment reviews, supply chain reviews, and restrictions on personnel exchanges to control the flow of critical knowledge, technology, and products. For allies and partners, it emphasizes joint R&D, standards coordination, and industrial cooperation; for developing countries, it emphasizes technical assistance and capacity building; and for strategic competitors, it strengthens technology blockades and market restrictions, forming a policy system that allocates scientific and technological resources in layers according to state-to-state relations, technology sensitivity, and security judgments. Finally, it uses the ally-partner network to promote the transformation of technological advantages into rule advantages and systemic advantages. The United States embeds scientific and technological cooperation in mechanisms such as the Group of Seven, the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, NATO, and the US-EU Trade and Technology Council, pushes allies and partners to coordinate positions on critical and emerging technologies, digital standards, export controls, and market access, and reshapes semiconductor, digital infrastructure, and clean energy supply chains through bilateral partnerships and multilateral platforms.
Along with the profound transformation of the global technological competition landscape and the adjustment of the United States' own strategic focus, in recent years US science diplomacy has continued to iterate and upgrade, presenting some new development trends. First, artificial intelligence has become a key lever of science diplomacy. In 2025, the US "AI Action Plan" listed "leading international diplomacy and security" as a key area, requiring the Department of Commerce and the State Department, together with enterprises, to export to allies and partners "full-stack" AI solutions covering chips, servers, cloud services, models, software, applications, and standards. The United States is thus no longer satisfied with exporting individual products, but instead expands market influence through the overall export of technology, infrastructure, applications, and governance rules, pushing science diplomacy to shift from "project export" to "ecosystem export." Second, it uses bilateral agreements as a lever to strengthen scientific and technological coordination with important allies. The United States has successively signed "Agreements on Technology Prosperity" with the United Kingdom, Japan, South Korea, and Sweden, with cooperation involving artificial intelligence, quantum technology, biotechnology, nuclear energy or fusion, 6G, space, and research security, and emphasizing R&D cooperation, standards coordination, technology protection, and supply chain resilience; some agreements also propose jointly promoting AI exports. Compared with traditional multilateral mechanisms with many members, this type of bilateral arrangement with important allies as nodes makes it easier for the United States to integrate advantages, limit the scope of technology diffusion, and link scientific and technological cooperation with economic security and national security. Third, selective opening has become more transactional and targeted. In his second term, Trump revoked the Biden administration's AI diffusion rule, but at the same time strengthened overseas export controls on AI chips and issued guidelines to prevent chip transshipment and supply chain circumvention. His policy is not to abandon technology controls, but to reduce general constraints on US enterprises and "trusted partners," while strengthening targeted restrictions on competitors and high-risk third parties. As a result, US science diplomacy is forming a layered structure of "exporting technology ecosystems to partners, erecting barriers against competitors, and preventing transshipment to third parties," with the degree of openness increasingly depending on whether partners accept US security conditions, technical standards, and supply chain arrangements.
US science diplomacy has had a dual impact on global scientific and technological innovation and governance. On the positive side, through intergovernmental science and technology agreements, joint research, personnel exchanges, and technical assistance, the United States has, within a certain scope, promoted the cross-border flow of knowledge, technology, and people. The coordinated participation of government, universities, research institutions, and enterprises has also, to a certain extent, promoted the commercialization of scientific and technological achievements and raised the level of professionalization in the governance of global issues. On the negative side, US science diplomacy has always served the maintenance of its own national interests and technological advantages, and its openness is clearly selective and conditional. In recent years, the United States has continuously securitized science and technology issues, combining export controls and supply chain restructuring with so-called "trusted cooperation," leading to the bloc-ization and fragmentation of the global science and technology ecosystem. This not only increases the cost of international scientific and technological cooperation, but also compresses the space for technological choice of some countries and damages mutual trust in the international science and technology community. If US science diplomacy continues to move toward hegemonization, instrumentalization, and closed exclusivity, it will ultimately weaken global innovation cooperation and the ability of all countries to jointly address global challenges.
(The author is Executive Dean of Shenzhen Technology University's Institute of International Science and Technology Strategy and Security (深圳技术大学国际科技战略与安全研究院).)
Return to TopBy: 胡军
The "Fifteenth Five-Year Plan" period is a critical period for consolidating the foundation and exerting full strength to basically achieve socialist modernization, and it is also a key stage for the construction of a Beautiful China to connect the past with the future, expand coverage, and improve quality, thereby achieving a fundamental improvement in the ecological environment. The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China took "improving the ecological environment governance system" as an important task for deepening the reform of the ecological civilization system, and the "Fifteenth Five-Year Plan" Outline makes special deployments for "improving the modern environmental governance system." Profoundly grasping the strategic significance, practical foundation, deployment requirements, and implementation paths of improving the modern environmental governance system is of great theoretical and practical significance for ensuring the implementation of various goals and tasks for Beautiful China construction during the "Fifteenth Five-Year Plan" period, and for supporting high-quality development through high-level ecological and environmental protection.
Fully Recognizing the Great Significance of Improving the Modern Environmental Governance System
Improving the modern environmental governance system is an important institutional carrier for implementing Xi Jinping Thought on Ecological Civilization; it concerns advancing the overall pursuit of high-efficiency national governance; it concerns advancing the further perfection, maturity, and formalization of the socialist system with Chinese characteristics through comprehensive deepening of reform as the driving force; and it concerns comprehensively advancing modernization characterized by the harmonious coexistence between humanity and nature through the construction of a Beautiful China.
It is an inherent requirement for advancing the modernization of the national governance system. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that "our country's national governance system and governance capacity are the concentrated embodiment of the socialist system with Chinese characteristics and its execution capabilities." The modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity is the process and the result of the improvement and perfection of various national systems and the effective enhancement of institutional execution capabilities. The ecological civilization institutional system is an important component of the socialist system with Chinese characteristics, and the modern environmental governance system is the specific implementation of the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity in the field of the ecological environment. The "Fifteenth Five-Year Plan" Outline incorporates "deeply advancing the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity" into the main goals of economic and social development during the "Fifteenth Five-Year Plan" period, putting forward higher requirements for the systematic integration and synergistic efficiency of governance systems in all fields. Improving the modern environmental governance system and deepening systematic governance, governance according to law, comprehensive governance, and source governance is not only an urgent need to consolidate the institutional foundation of ecological civilization construction, but is also an inevitable requirement for supporting the realization of the overall goal of the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity.
It is the core lever for deepening the reform of the ecological civilization system. China's ecological civilization reform has always been steadily advanced along the directions of systematization and integration. In 2015, the Overall Plan for Ecological Civilization System Reform proposed constructing an institutional system with the nature of the 四梁八柱 (sì liáng bā zhù - "four beams and eight pillars," the fundamental framework or backbone) of ecological civilization. In 2020, the Guiding Opinions on Constructing a Modern Environmental Governance System proposed constructing a diversified governance pattern of "Party committee leadership, government guidance, enterprise subjectivity, and the joint participation of social organizations and the public." The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China emphasized "advancing the construction of the ecological environment governance responsibility system, supervision system, market system, and laws, regulations, and policy system." The construction of the modern environmental governance system during the "Fifteenth Five-Year Plan" period is consistent with the reform directions established by the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the strategic goals clarified by the Fourth Plenary Session, being refined layer by layer; it is the core carrier for transforming top-level reform deployments into operable, implementable, and assessable five-year specific measures, and it is also the key lever for breaking through deep-seated institutional and mechanism obstacles and clearing the "last mile" of institutional implementation.
It is the fundamental institutional guarantee for comprehensively advancing the construction of a Beautiful China. Constructing a Beautiful China is an important task for advancing Chinese-style modernization. The Beautiful China Construction "Fifteenth Five-Year Plan" explicitly identifies "the continuous improvement of the ecological environment governance system to meet the requirements of Beautiful China construction" as an important goal, which is essentially an institutional arrangement based on the long-term, systematic, and holistic characteristics of Beautiful China construction; it must rely on a more mature, stable, and complete institutional system as a fundamental guarantee. Only by improving a systematic and complete modern environmental governance system can the strategic vision of Beautiful China construction be transformed into quantifiable and assessable institutional execution, ensuring that various constraining and expected indicators during the "Fifteenth Five-Year Plan" period are implemented effectively, and promoting the steady and long-term progress of Beautiful China construction.
Profoundly Grasping the Practical Foundation and Strategic Requirements of Improving the Modern Environmental Governance System
Improving the modern environmental governance system is rooted in the practical achievements of ecological civilization system reform in the new era and conforms to the general trend of comprehensively advancing the construction of a Beautiful China. On the basis of consolidating existing reform achievements, accurately grasping the orientation of reform is a key prerequisite for promoting the improved development of the governance system.
Outstanding achievements have been made in the construction of the ecological environment governance system in the new era. Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has continuously deepened the reform of the ecological civilization system, promoting the construction of ecological environment laws and institutions into a stage with the greatest legislative intensity, the most intensive introduction of institutions, and the strictest standards for supervision and law enforcement; the ecological civilization institutional system has achieved historical transformation, systematic reshaping, and holistic reconstruction, initially constructing a modern environmental governance system characterized by clear orientation, scientific decision-making, powerful execution, effective incentives, diversified participation, and benign interaction.
The responsibility system is being pressed down layer by layer, and diversified governance rights and responsibilities are gradually becoming clear. A rigid responsibility chain has been constructed involving ecological civilization construction goal evaluation and assessment, natural resource asset departure audits, and lifelong accountability for ecological environment damage, pressing down and consolidating the ecological environment protection responsibilities of Party and government leading cadres at all local levels, strengthening the primary responsibility of enterprises for pollution control, and broadening public supervision channels, with a diversified governance pattern basically taking shape. The supervision system continues to optimize, and key institutions have achieved major breakthroughs. The establishment of the Ministry of Ecology and Environment has achieved a historical reconstruction of the supervision system. The implementation of the reform of the vertical management system of monitoring, supervision, and law enforcement for environmental protection agencies below the provincial level and comprehensive law enforcement reform has broken the interference of local protectionism in monitoring and law enforcement. The implementation of central ecological and environmental protection inspections, the implementation of ecological environment zoning control, the full implementation of the pollutant discharge permit system, and the whole-region implementation of the river chief system and forest chief system have promoted the continuous improvement of ecological environment quality. The market system is gradually being perfected, and the efficiency of resource allocation continues to rise. The world's largest national carbon emission rights trading market has been completed, pilot programs for the trading of pollutant discharge rights and water rights continue to deepen, and horizontal ecological protection and compensation mechanisms for 33 trans-provincial river basins in 24 provinces nationwide have been implemented and are operating. A multi-level green finance system has been systematically constructed, with the scale of green loans ranking first in the world, and market-oriented and diversified ecological and environmental protection investment mechanisms are gradually being perfected. The legal system is increasingly rigorous, and the foundation of pollution control according to law continues to be consolidated. The promulgation and implementation of the Ecological Environment Code have achieved a leap from field-specific special legislation to systematic integrated codification governance in ecological environment governance, which is a major milestone in ecological civilization construction in the new era. The connection mechanism between administrative law enforcement, criminal justice, and procuratorial public interest litigation continues to be improved, and the strictest systems and most rigorous rule of law have become the distinct background of ecological and environmental protection.
New stages and new requirements for the modern environmental governance system during the "Fifteenth Five-Year Plan" period. Currently, ecological environment governance is leaping from the tough battle of pollution prevention and control to the comprehensive construction of a Beautiful China, which puts new and higher requirements on the construction of the governance system. First, the governance logic is shifting toward source prevention and control and systematic governance. Taking the synergistic promotion of carbon reduction, pollution reduction, green expansion, and growth as the strategic orientation, and using regional, differentiated, and precise control to promote the comprehensive green transformation of economic and social development. Second, the governance path is shifting toward whole-region coordination and systematic integration. The scope of governance has expanded to multiple fields such as new pollutant governance, ecological protection and restoration, and addressing climate change, requiring the breaking of governance divided by elements, departments, and regions, and promoting multi-element synergy, multi-field linkage, and integrated governance. Third, the governance means are shifting toward digital-intelligence empowerment and precise governance. As reform enters the "deep water zone," the marginal benefits of traditional governance models continue to narrow. The integrated application of new technologies such as big data, satellite remote sensing, and artificial intelligence has become the inevitable path, forcing the simultaneous upgrade of the governance system and supporting institutions, and promoting the transformation from experience-based decision-making to data-driven and intelligent governance.
Systematically Advancing the Construction of the Modern Environmental Governance System during the "Fifteenth Five-Year Plan" Period
During the "Fifteenth Five-Year Plan" period, we will insist on synergistic efforts in directions such as law-based guidance, closed-loop responsibility, source control, precise supervision, digital-intelligence empowerment, and pilot innovation, continuously enhancing the systematicity, holism, and synergy of reform, constructing an institutional system of strict prevention at the source, strict management during the process, and strict control of risks, and accelerating the formation of a modern environmental governance system with clear rights and responsibilities, diversified co-governance, and synergistic efficiency.
Taking the implementation of the Code as the lead, we will consolidate the legal foundation of pollution control according to law. Insisting on taking the implementation of the Ecological Environment Code as the driver, we will coordinate the establishment, revision, abolition, and interpretation of supporting laws, regulations, and normative documents, and accelerate the construction of supporting institutional systems for the Code. We will promote the research and formulation of laws and regulations such as addressing climate change, reaching carbon peaks, and achieving carbon neutrality, and the governance of new pollutants. We will continuously improve the system of ecological environment laws, regulations, and standards, update pollutant discharge and environmental quality standards, and construct a national ecological environment baseline system. We will strengthen the synergy of law enforcement and justice, and the linkage of procuratorial public interest litigation, unify law enforcement standards, and standardize law enforcement processes, using rigorous rule of law to safeguard the construction of a Beautiful China.
Taking the "shared responsibility of the Party and the government" as the lever, we will improve the closed loop of inspection and assessment responsibility. Insisting on the shared responsibility of the Party and the government and the "one post, two responsibilities" principle, we will continuously deepen the central and provincial ecological and environmental protection inspection system, improve inspection working mechanisms and relevant supporting institutions, and enhance inspection support, guarantee capabilities, and standardization levels. We will comprehensively carry out assessment of the effectiveness of Beautiful China construction, and strengthen the supervision of the application of assessment results and the implementation of responsibilities. We will promote the linkage of ecological environment protection responsibility lists with inspection, assessment, accountability, and incentives, improving the precision and effectiveness of responsibility transmission. We will fully leverage the coordinating role of regional and river basin ecological environment supervision agencies, pressing down and consolidating the ecological environment governance responsibilities of Party and government committees and leading cadres at all levels, and constructing a responsibility system that is comprehensively covered, consistent in rights and responsibilities, clear in rewards and punishments, and interconnected.
Taking source control as the foundation, we will construct a spatial pattern of synergistic governance. We will implement the optimization of the territorial spatial development pattern for the "Fifteenth Five-Year Plan," deepen ecological environment zoning control, and establish differentiated environmental access and control rules. We will strengthen the two-way connection with territorial spatial planning, forming a working mechanism of data sharing, platform interconnection, and synergistic application. Based on regional resource and environmental carrying capacity and functional positioning, we will synergistically optimize industrial layout, guiding the green transformation of industries from the spatial source control to prevent and control environmental risks. We will promote the synergistic linkage of zoning control with institutions such as pollutant discharge permits and ecological environment standards, achieving deep connection between spatial control and the full-process supervision of pollution sources and ecological environment quality goals.
Taking pollutant discharge permits as the core, we will strengthen the effectiveness of precise and scientific supervision. We will accelerate the implementation of the fixed pollution source supervision system centered on the pollutant discharge permit system, comprehensively incorporating discharge types, concentrations, totals, and control requirements into pollutant discharge permit management, exploring "full-amount permitting," and achieving "single-permit" control of fixed pollution sources. We will establish a total amount control system for enterprises and public institutions, promoting the connection and integration of pollutant discharge permits with institutions such as ecological environment impact assessment, total amount control, emission source statistics, environmental protection tax, and pollutant discharge rights trading. We will promote pilot comprehensive reforms of the full-chain institutional system of zoning control, environmental impact assessment, and pollutant discharge permits, promoting the "three-way linkage of environmental supervision" involving pollutant discharge permits, monitoring, and law enforcement, and pressing down the primary responsibility of enterprises for pollution control to provide core institutional support for precise and scientific pollution control.
Taking digital-intelligence empowerment as the support, we will improve the level of governance modernization. Closely following the deployment requirements related to improving the modernization level of monitoring and supervision, we will coordinate the construction of an integrated space-air-ground-sea ecological environment monitoring network, deepen the quality management of central and local monitoring networks, and consolidate the data foundation for precise governance. We will accelerate the construction of a national integrated big data center for the ecological environment, breaking through cross-departmental and cross-level data barriers, promoting the integration, sharing, interconnection, and interoperability of system platforms, and improving scientific decision-making and coordination capabilities. We will accelerate the construction of an intelligent ecological environment law enforcement system and vigorously promote non-site law enforcement. We will deeply implement ecological environment artificial intelligence development and application actions, promoting the deep application of new technologies such as big data and remote sensing in supervision, monitoring, inspection, and law enforcement, promoting the transformation of supervision models from human-based prevention to technology-based prevention, and using digital technology to empower scientific decision-making, precise law enforcement, and risk prediction.
Taking pilot demonstrations as the driver, we will stimulate the vitality of institutional innovation. We will fully leverage the comprehensive platform role of the national ecological civilization system reform innovation experiment, continuously deepen the construction of national ecological civilization experimental zones, and high-quality create Beautiful China pioneer zones in the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei region, the Yangtze River Delta, and the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area, encouraging pioneer regions to take the lead and carry out pilot trials and differentiated explorations surrounding institutional systems and mechanisms. Relying on the assessment of Beautiful China construction effectiveness, we will promote construction through assessment and promote reform through assessment, timely summarizing and refining replicable and promotable institutional experiences and governance models from pilot areas to gradually replicate and promote them nationwide. Focusing on national major strategic development regions, we will deepen the innovation of ecological environment synergistic governance mechanisms, using points to drive surfaces to drive the overall upgrade of the national modern environmental governance system, and injecting continuous momentum and innovative vitality into the construction of a Beautiful China.
(The author is the Party Committee Secretary and Director of the Center for Environmental and Economic Policy Research of the Ministry of Ecology and Environment)
Return to TopBy: 王懂棋
Upholding the building of a high-caliber cadre contingent capable of shouldering the heavy task of national rejuvenation is one of the "Fourteen Persistences" (十四个坚持) of Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building. On June 28, 2013, at the National Conference on Organizational Work, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized that our Party has always attached great importance to 选贤任能 (xuǎn xián rèn néng - "select the worthy and appoint the able," to select and appoint virtuous and capable people), and has always treated the selection and appointment of people as a key and fundamental issue bearing on the cause of the Party and the people, and proposed building a grand high-caliber cadre contingent. On October 18, 2017, in the report to the 19th CPC National Congress, General Secretary Xi Jinping proposed building a high-caliber and professionalized cadre contingent. On October 16, 2022, the 20th CPC National Congress proposed "building a high-caliber cadre contingent capable of shouldering the heavy task of national rejuvenation," presenting distinct Chinese characteristics, Chinese style, and Chinese bearing.
The original contribution of upholding the building of a high-caliber cadre contingent capable of shouldering the heavy task of national rejuvenation
What is a cadre? Where does the word "cadre" come from? On February 8, 1942, Mao Zedong delivered a famous speech, "Oppose Stereotyped Party Writing" (反对党八股), at a cadre meeting in Yan'an. At that time, he had already noticed the special character of the word "cadre." He said: "We do not mechanically transplant or abuse foreign languages; we want to absorb the good things in foreign languages, things applicable to us. Because China's original vocabulary is insufficient, many words in our vocabulary now have been absorbed from foreign countries. For example, at the cadre meeting held today, the two characters 'cadre' (干部) were learned from foreign countries." It can be said that although the word "cadre" originated abroad, it has been creatively applied in China. It is precisely in combining with China's concrete reality and with the excellent traditional Chinese culture that Chinese Communists have endowed the word "cadre" with unique connotations and vibrant life.
The Chinese Communist Party's understanding of cadres is different from the West, and also different from the political officials and career officials under the Western politics-administration dichotomy. The Chinese Communist Party's cadre contingent is the backbone force of the cause of the Party and the state, the guardian and practitioner of the original aspiration and mission. It emphasizes being clear about great virtue, observing public morality, and being strict in private morality, establishing oneself with firm ideals and convictions, and achieving firm conviction, political strength, high competence, and a hard work style, so as to strive for the great cause of building a strong country and national rejuvenation. As early as May 8, 1937, Mao Zedong pointed out clearly in the article "Struggle for Winning Over Millions of the Masses into the Anti-Japanese National United Front" that to guide a great revolution, there must be a great Party, and there must be many of the best cadres. In a China of 450 million people, to carry out a great revolution unprecedented in history, it will not do if the leaders are a narrow small group; nor will it do if there are only some petty leaders and cadres in the Party who 不识大体 (bù shí dà tǐ - "fail to recognize the overall situation," lacking an understanding of the general interest), have no foresight, and have no ability. Mao Zedong also profoundly pointed out that these cadres and leaders should understand Marxism-Leninism, have political foresight, have work ability, be rich in the spirit of sacrifice, be able to solve problems independently, not waver in difficulties, and work 忠心耿耿 (zhōng xīn gěng gěng - "loyal and steadfast," wholly loyal and devoted) for the nation, the class, and the Party.
Since the 18th CPC National Congress, General Secretary Xi Jinping has emphasized many times that the Party must manage the Party; first of all, it must manage cadres well. To govern the Party strictly, the key is to govern officials strictly. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized that to respond to changing situations, cultivate new opportunities, open up new prospects, and pursue rejuvenation, the key is to build well and strengthen the Party's leading bodies and cadre contingents at all levels. General Secretary Xi Jinping has also emphasized many times the building of a high-caliber cadre contingent that is loyal, clean, and responsible. In the great practice and theoretical summation since the 18th CPC National Congress, General Secretary Xi Jinping put forward building a high-caliber cadre contingent capable of shouldering the heavy task of national rejuvenation, which both broadened the historical vision and pattern of cadre contingent building and pointed out the specific goals and direction of building.
At the first collective study session of the 18th CPC Central Committee Political Bureau, General Secretary Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out that the development of the situation, the expansion of our cause, and the expectations of the people all require us to constantly improve the Party's leadership level and governance level, and improve its ability to resist corruption, prevent degeneration, and withstand risks, so that our Party always walks at the forefront of the times in the historical process of profound changes in the world situation, always becomes the mainstay of the people throughout the country in the historical process of responding to various domestic and international risks and tests, and always becomes the strong leadership core in the historical process of upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics. With regard to the general trend of historical development, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out, "further grasp the laws and general trend of historical development, and always maintain the historical initiative in the development of the Party and the country's cause." Chinese Communists, who adhere to historical materialism, must uphold historical initiative, recognize the laws of historical development, and even more emphasize the driving role of human subjectivity in the historical process. Upholding the building of a high-caliber cadre contingent capable of shouldering the heavy task of national rejuvenation is a key factor in grasping historical initiative. They must persist in taking benefiting the people as the greatest political achievement, persist in taking root among the people, and establish oneself, one's career, one's words, and one's virtue in the hearts of the people. We must always be soberly aware that upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics is a long-term and arduous historical task, and we must be prepared to carry out a great struggle with many new historical features, continue to advance modernization, accomplish national reunification, safeguard world peace, and promote common development.
To uphold the building of a high-caliber cadre contingent capable of shouldering the heavy task of national rejuvenation, it is necessary to implement the standard for good cadres in the new era and make overall plans for the work of selection, cultivation, management, and use.
Determining the correct standard for selecting and appointing cadres is the primary issue in cadre work. On June 28, 2013, at the National Conference on Organizational Work, General Secretary Xi Jinping put forward the twenty-character standard for good cadres: "firm in conviction, serving the people, diligent and pragmatic, daring to take responsibility, and clean and honest," establishing a clear value yardstick for selecting and appointing cadres in the new era and endowing "德才兼备 (dé cái jiān bèi - "have both virtue and talent," possessing both moral integrity and professional competence), with moral integrity first" with new contemporary connotations. Building a high-caliber cadre contingent capable of shouldering the heavy task of national rejuvenation requires first of all upholding the "twenty-character" standard for good cadres. Since the 18th CPC National Congress, our Party has corrected the deviation in selecting and appointing cadres that once existed. Party organizations at all levels have conscientiously implemented the Regulations on the Selection and Appointment of Party and Government Leading Cadres (党政领导干部选拔任用工作条例), and in all links from analysis, research, and assessment and motion to democratic recommendation, investigation, discussion and decision, and appointment, as well as in recommendation according to law, nomination, democratic consultation, and supervision, they have effectively given play to the Party organization's role of leadership and gatekeeping, ensuring the correct political direction of cadre selection and appointment, and ensuring that leadership at all levels is always in the hands of people loyal to the Party, loyal to the people, and loyal to Marxism.
The key to building a high-caliber cadre contingent capable of shouldering the heavy task of national rejuvenation is to do well the work of cultivation, selection, assessment, management, and use.
First, establish a quality cultivation system of source cultivation, follow-up cultivation, and whole-process cultivation. Cadre quality cultivation is a long-term process; it is not the work of a day. It is necessary to educate and guide cadres to think clearly from the very beginning about why they become cadres and what they should do in their posts, and to take the first step in their political careers well. The organization must not "free-range" cadres. It should grasp their situation in a timely manner, shore up shortcomings and strengthen weak points in a targeted way, help cadres grow step by step, and let cadres temper their character, hone their work style, and increase their abilities in fiery practice.
Second, establish a selection and appointment system that puts moral integrity first, 任人唯贤 (rèn rén wéi xián - "appoint people solely by worth," appointing people on merit), and matches people with posts. What kind of people to select, where to select them from, and how to use them are key issues in cadre selection and appointment. The cadres we select and use must be politically solid and reliable. The political criterion is a hard requirement; if this one is not met, nothing else passes. We must adhere to 五湖四海 (wǔ hú sì hǎi - "five lakes and four seas," all corners of the land), appoint people on merit, and open broad avenues for the worthy. Adhere to the "one chessboard" approach to cadre work; in addition to Party and government organs, attention should also be paid to selecting outstanding talent from state-owned enterprises, institutions of higher learning, scientific research institutes, and other fields and fronts. Adhere to putting the cause first, selecting people according to the work, and matching people with posts. It is necessary to correctly grasp the relationship between the needs of the development of the cause and the growth and progress of cadres, and place suitable cadres in suitable posts.
Third, establish a system for understanding affairs and knowing people through daily assessment, categorized assessment, and close-range assessment. The root of governance lies in obtaining the right people; obtaining the right people lies in careful recommendation; careful recommendation lies in verifying the truth. Cadre assessment should be regular, institutionalized, and full-coverage. We should invest effort in ordinary times to understand cadres in an all-round way and through multiple channels, and also pay attention to understanding cadres' performance in completing urgent, difficult, dangerous, and heavy tasks, handling complex problems, and responding to major tests. We should observe virtue and discern ability in small matters, and even more see virtue and recognize ability in major matters. For principal leading cadres and members of leadership teams, and for leading cadres in different posts, there should also be different assessment requirements; we must not engage in "the same thickness from top to bottom" or "the same appearance from left to right."
Fourth, establish a strict management system that manages thought, work, work style, and discipline. Good cadres are selected, and even more, they are managed. Strict management is deep care; it is true responsibility toward cadres. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that we should strengthen all-round management and regular supervision of cadres. To strengthen all-round management, it is necessary to connect routine management with management at critical moments, unify behavior management and thought management, and link management of the work circle with management of the social circle, so that cadres grow with management and management accompanies cadres throughout their lives.
Fifth, establish a positive incentive system that advocates solid work, encourages responsibility, and cheers people on. The greatest incentive for cadres is the correct orientation in selecting and using people; using one person well can inspire a large number. In selecting and appointing cadres, we should reflect the clear orientation of emphasizing responsibility and valuing responsibility. Whether one dares to shoulder tasks, is willing to do things, and is capable of doing things should be an important standard for identifying cadres, judging strengths and weaknesses, and determining rewards, punishments, promotions, and demotions. What cadres have done, how much they have done, and whether the masses recognize what they have done should be the fundamental basis for selecting cadres, inspiring cadres at all levels to roll up their sleeves and work hard.
To uphold the building of a high-caliber cadre contingent capable of shouldering the heavy task of national rejuvenation, it is necessary to thoroughly implement the strategy of building a talent-strong country.
Talent is a strategic resource for achieving national rejuvenation and gaining the initiative in international competition. At present, our country has entered a new journey of comprehensively building a modern socialist country and marching toward the second centenary goal. We are closer than at any time in history to the grand goal of realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and we are more eager for talent than at any time in history. To build a high-caliber cadre contingent capable of shouldering the heavy task of national rejuvenation, it is necessary to thoroughly implement the strategy of building a talent-strong country, deepen reform of the systems and mechanisms for talent development, and strengthen political guidance and political absorption of talent. In September 2021, the Central Conference on Talent Work was held. It profoundly answered the major theoretical and practical questions of why to build a talent-strong country, what a talent-strong country is, and how to build a talent-strong country, and put forward the "Eight Persistences" (八个坚持) for talent work in the new era. To deepen reform of the systems and mechanisms for talent development, it is necessary to establish a more flexible talent management mechanism, remove the institutional and mechanistic obstacles in the flow, use, and functioning of talent, delegate power to employing entities, untie talent, and allow the vitality of talent innovation and creation to burst forth fully. All localities and departments should coordinate and cooperate. Reform of the systems and mechanisms for talent development should be advanced in coordination with institutional reforms in education, science and technology, social management, and other fields, promote the deep integration of the talent chain, innovation chain, industrial chain, and capital chain, continuously optimize the environment for talent development, improve the stage for talent innovation, and further liberate and enhance the vitality of talent.
National development depends on talent; national rejuvenation depends on talent. We must strengthen our awareness of potential dangers, pay more attention to the independent cultivation of talent, accelerate the establishment of competitive advantages in talent resources, strengthen political guidance and political absorption of talent, continuously strengthen and improve work with intellectuals, and encourage talent to cherish deep patriotism, temper their ambition to serve the country, and actively shoulder the missions and responsibilities entrusted by the times. In concrete work, we should continuously enhance the political identity and centripetal force of outstanding talent in all fields toward the Party, transform the Party's political propositions into the conscious actions of the broad ranks of talent, and realize the organic unity of "increasing numbers" and "winning hearts."
In the new era, to respond to changing situations, cultivate new opportunities, open up new prospects, and pursue rejuvenation, the Communist Party of China must uphold the building of a high-caliber cadre contingent capable of shouldering the heavy task of national rejuvenation, and must build well and strengthen the Party's leading bodies and cadre contingents at all levels. On the new journey, building a high-caliber cadre contingent capable of shouldering the heavy task of national rejuvenation requires implementing the standard for good cadres in the new era, making overall plans for the work of selection, cultivation, management, and use, and focusing on building a cadre contingent that is politically solid, meets the requirements of the new era, and possesses the ability to lead modernization.
Return to TopBy: 周鹏龙
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Return to TopBy: 耿海霞
Strengthening the construction of the system of intra-party laws and regulations is a long-term strategy and fundamental strategy for comprehensively governing the Party with strict discipline. The report of the 20th CPC National Congress proposed promoting cadres' ability to be promoted and demoted, to enter and exit, forming a sound situation in which the capable rise, the excellent are rewarded, the mediocre step down, and the inferior are eliminated. The Regulations on Promoting Leading Cadres' Ability to Be Promoted and Demoted (推进领导干部能上能下规定) (hereinafter referred to as the Regulations), as an important component of the system of intra-party laws and regulations, provides institutional guidance for strictly governing the Party and managing officials in the new era and for building a high-caliber governing backbone team that is loyal, clean, and responsible.
Improving the system of intra-party laws and regulations and relying on institutions to solve one's own problems is an important manifestation of our Party's transformation of institutional advantages into governance effectiveness. The Regulations optimizes institutional design, integrates with daily cadre selection and appointment, management and supervision, and leadership team transitions, grasping early and grasping small, conducting daily assessment and analysis, improving the institutional mechanism for promotion and demotion, and promoting the transformation of promotion and demotion from daily exploration to normalized institution. At the same time, it focuses on resolving the difficulties and pain points of "being able to be promoted but not demoted," makes up for the shortcomings in the chain of the intra-party laws and regulations system, and is a major breakthrough in the construction of the intra-party laws and regulations system.
The system of leading cadres being able to be promoted and demoted is an important part of the reform of the cadre and personnel system. In 1986, the CPC Central Committee forwarded the Notice on Several Issues Concerning Adjusting the Positions of Leading Cadres Who Are Incompetent for Their Current Posts (关于调整不胜任现职领导干部职务几个问题的通知) formulated by the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee (中组部), exploring the advancement of promotion and demotion based on the standard of cadres' moral integrity and talent, and conducting a preliminary exploration at the institutional level to solve the problem of cadres incompetent for their current posts "being able to be promoted but not demoted." With the development of practice, although the work of promoting leading cadres' ability to be promoted and demoted has achieved certain results, there are still practical constraints. On the whole, promotion and demotion have not yet formed normalization and institutionalization. The practical exploration in which accumulated experience and reflection on problems are intertwined laid the foundation for the subsequent promulgation of intra-party laws and regulations on cadre promotion and demotion and the construction of a corresponding institutional framework.
In July 2015, the General Office of the CPC Central Committee (中共中央办公厅) issued the Several Provisions on Promoting Leading Cadres' Ability to Be Promoted and Demoted (Trial Implementation) (推进领导干部能上能下若干规定（试行）). This regulatory document is both the result of years of deepening institutional reform and a manifestation of the further improvement of the institutional mechanism for leading cadres' promotion and demotion. The 2015 version of the Regulations has 19 articles, providing detailed measures in terms of strict procedures, standardized methods, strict implementation, establishment of work responsibility systems, and supervision and inspection, reflecting the main tone of "strictness." It clarifies several channels for cadres to "step down," namely removal from office upon reaching the age limit (retirement), departure from office upon expiration of term, accountability handling, adjustment of cadres unsuitable for their current posts, adjustment due to health reasons, and removal from office for disciplinary or legal violations. In particular, it focuses on cadres who have no serious disciplinary or legal violations but whose virtue, competence, diligence, performance, and integrity do not match the requirements of their posts and who are unsuitable for their current posts, and regulates their adjustment. Regarding the adjustment of cadres unsuitable for their current posts, it mainly includes 10 types of situations, defined from the aspects of politics, organization, work style, morality, and responsibility and action; the adjustment procedures mainly include five steps: investigation and verification, proposing adjustment recommendations, organizational decision, conversation, and carrying out appointment and removal procedures; adjustment methods include, based on the cadres' consistent performance and work needs, distinguishing different situations and adopting methods such as transfer from the post, reassignment to a non-leading position, removal from office, and demotion; and it regulates the subsequent use and comeback of cadres unsuitable for their current posts after adjustment. The 2015 version of the Regulations adhered to a distinct problem orientation. Through clear standards and standardized methods, it focused on solving the problem of "stepping down." Relying on the power of intra-party laws and regulations, it set a yardstick for "stepping up," letting those who have achievements have positions; it drew boundaries for "stepping down," letting those who accomplish nothing yield their positions. This helps form a sound employment orientation in which the capable rise, the mediocre step down, and the inferior are eliminated.
In September 2022, the General Office of the CPC Central Committee issued the newly revised Regulations on Promoting Leading Cadres' Ability to Be Promoted and Demoted. This is a revision and improvement made seven years after the implementation of the 2015 version of the Regulations. The Regulations deleted the words "Several" and "Trial Implementation" from the 2015 version, indicating that this intra-party law and regulation has become a systematic and complete formal intra-party law and regulation. The Regulations has 18 articles in total. On the basis of deleting, integrating, and refining and optimizing the wording of the 2015 version, it also added new content according to the development and changes in practice and practical needs. For example, focusing on the identification of cadres unsuitable for their current posts, it expanded from 10 types of situations in the 2015 version to 15 types. In response to the situation where some cadres implement the decisions and arrangements of the Party Central Committee ineffectively, it embeds the requirements of political construction into the entire process of cadre adjustment and adds the expression "political ability is not solid enough, lacking due political judgment, political understanding, and political execution"; in response to some cadres' mentality of "lying flat," "pushing, delaying, and dodging" when encountering matters, especially evading responsibility when facing major tests, it adds the expression "the spirit of responsibility and struggle is not strong"; in response to problems such as some cadres violating the requirements of high-quality development and inadequately implementing the new development philosophy, it adds the expression "deviation exists in the view of political achievements"; in response to the problem of excessive burdens on grassroots units caused by cadres' work style malpractices, it adds expressions such as "prominent problems of formalism and bureaucratism." These new expressions are intended to respond to practical problems in a targeted manner and further enhance the operability of intra-party laws and regulations. The Regulations also makes corresponding optimization and adjustment. For example, it moves "regular analysis and assessment" from the work responsibility clause (Article 15) of the 2015 version to the organizational adjustment responsibility clause (Article 6) of the Regulations. Compared with the 2015 version, which treated it merely as a principled requirement of work responsibility, the Regulations emphasizes that effort should be devoted to ordinary times, deepening daily understanding of cadres, regularly analyzing and assessing performance reviews and inspections, paying attention to budding and tendency problems, and promptly initiating adjustment procedures for those unsuitable for their current posts. By moving the gate of regular assessment forward and organically linking regular assessment with the initiation of adjustment procedures, it promotes the transformation of assessment results into objective basis for cadre promotion and demotion. The channels for "stepping down" have also been optimized and adjusted. The channels clarified in the 2015 version, including removal from office upon reaching the age limit (retirement), departure from office upon expiration of term, accountability handling, adjustment of cadres unsuitable for their current posts, adjustment due to health reasons, and removal from office for disciplinary or legal violations, have been integrated. Where existing intra-party laws and regulations already have clear provisions, supporting connections between institutions should be made to ensure that all institutions exert force in the same direction. In terms of adjustment methods, according to the newly revised Civil Servant Law and other institutional provisions, the expressions "transfer from the post" and "reassignment to a non-leading position" in the 2015 version are revised to "same-level adjustment" and "transfer to a rank-based civil servant," and the arrangement method of "early retirement" is added; in terms of scope of application, personnel holding leading positions in state-owned enterprises and public institutions are added to the scope of reference implementation. In addition, the Regulations also makes more detailed and stricter provisions regarding the scope of application, adjustment procedures, adjustment methods, and work responsibilities, preventing institutions from idling and implementation from becoming hollow, and ensuring the smooth operation of the institutional mechanism for promoting leading cadres' ability to be promoted and demoted.
The vitality of institutions lies in implementation. Laws, regulations, and institutions are not 一纸空文 (yī zhǐ kōng wén - "a blank sheet of paper," empty words on paper, a dead letter). They must take root and produce results. Only by letting iron rules exert force and prohibitions gain authority can the Regulations truly become a sharp weapon for strictly managing cadres.
Strengthen the awareness of implementing regulations. Party members and cadres, especially leading cadres, must take the lead in establishing and practicing a correct view of political achievements, fully recognize that "stepping up" and "stepping down" are both objective needs of career development and overall arrangements made by the organization out of trust, enhance the awareness of consciously abiding by laws and regulations, and achieve a high degree of ideological identification and behavioral identification in the 知行合一 (zhī xíng hé yī - "knowledge and action are one," unity of knowledge and action).
Improve the procedures for implementing regulations. The Regulations makes clear norms for leading cadres' ability to be promoted and demoted. At the same time, it is necessary to grasp the corresponding procedural institutions, including how to effectively connect with intra-party laws and regulations such as the Regulations of the Communist Party of China on Accountability (中国共产党问责条例) and the Regulations of the Communist Party of China on Disciplinary Action (中国共产党纪律处分条例), and how to form a complete closed loop from analysis and assessment to organizational adjustment, so that the institutional mechanism operates smoothly, the adjustment procedures for cadres "stepping down" are initiated in accordance with regulations, and the endogenous driving force for "stepping up" is stimulated. At the same time, the channels for "stepping up" must be unblocked. In the two-way interaction between substantive institutions and procedural institutions, the implementation of promoting leading cadres' ability to be promoted and demoted must be ensured to take root and produce results.
Consolidate the responsibility for implementing regulations. Party committees (Party leadership groups) must bear the primary responsibility; secretaries of Party committees (Party leadership groups) must earnestly fulfill the responsibility of the first responsible person, with each level managing the next and implementing at every level. It is necessary to accurately grasp policy boundaries. For cadres unsuitable for their current posts, different situations should be distinguished based on their consistent performance and work needs, adhering to the combination of strict management and care, giving equal weight to encouragement and restraint, implementing the requirements of "three distinctions" (三个区分开来), and fully stimulating the enthusiasm of cadres to work and start undertakings.
Return to TopBy: 蒋乾麟
This year marks the 90th anniversary of the victory of the Long March of the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Red Army. Why, after 90 years have passed, do we still solemnly commemorate this victory? Because the significance of the Long March in the development history of our Party, our country, and our military is extremely great, and its impact on the historical process of the Chinese nation is extremely profound. To deeply explore and comprehend the way of victory of the great Long March, to understand clearly why the Long March, which endured extremely rare and extraordinarily difficult hardships and dangers, was able to achieve victory, to figure out how, today, in the face of major changes unseen in a century, we can continue to walk well the Long March road of the new era, and thereby more consciously and firmly advance victoriously toward the goal of realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation — this is undoubtedly the central purpose of our commemoration of the victory of the Long March.
The Way of Loyal Faith — Unswerving ideals and beliefs supported the Red Army in trampling flat the rough roads and pressing forward 一往无前 (yī wǎng wú qián - "one advance, nothing before," to press forward dauntlessly)
The Long March took place under the circumstances in which the Central Soviet Area had failed in the Fifth Counter-Encirclement Campaign and had no choice but to shift and break out of encirclement. When they began the Long March, the Red Army officers and soldiers did not know how long they would march, how far they would go, or what hardships the journey would hold, but to the common people who saw them off, almost all of them said the same sentence: "We will surely fight our way back." Why were they so persistent and certain? Because they had lofty ideals and firm beliefs, and firmly believed that the just cause of fighting for the people would surely triumph. When asked in his later years what work he had done during the Long March, Deng Xiaoping said just three words: "Follow and walk." Follow whom? Follow the Party, follow the faith. With faith there is direction; with conviction there is steadfastness. The Long March's distance of journey, length of duration, perilousness of environment, and fierceness of battle were 绝无仅有 (jué wú jǐn yǒu - "absolutely none, only have," unique and unprecedented) in Chinese history, and also extremely rare in world war history and even in the history of human civilization. On the journey, with wind and rain pressing down like a boulder, the Red Army officers and soldiers fought more than 600 campaigns and battles against the enemy, traversed more than half of China, successively climbed over dozens of high mountains (among them more than 20 snow-capped peaks above 4,000 meters above sea level), crossed dozens of rivers, passed through the uninhabited marshlands and grasslands known as the "death trap," conquered the limits of human survival, created a 气吞山河 (qì tūn shān hé - "spirit swallows mountains and rivers," magnificent and heroic) human miracle, and composed a heroic epic filled with revolutionary ideals and fighting will.
The Long March was won in the desperate situation of being pursued, intercepted, blocked, and encircled by more than a million enemy troops, on the brink of extinction. In the most tragic battle of the Long March's breakout, the Xiang River Campaign, the Central Red Army sharply decreased from more than 86,000 men at the start to just over 30,000. The 34th Red Army Division, serving as the rear-guard unit, was completely annihilated. Its division commander, Chen Shuxiang (陈树湘), was wounded in the abdomen by a grenade and unfortunately captured. The enemy wanted to carry him back to claim credit and seek rewards. On the stretcher, he forcibly pulled out his own intestines with his hands and died a heroic death. The blood of tens of thousands of Red Army soldiers dyed the Xiang River red, so much so that the local people thereafter "did not drink the water of the Xiang River for three years, and did not eat the fish of the Xiang River for ten years." This red ribbon of the Long March that shocked the world was soaked with the blood of countless Red Army soldiers. On the 25,000-li journey, on average, one Red Army soldier sacrificed his life every 300 meters. The reason the Red Army officers and soldiers were pressing forward dauntlessly, 视死如归 (shì sǐ rú guī - "view death as returning home," to face death fearlessly), and living by facing death was precisely the heroic spirit and revolutionary spirit forged from ideals and beliefs — fearing no hardship or danger and grudging no sacrifice.
The victory of the Long March verified that the loyal and faithful Communist Party of China and the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army under its leadership possessed indestructible strength. History enlightens us that to reach the other shore of ideals, there is no smooth broad road to take. On the Long March road of the new era, to win new victories in the great struggle with many new historical features, we will still have to cross many "snowy mountains" and "grasslands," conquer many "Loushan Passes" (娄山关) and "Lazikou" (腊子口), and even break through the obstructions of many "Dadu Rivers" (大渡河) and "Luding Bridges" (泸定桥). Only by maintaining firm ideals and beliefs can we trample the rough roads flat and turn them into a great thoroughfare. And the firmness of ideals and beliefs comes from the clarity of thought and theory. By deepening theoretical arming and thickening the roots of faith, we let truth guide and strengthen our ideals, "illuminate the road of struggle with the light of ideals, and create a bright future with the power of faith."
The Way of the Great Turn — An independent choice at a critical moment marked the Communist Party of China's passage through twists and turns toward maturity
The Long March unfolded against a very complex and profound background of the Chinese revolution. The first problem encountered was the strategic choice of direction and path. After the September 18th Incident in 1931, Japanese imperialism forcibly occupied our three northeastern provinces and, 虎视眈眈 (hǔ shì dān dān - "glare fiercely like a tiger," to eye covetously), attempted to occupy all of China. The Chinese nation had reached its most dangerous moment, and the principal contradiction within the country began to transform from class contradiction to national contradiction. The Kuomintang's Chiang Kai-shek stubbornly adhered to the reactionary policy of "resist foreign aggression only after pacifying the interior," disregarded the safety of the nation, successively mobilized a million troops to launch five "encirclement and suppression" campaigns against our Central Soviet Area, and then pursued, intercepted, blocked, and encircled the Red Army that was forced to undertake the Long March, determined to 赶尽杀绝 (gǎn jìn shā jué - "drive to the end, kill to extinction," to exterminate utterly). The Communist Party of China, which placed the great righteousness of the nation first, promptly put forward the proposition of stopping the civil war and establishing an anti-Japanese national united front, "insisting on linking its own destiny with the destiny of the Chinese nation, linking the military strategic shift with the political strategic transformation, and linking the great forward direction of the Long March with the establishment of forward positions for resisting Japan." In this way, it not only set up a benchmark of justice and preserved the strength of the revolution, but also found a new foothold and starting point for the Chinese revolution centered on the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia revolutionary base area, and realized the great transformation from the domestic revolutionary war to the anti-Japanese national war. The victory of the Long March was a victory of the direction and path of the revolution.
The Long March was carried out passively under the erroneous leadership of "Left" dogmatism within the Party. To turn passivity into initiative and transform a desperate situation into victory, the most crucial and most central task was to resolve the question of the Party's supreme leadership and command authority. The Zunyi Meeting (遵义会议), convened in January 1935, summed up the lessons of the failure of the Fifth Counter-Encirclement Campaign and the severe setbacks suffered in the early period of the Long March, put an end to the domination of the erroneous "Left" dogmatism in the Party Central Committee, in fact established Comrade Mao Zedong's leadership position in the Party Central Committee and the Red Army, began to establish the leadership position in the Party Central Committee of the correct Marxist line with Comrade Mao Zedong as its principal representative, and began to form the Party's first generation of central leadership collective with Comrade Mao Zedong at its core. This was the first time the Communist Party of China, without the intervention of the Comintern, 独立自主 (dú lì zì zhǔ - "stand alone, decide for oneself," to act independently and autonomously) resolved its own major problems, thereby providing the most fundamental guarantee for the Party, the Red Army, and the Chinese revolution to 转危为安 (zhuǎn wēi wéi ān - "turn danger into safety," to turn crisis into safety) and continuously open up new prospects. The Zunyi Meeting thereby became a 生死攸关 (shēng sǐ yōu guān - "life and death, pertaining to," a matter of vital importance) historical turning point for our Party. The Four Crossings of the Chishui River (四渡赤水) from January to March 1935 were a 神来之笔 (shén lái zhī bǐ - "brush stroke of divine inspiration," a stroke of genius) by Mao Zedong, who commanded 30,000 Red Army soldiers to leap out of the encirclement of 400,000 Kuomintang troops. The Red Army's Long March finally turned from passivity to initiative.
The victory of the Long March further promoted the formation and development of Mao Zedong Thought and advanced the historical process of the Sinicization of Marxism. History enlightens us that only by combining the basic principles of Marxism with China's specific realities and with China's excellent traditional culture, adhering to 实事求是 (shí shì qiú shì - "seek truth from actual matters," to be practical and realistic) and independence and autonomy, and unswervingly taking the path of revolution, construction, and reform that suits China's national conditions, can we continuously open up new prospects and win new victories. Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is the latest achievement of the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism and the action guide for the whole Party and the people of the whole country in striving to realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. The strong leadership of the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core is the 定海神针 (dìng hǎi shén zhēn - "the divine needle that stabilizes the sea," the stabilizing force) for our advancement of the cause of building a strong country. We must more deeply comprehend the decisive significance of the "Two Establishments" (两个确立), resolutely achieve the "Two Upholdings" (两个维护), always maintain firm faith in Marxism, firm belief in socialism with Chinese characteristics, firm trust in the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, and firm confidence in realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and strive to win new victories in the Long March of the new era.
The Way of the Root of Winning Battles — The original aspiration of being wholly for the people and relying on the people, as firm as a rock, wins the people's hearts and is 无往不胜 (wú wǎng bù shèng - "no going, not winning," invincible wherever one goes)
A history of the Long March is a history of the people's army sharing 风雨同舟 (fēng yǔ tóng zhōu - "wind and rain, same boat," standing together through storm and stress), 生死相依 (shēng sǐ xiāng yī - "life and death, mutually dependent," clinging to each other in life and death), and 患难与共 (huàn nàn yǔ gòng - "suffering and difficulty, share together," sharing weal and woe) with the people. During the Long March, the "Proclamation of the General Political Department of the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Red Army" (中国工农红军总政治部布告) clearly declared that "the Red Army is the worker-peasant masses' own army" and solemnly promised to "absolutely protect the interests of the workers, peasants, and poor people." In Shazhou Village (沙洲村), Rucheng County (汝城县), Hunan, three female Red Army soldiers lodged at the home of the elderly Xu Jiexiu (徐解秀). When they left, they cut in half the only quilt they had and left one half for the elderly woman. The elderly woman said, what is the Communist Party? The Communist Party is people who, even if they have only one quilt, will cut off half and give it to the common people. About one-third of the Long March's journey passed through minority ethnic areas. Respecting ethnic customs and safeguarding ethnic unity became the conscious action of Red Army officers and soldiers. At the critical moment of the Four Crossings of the Chishui River, the masses took down the door panels of their own homes to lay bridges, paving the way for the victory of the Long March. The victory of the Long March was a victory of the mass line of "everything for the masses, everything relying on the masses."
A history of the Long March is a history of the Red Army uniting with the masses, propagating to the masses, and arming the masses. During the Long March, our Party held high the great banner of the whole nation's united resistance against Japan, gathering together the strength to resist foreign aggression in unison. In the 11 provinces and regions along the route, [the Red Army] propagated our Party's propositions all along the way, sowed the sparks of revolution, expanded the influence of the Party and the Red Army, and won the sincere support and endorsement of the masses. The broad masses deeply recognized that the Communist Party of China was a party that truly sought benefits for the people, that the Red Army was truly the people's army and a force of resistance against Japan, and that following the Communist Party was the correct choice to save the country and the people. They therefore supported the Red Army and joined the Red Army one after another. During the Long March, the Red Army raised a total of more than 10,000 tons of grain and replenished approximately 20,000 troops. Mao Zedong vividly summarized: "The Long March is the first of its kind in the historical record. The Long March is a declaration, the Long March is a propaganda team, the Long March is a seeder." The Long March was in fact a great expedition that awakened the people and won the people's hearts.
The victory of the Long March fully demonstrated the powerful strength of the Communist Party of China's nature, purpose, original aspiration, and mission. "Deeply rooted in the people, always possessing a solid foundation" is the distinctive quality of Chinese Communists and also the source of victory for winning the Long March and the entire cause of revolution, construction, and reform. History enlightens us that the masses are the creators of history. The country is the people, and the people are the country. As long as we firmly stand with the people, think with the people, and work with the people, consciously uphold the supremacy of the people, place the people in the highest position in our hearts, take the people's aspiration for a better life as our goal of struggle, and make every effort to solve the problems of unbalanced and inadequate development and the urgent, difficult, and anxious problems of the masses, we will surely be able to gather the mighty force for advancing Chinese-style modernization with high quality.
The Way of Strength Cohesion — A revolutionary contingent that puts the overall situation first and guards discipline like iron is closely united and as strong as steel
During the Long March, the Red Army withstood the severe test of 临危不乱 (lín wēi bù luàn - "face danger, not panic," staying calm in the face of danger) and 步调一致 (bù diào yī zhì - "steps and rhythm, unified," marching in step), forging a revolutionary contingent as firm as steel. When the Long March set out, Comrades such as He Shuheng (何叔衡), a representative at the First National Congress of the Party, and Qu Qiubai (瞿秋白), who had once served as a principal leader of the Party, resolutely obeyed the organization's decision to stay behind and persist in the struggle. Soon after, they died heroically, safeguarding the overall situation and unity with their lives. During the Long March, under conditions of extreme material scarcity, lacking clothing and food, the Red Army upheld mass discipline and insisted on "not taking a single thing from the masses." When passing through the Tibetan area of Songpan (松潘) during the highland barley harvest season, after reaping the crop, the Red Army left wooden placards for the Tibetan people who had fled, noting the amount reaped, as vouchers for exchanging the money for the highland barley from Red Army units or the Soviet government. When crossing Jiajin Mountain (夹金山), a commander found a comrade thinly clad frozen stiff and loudly called out, "Find the quartermaster director!" A soldier beside him, with tears in his eyes, responded, "He is the quartermaster director." This revolutionary spirit of 顾全大局 (gù quán dà jú - "consider the whole, the great situation," keeping the overall situation in mind), strictly observing discipline, and maintaining close unity became the powerful cohesion and combat effectiveness of the Long March's victory.
The Long March overcame Zhang Guotao's (张国焘) erroneous behavior of splitting the Party and the Red Army, safeguarding the Party's unity and centralized and unified leadership. In mid-June 1935, the First and Fourth Front Armies of the Red Army joined forces at Maogong (懋功), Sichuan. The Party Central Committee decided that the two front armies should jointly march north and establish base areas in the three provinces of Sichuan, Shaanxi, and Gansu. Zhang Guotao, the principal leader of the Fourth Front Army, confident in his many guns and his numerical strength, with his personal ambition inflating, openly contended with the Party for power, even "establishing a second Central Committee" and proclaiming himself chairman. He refused to implement the correct policy of marching north and stubbornly insisted on going south, causing the Red Army to suffer severe setbacks. This kind of splitting behavior, which makes those dear to us grieve and our enemies rejoice, was resisted and opposed by many comrades in the Party and the Red Army. The Party Central Committee carried out a resolute struggle against this and handled it with reason and restraint, safeguarding the overall situation of close unity between the Party and the Red Army and ensuring the victory of the Long March.
The victory of the Long March proved that the closely united and strictly disciplined Communist Party of China was worthy of being the strong leadership core of the cause of the Chinese revolution. History enlightens us that the leadership of the Communist Party of China is the most essential feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics and the greatest strength of the system of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Upholding the authority of the Party Central Committee and centralized and unified leadership is the Party's fundamental political principle and political discipline, and it is also the fundamental guarantee for rallying the people's hearts and accomplishing great undertakings. Only by uniting into "a single piece of hard steel," adhering to political guidance and strict discipline, upholding the Party's absolute leadership over the military, uniting all forces that can be united, and mobilizing all positive factors that can be mobilized, can the whole Party, in the historical process of responding to various domestic and international risks and tests, always remain the backbone of the people of the whole country and inject more and form greater positive energy for realizing the Chinese Dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.
(The author is a member of the Advisory Committee of the Central Marxist Theory Research and Development Project (中央马克思主义理论研究和建设工程), former president of the Nanjing Political College (南京政治学院), and a major general of the Air Force.)
Return to TopBy: 魏立诚
"July 1 Medal" (七一勋章) recipient Wang Yuchang (王於昌) has always treasured a photograph — the group photo taken on July 23, 1964, when he and his comrades-in-arms were received by Mao Zedong and other Party and state leaders. This photograph bears witness to the course of struggle in which the People's Air Force surface-to-air missile units, starting from zero, repeatedly performed meritorious service, shot down multiple U.S.-made U-2 high-altitude reconnaissance aircraft, and powerfully guarded the security of the motherland's airspace.
Planning according to the situation, forming a new type of air defense force. In the early period after the founding of New China, the construction of the People's Air Force had just started, the territorial air defense system was still being established, and security threats from the air were becoming increasingly prominent. Since the 1950s, the United States had repeatedly used high-altitude reconnaissance aircraft to conduct strategic reconnaissance against China. Subsequently, the United States again supported the Taiwan authorities in using U.S.-made RB-57D, U-2 and other high-altitude reconnaissance aircraft to continuously intrude into the airspace of the mainland, conducting reconnaissance of important military installations and national defense construction. The flight altitudes of these high-altitude reconnaissance aircraft far exceeded the effective altitude of China's anti-aircraft artillery at that time, and fighter aircraft also found it difficult to intercept them effectively. How to break through the limitations of traditional air defense means and safeguard national airspace security became an important issue that the Party Central Committee and the Central Military Commission had to resolve.
Given that China's missile technology foundation was weak at the time, and it was difficult to independently develop and form combat capability in the short term, China adopted the path of first introducing equipment, learning and mastering it, and then carrying out reverse-engineering and improvement, so as to accelerate the building of new-type air defense forces. On October 6, 1958, in accordance with the deployment of the Central Military Commission, China's first surface-to-air missile unit was secretly established. For reasons of confidentiality, the unit used the code name "543" externally, did not publicize its designation, station, or mission, and often disguised itself as a survey team or a well-drilling team. The unit selected cadres and soldiers with reliable political quality and solid professional competence from the air force, anti-aircraft artillery, communications and other units to form the initial backbone of its construction. A number of cadres obeyed organizational arrangements, voluntarily adjusted their posts, and were willing to accept "high rank in a low post." With the advancement of unit construction, the First Battalion was the first to be established, followed by the Second Battalion and the Third Battalion, and China's earliest surface-to-air missile combat force gradually took shape.
Painstakingly honing internal strength, forging excellent combat capability. In December 1958, the unit quickly launched equipment reception training. Theoretical training was divided into 17 specialties, and weapon and operation training was divided into 4 categories. The operational unit was given counterpart guidance by Soviet missile battalions. Due to limited training materials and strict confidentiality requirements, many courses had no ready-made textbooks or lecture notes, and officers and soldiers could only listen and take notes as they went, with their study notes still required to be handed in for safekeeping. Facing unfamiliar equipment and special training conditions, officers and soldiers fully brought their initiative into play and tried every means to master the new equipment as quickly as possible. When there were no notebooks, some used tree branches as pens and repeatedly wrote out component names and model parameters from memory on sandy soil. When there were no physical missiles, some made wooden models to practice operational procedures. Wang Yuchang later recalled that at that time, in order to master the equipment as soon as possible, "even in my dreams I was operating it over and over again."
On the eve of the tenth anniversary celebration of the founding of New China in 1959, facing the threat of continuous harassment by U.S.-made high-altitude reconnaissance aircraft, the Party Central Committee and the Central Military Commission decided to activate the surface-to-air missile unit to undertake the capital's air defense mission. On October 7, the Second Battalion of the surface-to-air missile unit, which was performing its mission in the Tongxian (通县) area of Beijing, successfully shot down a U.S.-made RB-57D high-altitude reconnaissance aircraft that had intruded into China's airspace. As early as the early 1950s, the United States, the Soviet Union, Britain, France and other countries had begun to develop and produce surface-to-air missiles and equip their troops with them, but none had been tested in actual combat. The Chinese Air Force's use of a surface-to-air missile to shoot down a U.S.-made RB-57D high-altitude reconnaissance aircraft in a single strike created the first precedent in the history of world air defense operations of using surface-to-air missiles to shoot down aircraft, and also marked an important leap for China's surface-to-air missile units from mastering new equipment to forming actual combat capability.
As the enemy aircraft's activity areas continuously changed, and in view of the U-2's characteristics of high flight altitude, high speed, and strong electronic reconnaissance capability, the unit changed its previous method of fixed-position air defense with surface-to-air missiles and adopted the method of mobile ambush along the enemy aircraft's anticipated reconnaissance routes to meet and attack the incoming enemy. From the Gobi Desert in the northwest to the hills of Jiangnan, from desolate wilderness and mountain ravines to the depths of dense forests, officers and soldiers traveled from place to place, eating in the wind and sleeping in the dew (风餐露宿 (fēng cān lù sù - "eat in the wind, sleep in the dew," to endure the hardships of outdoor life)), and were vividly described as "dragging missiles to fight guerrilla warfare." Sometimes, in order to wait for a possible combat opportunity, they had to hold on in the field for a long time. On September 9, 1962, after more than two months of mobile ambush, the Second Battalion of the surface-to-air missile unit successfully shot down a U-2 high-altitude reconnaissance aircraft in Nanchang, Jiangxi. This was the first time the People's Air Force surface-to-air missile unit had shot down a U-2. After the victory, Liu Yalou (刘亚楼), then Commander of the Air Force, immediately reported to the Central Committee and reported the good news to Chief of the General Staff Luo Ruiqing (罗瑞卿). Previously, Luo Ruiqing had encouraged the unit to persist in ambushing the U-2 with the words "fishing for a needle in the sea, never giving up" (大海捞针 (dà hǎi lāo zhēn - "fish for a needle in the sea," to search for something extremely difficult to find)). In this report, Liu Yalou said that they had finally "fished out the needle." After learning of the news, Zhou Enlai also immediately called, saying "This is a great victory," and on behalf of the Party Central Committee, the State Council, and the people of the whole country, expressed congratulations to the unit's officers and soldiers.
Winning victory by adapting to the enemy (因敌制胜 (yīn dí zhì shèng - "win victory according to the enemy," to defeat the enemy by adapting to his situation)), innovating air defense combat methods. After the first shooting down of a U-2 high-altitude reconnaissance aircraft, the enemy and our side launched a new contest around high-altitude reconnaissance and anti-reconnaissance. To improve the success rate of reconnaissance, the enemy installed electronic early-warning devices on the U-2. Once it detected the signals of our guidance radar, it would immediately take evasive action, change course, and quickly flee. As a result, the original combat method faced new challenges.
In response to the difficulties posed by the U-2's electronic early warning, the Air Force Party Committee organized commanders and technical backbone personnel to conduct in-depth analysis of the enemy aircraft's flight patterns, the characteristics of the electronic early-warning devices, and our army's combat procedures. Through research, the unit discovered that the U-2 had only about 20 seconds from detecting the guidance radar signal to taking evasive action. Shortening the time from guidance radar activation to missile launch became the key to defeating the enemy's electronic early warning.
To improve the suddenness of the attack, our army significantly adjusted the combat procedure: first using the acquisition radar to conduct long-distance tracking, then activating the guidance radar only after the target entered the ambush zone, compressing the activation distance from 120 kilometers to about 35 kilometers, while moving 9 operations such as missile power-on forward, compressing the time from radar activation to missile launch from 8 minutes to within 8 seconds. A new tactic featuring "short-distance activation, rapid target acquisition, swift missile launch" gradually took shape, and Liu Yalou named it the "near-fast tactic" (近快战法).
On November 1, 1963, the "near-fast tactic" received its first test in actual combat. A U-2 high-altitude reconnaissance aircraft entered the airspace of the mainland from the direction of Wenzhou, Zhejiang. When the target entered the effective attack range, each combat position quickly completed radar activation, target locking, and missile launch. The entire process took only 8 seconds, and the enemy aircraft was successfully shot down. On July 7, 1964, the Second Battalion, which had moved to Zhangzhou, Fujian, shot down another U-2.
After shooting down multiple U.S.-made high-altitude reconnaissance aircraft, the Second Battalion to which Wang Yuchang belonged received a grand commendation. On June 6, 1964, the Ministry of National Defense conferred on the Second Battalion the honorary title of "Hero Battalion" (英雄营). On July 23, Mao Zedong and other Party and state leaders cordially received all officers and soldiers of the Second Battalion at the Great Hall of the People. Wang Yuchang was awarded a personal first-class merit for his outstanding performance in the operations to shoot down U-2 high-altitude reconnaissance aircraft. These honors record not only the victories of one battle after another, but also bear witness to the growth course of the People's Air Force surface-to-air missile units, under the leadership of the Party, from nothing to something and from weak to strong.
Return to TopBy: 莫纪宏
General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized that strengthening the building of foreign-related rule of law (涉外法治) is both a long-term need for comprehensively advancing the great cause of building a strong country and national rejuvenation through Chinese-style modernization, and 当务之急 (dāng wù zhī jí - "the urgent task of the moment," an urgent priority) for advancing high-standard opening up and responding to external risks and challenges. The Outline of the 15th Five-Year Plan makes arrangements for "accelerating the building of the system and capacity of foreign-related rule of law." At present, the major changes unseen in a century are accelerating their evolution, the international balance of power is undergoing profound adjustment, unilateralism and protectionism continue to spread, some countries abuse "long-arm jurisdiction" and impose unilateral sanctions, and the global governance system is being deeply reshaped. At the same time, China's high-standard opening up continues to deepen, cross-border economic, trade, scientific and technological, and people-to-people exchanges are becoming increasingly frequent, the number of foreign-related legal matters has surged, their fields continue to broaden, and their complexity has risen significantly, making the strategic value of foreign-related rule of law increasingly prominent. Standing on the new journey of the new era, accelerating the building of the system and capacity of foreign-related rule of law is an inevitable requirement for thoroughly implementing Xi Jinping Thought on the Rule of Law, and also a key strategic measure for coordinating the two overall situations of domestic and international affairs, coordinating the two major tasks of development and security, and promoting the building of a community with a shared future for mankind.
Profoundly grasp the theoretical positioning of foreign-related rule of law
Foreign-related rule of law is an original and iconic concept of Xi Jinping Thought on the Rule of Law, a major theoretical innovation in the Sinicization and modernization of Marxist theory on the rule of law, and marks the elevation of our Party's understanding of the laws of comprehensive law-based governance, legal safeguards for opening up, and law-based global governance to a new height.
In February 2019, General Secretary Xi Jinping presided over the second meeting of the Central Committee for Comprehensive Law-Based Governance (中央全面依法治国委员会) and pointed out that "strengthening the building of foreign-related rule of law creates a sound legal environment for advancing reform, development, and stability." In November 2020, at the Central Conference on Comprehensive Law-Based Governance, General Secretary Xi Jinping proposed "adhering to the coordinated advancement of domestic rule of law and foreign-related rule of law" and incorporated it into the core tenets of Xi Jinping Thought on the Rule of Law. This major theoretical breakthrough expanded the vision of rule of law building from a single domestic governance dimension to all-domain governance that coordinates both domestic and international dimensions, precisely matched the development characteristics of the deep integration of China and the world in the new era, and clarified the core positioning that rule of law building must both consolidate the foundation of domestic governance and actively respond to risks in the international rule of law field, serve the overall situation of opening up, and participate in shaping international rules. In November 2023, at the 10th group study session of the 20th Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, General Secretary Xi Jinping made clear that foreign-related rule of law is an important component of the system of socialist rule of law with Chinese characteristics. Foreign-related rule of law is not a simple extension of domestic rule of law, but an independent field adapted to cross-border governance, international exchanges, and global governance, which is 相辅相成 (xiāng fǔ xiāng chéng - "mutually assist and mutually complete," to complement each other) and organically unified with domestic rule of law.
Accelerating the building of the system and capacity of foreign-related rule of law is, in essence, the implementation and application of Xi Jinping Thought on the Rule of Law. As an original and iconic concept, the theory of foreign-related rule of law is grounded in the practice of Chinese-style modernization, takes into account both the needs of domestic governance and the responsibility of upholding international rule of law, adheres to the bottom line of national sovereignty, security, and development interests, upholds the global governance vision of extensive consultation, joint contribution, and shared benefits, and provides a Chinese rule of law solution for resolving the dilemmas of international rule of law and building a more just and equitable global governance system. Accelerating the building of the system and capacity of foreign-related rule of law focuses on transforming the institutional advantages of socialism with Chinese characteristics into effective cross-border governance and global governance, making up for the shortcomings and weaknesses of foreign-related rule of law, and safeguarding high-standard opening up and escorting high-quality development with high-standard foreign-related rule of law.
Comprehensively review the policy evolution of foreign-related rule of law building
Since the 18th CPC National Congress, China has deeply integrated into economic globalization; cross-border trade, investment, finance, and the digital economy have flourished; foreign-related civil, commercial, administrative, and criminal legal matters have increased substantially; and cross-border rule of law risks have continued to become prominent. The traditional single-dimensional and matter-based model of foreign-related legal work can hardly adapt to the governance needs of the new era, and there is an urgent need to improve the layout of foreign-related rule of law through top-level design and build a systematic and coordinated cross-border rule of law governance system. In response, the CPC Central Committee has continuously optimized the policy system for foreign-related rule of law, presenting an overall policy trajectory of 循序渐进 (xún xù jiàn jìn - "follow order, gradually advance," to proceed step by step in due order), progressing layer by layer, and improving through iteration, achieving a strategic upgrade from special work deployment to systematic building and from partial advancement to overall layout, and steadily deepening and consolidating the building of foreign-related rule of law.
The Decision of the CPC Central Committee on Several Major Issues Concerning Comprehensively Advancing Law-Based Governance, reviewed and adopted at the Fourth Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee, proposed "strengthening foreign-related legal work (涉外法律工作)." Focusing on the basic rule of law safeguards for opening up, it prioritized resolving basic shortcomings such as the lack of foreign-related rules, insufficient legal services, and imperfect dispute resolution mechanisms, laying a solid policy foundation for subsequent systematic building. As China deeply integrated into the international rules system, the needs to participate in global governance, respond to international rule of law competition, and protect overseas interests became increasingly urgent, and the connotation and extension of foreign-related rule of law continued to expand. The Fourth Plenary Session of the 19th CPC Central Committee explicitly upgraded "strengthening foreign-related legal work" to "strengthening foreign-related rule of law work (涉外法治工作)." This change of one character demonstrated a conceptual innovation, achieving a leap from handling individual matters to all-round rule of law building, with emphasis on the overall improvement of the rule of law system, rule of law capacity, and rule of law thinking, marking the basic formation of a systematic and institutionalized understanding of foreign-related rule of law. The Outline of the 14th Five-Year Plan explicitly proposed "strengthening the building of the system of foreign-related rule of law (涉外法治体系建设)," incorporating foreign-related rule of law into the overall economic and social development, establishing the construction direction of systematization, capacity-building, and modernization, and promoting the transformation of foreign-related rule of law from piecemeal rectification to systematic quality improvement and scaled development. The Third Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Committee further improved the strategic layout of foreign-related rule of law work, making "strengthening the building of foreign-related rule of law (涉外法治建设)" a special deployment as part of improving the system of socialist rule of law with Chinese characteristics, and explicitly proposing to improve foreign-related laws and regulations and the rule of law implementation system and deepen international cooperation in law enforcement and judiciary; improve the judicial and adjudication systems in foreign-related civil legal relations whereby the parties agree on jurisdiction and choose the application of foreign law in accordance with the law; improve the international commercial arbitration and mediation systems, cultivate world-class arbitration institutions and law firms, and actively participate in the formulation of international rules. This round of deployment refined the core carriers and practical handles of foreign-related rule of law building, made up for key shortcomings in dispute resolution, international cooperation, and participation in rule-making, completed the overall top-level layout of the building of the system and capacity of foreign-related rule of law, and constructed a complete strategic system covering top-level design, institutional building, practical operation, and mechanism safeguards.
Looking at the overall policy evolution, from "foreign-related legal work" to "foreign-related rule of law work," from "building the system of foreign-related rule of law" to "building foreign-related rule of law," and then to "accelerating the building of the system and capacity of foreign-related rule of law," it clearly reflects the CPC Central Committee's continuously deepening understanding of the laws of foreign-related rule of law building, precisely matches the strategic transformation of China's opening up from mainly "bringing in (引进来)" to laying equal emphasis on "bringing in" and "going global (走出去)," and from passively integrating into international rules to actively participating in global governance, and comprehensively responds to the needs of the new era to manage foreign-related affairs according to law, prevent cross-border rule of law risks, protect legitimate overseas rights and interests, and lead the development of global rule of law.
Implement the practical paths for the building of foreign-related rule of law
The building of the system and capacity of foreign-related rule of law is a systematic project that runs through the entire chain of rule of law, covers all fields of opening up, and links the domestic and international dual circulations. It is necessary to focus on the six core links of legislation, law enforcement, judiciary, law observance, legal services, and talent development, make systematic efforts and implement targeted policies, promote the two-way integration of the "externalization of domestic rule of law (域内法治域外化)" and the "internalization of foreign-related rule of law (域外法治域内化)," comprehensively enhance the modernization level of foreign-related rule of law, and empower Chinese-style modernization and contribute to the building of a community with a shared future for mankind with high-standard foreign-related rule of law.
Improve the foreign-related legislation system and consolidate the institutional foundation of foreign-related rule of law. A complete system of foreign-related laws and regulations is the premise and foundation of foreign-related rule of law building. Based on the needs of high-standard opening up and global governance, it is necessary to adhere to problem orientation, systematic thinking, and forward-looking layout, and build a foreign-related legal system that is scientific and complete, internally and externally connected, adapted to international standards, and strongly guaranteed. On the one hand, focus on key areas such as cross-border economy and trade, cross-border finance, digital trade, intellectual property, ecological governance, and maritime rights and interests, make up for shortcomings in foreign-related legislation, improve supporting norms for foreign-related civil, commercial, administrative, and criminal matters, refine the legal norms for cross-border activities, and fill legislative gaps in emerging fields. On the other hand, strengthen the building of the system for the extraterritorial application of Chinese law, improve the legal systems against sanctions, against interference, and against "long-arm jurisdiction," improve the rules for overseas rights protection, foreign-related risk prevention and control, and cross-border compliance supervision, and build a solid rule of law barrier for national sovereignty, security, and development interests. At the same time, actively align with high-standard international economic and trade rules, deeply participate in the revision and creation of international treaties and international practices, promote the sound connection between domestic foreign-related legislation and international rule of law rules, and enhance the international adaptability and rule influence of China's foreign-related legal system.
Strengthen foreign-related law enforcement coordination and enhance the effectiveness of cross-border rule of law governance. Foreign-related law enforcement is a key link in implementing foreign-related legal systems, regulating cross-border order, and preventing foreign-related risks. In view of the cross-jurisdictional, cross-border, and highly collaborative characteristics of foreign-related law enforcement, it is necessary to improve international law enforcement coordination mechanisms and build a standardized, efficient, clearly empowered, open, and inclusive foreign-related law enforcement system. Continue to deepen law enforcement cooperation with governments of various countries and international organizations, build normalized cooperation platforms in areas such as combating transnational crime, intellectual property protection, antitrust regulation, cross-border data security, and ecological environment governance, and smooth the working channels of information sharing, lead transfer, joint law enforcement, and mutual recognition of results. Strictly standardize foreign-related law enforcement procedures, unify law enforcement standards, enhance law enforcement transparency and credibility, balance the rigidity of law enforcement with openness and flexibility, and continuously optimize a market-oriented, law-based, and internationalized first-class business environment. Improve the mechanisms for early warning, assessment, and handling of foreign-related rule of law risks, precisely prevent and control cross-border economic and trade risks, international rule of law game risks, and national security risks, and escort the orderly advancement of opening up with precise and efficient foreign-related law enforcement.
Improve the quality of foreign-related judicial services and improve the international dispute resolution mechanisms. Fair and efficient foreign-related judiciary is the core support for optimizing the foreign-related rule of law environment, resolving international commercial disputes, and enhancing the discourse power of international rule of law. It is necessary to focus on the core needs of cross-border dispute resolution and comprehensively enhance the internationalization and professional case-handling capabilities of China's judicial, mediation, and arbitration institutions. Continue to improve international commercial litigation mechanisms, optimize the operation model of international commercial courts, standardize the trial procedures for foreign-related cases, and enhance the professionalism, authority, and international credibility of judicial adjudications. Integrate the multiple resources of litigation, mediation, and arbitration to build an efficient, convenient, cost-controllable, and smoothly connected international commercial dispute resolution system. Relying on new platforms such as the International Organization for Mediation (国际调解院), actively participate in the formulation of rules and practical operation of international dispute mediation, and enhance China's institutional discourse power in the field of international dispute resolution. Adhere to the principle of equal protection, protect the legitimate rights and interests of all types of business entities in accordance with the law, and create a stable, fair, transparent, and predictable foreign-related judicial environment.
Deepen foreign-related legal popularization and law observance and cultivate an internationalized rule of law ecosystem. A sound foreign-related rule of law atmosphere is the social foundation for the effective implementation of foreign-related rule of law. As enterprises "go global" and citizens' cross-border exchanges become increasingly normalized, it is necessary to build a normalized, targeted, and full-coverage foreign-related legal popularization system in accordance with the requirements of the Law on Legal Publicity and Education (法治宣传教育法). Focus on key groups such as foreign trade enterprises, cross-border practitioners, and outbound citizens, carry out targeted legal publicity on international trade law, international investment law, cross-border compliance, overseas rights protection, and foreign-related dispute response, and comprehensively enhance the foreign-related rule of law thinking, compliance awareness, and risk prevention and control capabilities of business entities and the public. Guide all types of foreign-related entities to consciously abide by domestic foreign-related laws and regulations and internationally accepted rules, and regulate cross-border business and foreign-related exchanges. At the same time, actively carry out international rule of law exchanges and dissemination, tell China's rule of law stories well, spread China's foreign-related rule of law concepts, demonstrate China's rule of law responsibility in respecting international law, safeguarding the international order, and practicing multilateralism, and create a favorable international public opinion environment for the rule of law.
Optimize foreign-related legal services and build a full-coverage service system. High-quality foreign-related legal services are an important link connecting domestic and international rule of law, protecting the legitimate rights and interests of entities, and resolving foreign-related rule of law risks. It is necessary to integrate public legal service resources and market-oriented legal service resources to build an integrated, full-domain, and professional foreign-related legal service system. Improve the legal affairs working mechanisms of Chinese embassies and consulates abroad, improve the foreign-related public legal service platforms, and provide inclusive services such as free legal consultation, compliance guidance, dispute mediation, and rights relief for small and medium-sized foreign trade enterprises, grassroots foreign-related entities, and outbound citizens. Cultivate the high-end foreign-related legal service market, guide lawyers, notarization, judicial appraisal, and intellectual property service institutions to deepen their presence in foreign-related fields, and enhance professional capabilities in cross-border compliance review, international dispute response, and cross-border investment and financing legal safeguards. Focus on key areas such as pilot free trade zones, cross-border cooperation zones, and open ports, gather high-quality legal service resources, build international legal service highlands, and support high-standard opening up in an all-round way.
Build a strong foreign-related rule of law talent team and consolidate the intellectual support for long-term development. High-quality foreign-related rule of law talents are the core strategic resource of foreign-related rule of law building. At present, China's foreign-related rule of law talent team still has prominent shortcomings such as insufficient total quantity, suboptimal structure, severe shortage of high-end talents, and weak practical adaptability, which restrict the high-quality development of foreign-related rule of law. It is necessary to adhere to the simultaneous introduction and cultivation, classified policies, and systematic training, and build a composite foreign-related rule of law talent team that is politically sound, well-versed in international law, proficient in foreign languages, familiar with international rules, and possesses a global vision. Optimize the talent cultivation system in colleges and universities, improve core courses such as international law and international dispute resolution, strengthen practical teaching and international exchanges, and consolidate the foundation of reserve talents. Improve the normalized training mechanism for in-service personnel, focus on key areas such as foreign-related law enforcement and judiciary, international rules research, and cross-border legal services, carry out special training, and enhance the professional capabilities of in-service personnel. Improve the talent evaluation, incentive, and introduction mechanisms, gather international high-end rule of law talents, build normalized exchange and cooperation platforms, promote the large-scale, professional, and international development of foreign-related rule of law talents, and provide lasting intellectual support for foreign-related rule of law building.
Coordinate the integration of domestic and foreign-related rule of law and serve global governance and the building of a community with a shared future for mankind. Foreign-related rule of law building is not a single extraterritorial rule of law building, but a systematic governance project that coordinates the domestic and international dual circulations and connects domestic rule of law and international rule of law. It is necessary to adhere to the systems concept, rely on the building of the system of socialist rule of law with Chinese characteristics, promote the two-way integration and two-way empowerment of the "externalization of domestic rule of law" and the "internalization of foreign-related rule of law," and achieve the coordinated progress of the quality improvement and upgrading of domestic rule of law and the orderly participation of international rule of law. The so-called externalization of domestic rule of law means, based on China's mature rule of law practice and institutional advantages, promoting the outward extension of domestic rule of law experience, governance models, and institutional concepts, actively participating in the reshaping of global rules, and contributing Chinese rule of law wisdom and Chinese rule of law solutions. Always firmly safeguard the international system with the United Nations at its core and the international order based on international law, resolutely resist unilateralism, hegemonism, and illegal extraterritorial jurisdiction, and safeguard the fairness and justice of international rule of law. Focus on emerging fields such as digital trade, artificial intelligence governance, climate change, cross-border data flows, and outer space governance, actively plan rule research and institutional creation, and continuously enhance China's discourse power and influence in the formulation of international rules. The so-called internalization of foreign-related rule of law means actively benchmarking against international high-standard economic and trade rules, judicial standards, legal service systems, and talent cultivation models, reasonably drawing on advanced international rule of law governance experience, making up for shortcomings in domestic rule of law building, and promoting the all-round optimization of rule of law concepts, institutional mechanisms, and governance capabilities.
Rule of law advances hand in hand with opening up; every step forward in opening up requires a further step in foreign-related rule of law building. On the new journey, it is necessary to always plan the building of foreign-related rule of law within the overall situation of high-standard opening up and global governance reform, deeply grasp the major theoretical, practical, and strategic significance of foreign-related rule of law building, adhere to the correct political direction, focus on shortcomings and weaknesses, strengthen systematic coordination, continuously improve the institutional system, implementation system, service system, and talent system of foreign-related rule of law, continuously promote the further improvement of the foreign-related rule of law system and the comprehensive leap of foreign-related rule of law capacity, and continuously enhance the effectiveness of foreign-related rule of law governance. Through high-standard foreign-related rule of law building, resolutely safeguard national sovereignty, security, and development interests, protect the legitimate overseas rights and interests of enterprises and citizens in an all-round way, continuously optimize a market-oriented, law-based, and internationalized first-class business environment, vigorously promote the reform of the global governance system, and build a solid rule of law foundation for the building of a community with a shared future for mankind.
(The author is a member of the Academic Division of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (中国社会科学院) and vice president of the China Law Society (中国法学会).)
Return to TopBy: 贺海峰
On June 30, 2025, at the 21st collective study session of the Political Bureau of the 20th Central Committee, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "In strict supervision, we must combine intra-Party supervision with people's supervision, attach importance to giving play to the 'outpost' role of mass supervision and public opinion supervision, and promote the interconnection and coordination of various types of supervision."
"Outpost" refers to a small reconnaissance and warning detachment sent by troops toward the enemy's direction; its task is to penetrate the very front of the battlefield, grasp enemy movements, and collect key intelligence. General Secretary Xi Jinping used "outpost" as a metaphor for the intrinsic function of mass supervision and public opinion supervision, vividly pointing out the roles of close-range reconnaissance and all-weather early warning of mass supervision and public opinion supervision, and emphasized the need to effectively connect and coordinate them with various types of supervision.
Our Party exercises overall leadership and long-term governance, and the greatest challenge it faces is supervision over power. Strengthening mass supervision and public opinion supervision is an important path to prevent the alienation of power and ensure that power always benefits the people. On the one hand, power entrusted by the Party and the people must, 天经地义 (tiān jīng dì yì - "heaven's law, earth's principle," something perfectly natural and unquestionable), accept people's supervision. In 1945, Mao Zedong proposed in the "Cave Dialogue" (窑洞对) that "only when the people supervise the government will the government not dare to slacken." Our country's Constitution clearly stipulates that citizens have the right to criticize, make suggestions, appeal, accuse, and report against state organs and their staff. On the other hand, mass supervision and public opinion supervision have important advantages. The people's eyes are sharp. They are at the very front of social life and see the situation of Party organizations and Party members and cadres most clearly; they can directly penetrate to the nerve endings of policy implementation and the terminal ends of social governance, keenly capturing many prominent problems that are not easily discovered, such as "inaction" and "micro-corruption," and carry out criticism, reporting, and so on. Public opinion supervision is subordinate to people's supervision. In response to work deviations and problems of conduct and corruption strongly reflected by the masses, the media publicly exposes and criticizes them, immediately forming strong public opinion pressure. These two types of supervision have the characteristics of initiative, extensiveness, timeliness, and objectivity, with wide supervision scope and truthful information, and can quickly perform functions such as "outpost" early warning, promoting relevant units to rectify and remediate, avoiding small problems being dragged into major risks and local problems evolving into systemic risks.
At the same time, mass supervision and public opinion supervision have their limits, and need to closely cooperate and effectively connect with intra-Party supervision and other forms, jointly serving the overall goal of modernizing national governance. The Party's governing position determines that intra-Party supervision is the most basic and primary among various forms of supervision; if intra-Party supervision loses effectiveness, other supervision will inevitably fail. Discipline inspection and supervision organs, as the specialized organs for intra-Party supervision and state supervision, are endowed with procedural powers such as investigation and review, and substantive powers such as disciplinary sanctions and handling. We should give play to the leading and driving role of intra-Party supervision, provide authority and capacity replenishment for mass supervision and public opinion supervision, carry the supervision procedure through to the end, and form a supervision synergy of "internal and external combination." Supervision is an intrinsic element of governance, and its ultimate purpose is to help solve problems and improve work. In the era of "everyone has a microphone," mass supervision and public opinion supervision are highly integrated, showing a significant effect of superimposed advantages, but locally there may also exist tendencies such as noisy clamor, information distortion, and supervision for the sake of supervision. Therefore, we must promote both to operate on the track of the rule of law and rationality, make them coordinate and link with intra-Party supervision as well as people's congress supervision, democratic supervision, administrative supervision, judicial supervision, audit supervision, and other types of supervision, complement each other's advantages, and connect them with deepening reform, improving institutions, and promoting governance, better transforming the institutional advantages of supervision into governance effectiveness.
On the new journey, to more effectively give play to the role of mass supervision and public opinion supervision, the key lies in further strengthening Party leadership, taking intra-Party supervision as the leading force, stimulating the internal driving force of mass supervision and public opinion supervision, weaving a dense supervision network that is all-weather and without dead corners, and providing solid guarantees for comprehensively governing the Party with strict discipline. First, raise awareness and broaden channels, so that the "whistle sound" can be heard. Party members and cadres should strengthen their awareness of self-discipline, correctly treat and consciously accept mass supervision and public opinion supervision, act upon hearing the "sound" and 闻过则改 (wén guò zé gǎi - "hear of one's fault and correct it," to readily correct mistakes when told). Deepen the disclosure of Party affairs and government affairs, establish a mechanism of "the masses set the topic," improve the reception system of "letters, visits, internet, and telephone," and create favorable conditions for mass supervision and public opinion supervision. Second, focus on key points and make targeted efforts, so that the "outpost point" can aim accurately. Strengthen the screening and analysis of supervision information, be good at discovering problem clues from "venting voices" and "grievance words," and capture the malady of work style and the filth of behavior from seemingly trivial daily reflections. Focus on key areas and key links, combine online and offline, keep a close eye on "high-frequency areas" of public concern such as policy implementation, fund use, and administrative law enforcement, and make supervision precisely lock onto the risk points of power rent-seeking and the pain points of infringing on the interests of the masses. Third, establish rules and systems, track and follow up on effectiveness, so that the "outpost position" can be guarded firmly. Improve mechanisms such as information communication, clue transfer, measure coordination, and achievement sharing, ensuring that mass supervision and public opinion supervision effectively connect with various types of supervision. Promote relevant units to truly rectify and rectify thoroughly, promptly feed back and publicize handling results, plug institutional loopholes, and achieve the effect of investigating one case, warning a whole area, and governing a whole domain, truly making supervision "land with sound." Improve the protection and incentive mechanism for whistleblowers, strictly investigate and punish false accusation and frame-up behaviors, and let mass supervision and public opinion supervision truly give full play to the "outpost" role.
Return to TopBy: 樊吉社
Pooling SCO Strength, Improving Global Governance is an important speech delivered by General Secretary Xi Jinping at the "Shanghai Cooperation Organization Plus" meeting held in Tianjin on September 1, 2025, and is included in Volume II of Selected Works of Xi Jinping on Diplomacy. This important document deeply analyzes the new situation facing global governance, solemnly puts forward the Global Governance Initiative (全球治理倡议), and calls on the SCO to play a leading role, serve as a model in practicing the Global Governance Initiative, contribute "SCO strength" to maintaining world peace and stability, demonstrate "SCO responsibility" in promoting global openness and cooperation, set an "SCO example" in carrying forward the common values of humanity, and take "SCO actions" in defending international fairness and justice. It has far-reaching theoretical and practical value and is an important chapter for in-depth study of Xi Jinping's diplomatic thought.
The Global Governance Initiative enriches and improves Xi Jinping's diplomatic thought
China's participation in global governance has gone through a relatively complex process. China was once excluded from multilateral mechanisms such as the United Nations, and its participation in global governance at that time was passive and limited. After the restoration of its lawful seat in the United Nations, China gradually integrated into the existing international order, becoming a builder, contributor, and maintainer. Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, China's relations with the world have undergone profound changes, its interconnectedness and interaction with the international community have become unprecedentedly close, and its participation in international affairs has continued to deepen. China plays a 举足轻重 (jǔ zú qīng zhòng - "lift a foot, light or heavy," to play a decisive role) role in global political, economic, and security affairs, and can and will inevitably play a greater role in the process of reforming the global governance system, participating in and leading the reform and improvement of the global governance system.
In November 2014, General Secretary Xi Jinping proposed at the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs (中央外事工作会议) that China should earnestly advance multilateral diplomacy, promote the reform of the international system and global governance, and increase the representation and voice of China and the vast number of developing countries. In October 2015, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized at the 27th group study session of the Political Bureau of the 18th CPC Central Committee that strengthening global governance and advancing the reform of the global governance system had become 大势所趋 (dà shì suǒ qū - "the general trend," an inevitable trend). This concerns not only responding to various global challenges, but also setting rules and directions for the international order and international system; it concerns not only the competition for the commanding heights of development, but also the status and role of all countries in the long-term institutional arrangements of the international order and international system. The fundamental purpose of China's participation in global governance is to serve and support the realization of the "Two Centenary Goals" (两个一百年) and the Chinese Dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and to create more favorable conditions for China's development and world peace. It was clearly proposed to "carry forward the global governance concept of extensive consultation, joint contribution, and shared benefits (共商共建共享)." In September 2016, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized at the 35th group study session of the Political Bureau of the 18th CPC Central Committee that China should continuously strengthen its capability to speak and act on the international stage, actively participate in global governance, and proactively assume international responsibilities, while doing its best and acting according to its capabilities (尽力而为 (jìn lì ér wéi - "do one's utmost and then act," to do one's best) and 量力而行 (liàng lì ér xíng - "act according to one's strength," to act within one's capabilities)). In December 2023, General Secretary Xi Jinping proposed at the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs that building a community with a shared future for mankind (人类命运共同体) takes the promotion of global governance featuring extensive consultation, joint contribution, and shared benefits as its realization path. In September 2025, General Secretary Xi Jinping solemnly put forward the Global Governance Initiative at the "Shanghai Cooperation Organization Plus" meeting. This is the fourth global initiative after the Global Development Initiative (全球发展倡议), the Global Security Initiative (全球安全倡议), and the Global Civilization Initiative (全球文明倡议), further contributing Chinese wisdom and proposing Chinese solutions to answer the question of "What is wrong with the world, and what should we do?" General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "I wish to put forward the Global Governance Initiative, working with all countries to promote the building of a more just and equitable global governance system and jointly march toward a community with a shared future for mankind."
Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, the connotation of the Global Governance Initiative has been continuously enriched, its concepts have been steadily improved, and its actions have become increasingly diverse. It enriches and improves Xi Jinping's diplomatic thought, will promote the building of a community with a shared future for mankind and firmly lead the reform of the global governance system into concrete practice, continuously opening up new prospects for major-country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics in the new era.
The Global Governance Initiative responds to the changes of the world and answers the questions of the times
The world's once-in-a-century changes are accelerating, and within these changes lie new opportunities. After the end of the Cold War, the share of emerging market countries and developing countries in global GDP has continued to grow. China officially became the world's second-largest economy in 2010, and since then the Chinese economy has continued to maintain relatively high growth rates. With the rapid development of emerging market countries and developing countries, the international balance of power is trending toward equilibrium, and the trend toward a multipolar world is difficult to reverse.
On the one hand, a new round of technological revolution and industrial transformation is reshaping the global economic landscape. Frontier and disruptive technologies such as mobile communications, the Internet of Things, quantum information, new energy, artificial intelligence, and biotechnology provide innovative impetus. Scientific and technological innovation and industrial innovation are deeply integrated, promoting industrial upgrading, giving rise to new quality productive forces (新质生产力), and exerting tremendous influence on social development and countries' comprehensive national strength. On the other hand, the once-in-a-century changes harbor many risks. While economic globalization deepens, countries have in recent years begun to show anti-globalization and de-globalization trends. Some countries have extensively used tariff and non-tariff barriers to protect their manufacturing industries, and the trend toward bloc-based economic and trade exchanges is evident. De-globalization has rapidly expanded from traditional manufacturing to high-tech fields, and the international economic and trade order is facing severe challenges. At the same time, relations among major countries have gradually shifted from coordination and cooperation to competition and confrontation, and threats of hegemonism and power politics have made geopolitical conflicts frequent and prone to occurrence.
General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "The world has entered a new period of turbulence and transformation, and global governance has come to a new crossroads." Whether countries choose unity or division, cooperation or confrontation, whether the world moves toward openness or returns to closure, and whether the existing international order will be rebuilt or discarded will determine the future and destiny of the world. In a world of intertwined turbulence and change, what kind of global governance system should we build? And how should we reform and improve global governance? The Global Governance Initiative put forward by General Secretary Xi Jinping is China's response to the changes of the world and its answer to the questions of the times, providing a systematic solution for reforming and improving global governance.
From concept to practice, global governance demonstrates China's responsibility as a major country
At the general debate of the 75th session of the United Nations General Assembly, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that "major countries should behave in a manner befitting their status, provide more global public goods, shoulder major-country responsibilities, and demonstrate major-country commitment." Major countries must hold the moral bottom line and international norms, becoming stabilizers of the world rather than sources of world turmoil. China's sense of responsibility as a major country is forged into every aspect of its global governance concepts and practices.
Always advocating sovereign equality. The global governance system is built and shared by the whole world. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that China insists that all countries, regardless of size, strength, or wealth, participate equally, decide equally, and benefit equally in global governance. In order to adapt to the development and changes of the world and better respond to major transnational and global challenges, the institutional power and voice of the vast number of developing countries in international affairs are indispensable. Therefore, China advocates "enhancing the representation and voice of developing countries." In important speeches at many bilateral and multilateral summit meetings and forums, General Secretary Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized that the destiny of the world should be grasped by all countries, international rules should be written by all countries, global affairs should be governed by all countries, and the fruits of development should be shared by all countries.
Adhering to international rule of law. In a world of intertwined turbulence and change, it is all the more necessary to uphold the authority of international rule of law and to "firmly uphold the international system centered on the United Nations, the international order based on international law, and the basic norms of international relations based on the purposes and principles of the UN Charter." After the victory of the World Anti-Fascist War, the international community, in order to avoid the catastrophe of another major war and prevent the world from reverting to the law of the jungle, promoted the establishment of the United Nations, opened a new chapter in global governance, and constructed the existing international order. This set of rules and order applies equally and uniformly to all countries. No country should "use them when they are convenient and discard them when they are not," still less practice "double standards" or replace international rule of law with a so-called "rules-based order." China's policies and actions on the international stage have set an example for other countries.
Practicing true multilateralism. The reform of the global governance system is not about 推倒重来 (tuī dǎo chóng lái - "push down and start over," to scrap and restart), nor about 另起炉灶 (lìng qǐ lú zào - "set up another stove," to start from scratch), but about 与时俱进 (yǔ shí jù jìn - "advance with the times," to keep pace with the times), reforming, and improving. On issues such as addressing climate change, promoting AI for good, bridging the development gap, and maintaining regional peace and stability, China emphasizes that all countries should unite and collaborate, rely on multilateral mechanisms and platforms such as the United Nations, and oppose unilateralism. The new mechanisms and initiatives advocated by China are not intended to set up a new stove, still less to target anyone, but to serve as beneficial supplements and improvements to existing international mechanisms, with the goal of achieving win-win cooperation and common development. An important consideration for China in proposing the concept of building a community with a shared future for mankind and the four major global initiatives is to safeguard the status and authority of the United Nations and to "effectively give play to the important and irreplaceable role of the United Nations in global governance."
Advocating a people-centered approach. The world has become a global village in which there is me in you and you in me, with interdependence and 休戚与共 (xiū qī yǔ gòng - "share joys and sorrows together," to share weal and woe). Global governance serves to address the common challenges facing humanity and serves the security and development of all people. China is advancing high-quality Belt and Road cooperation, comprehensively implementing the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development; working hand in hand with countries around the world to jointly address global public health challenges; putting forward the "dual carbon" goals (双碳), making firm commitments to addressing climate change; increasing assistance to developing countries, strengthening the endogenous driving force of development, and promoting common prosperity for the people.
Adhering to an action-oriented approach. China has put its global governance concepts into practice, injecting more stability and certainty into the world. China has used concrete actions to uphold the authority and status of the United Nations, support major UN agendas, and actively participate in UN peacekeeping operations. China has enhanced cooperation with countries jointly building the Belt and Road, turning China's development into opportunities for the world. China has promoted the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the BRICS New Development Bank, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization Development Bank (上海合作组织开发银行), effectively alleviating the funding bottlenecks faced by the vast number of developing countries. China has promoted the expansion of BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, playing a more important role in regional affairs. China initiated and led the consultation for the establishment of the International Organization for Mediation (国际调解院), promoting the settlement of international disputes through mediation. China proposed the establishment of the World Organization for Artificial Intelligence Cooperation (世界人工智能合作组织), building a multilateral platform on emerging technology governance that represents the interests of the "Global South" and is open to all sovereign countries around the world. "Adhere to systematic planning and holistic advancement, coordinate global actions, fully mobilize resources from all sides, create more visible outcomes, and avoid governance lag and fragmentation through pragmatic cooperation."
Return to TopBy: 杜德斌
Hu Huanyong (胡焕庸, 1901–1998), a native of Yixing, Jiangsu (江苏宜兴), was one of the principal founders of modern Chinese geography. He devoted his entire life to geographical research and teaching, making pioneering contributions in population geography, political geography, economic geography, defense geography, physical geography, and geographical education. In 1935, he put forward the famous "Hu Huanyong Line" (胡焕庸线), which revealed the basic pattern of China's population distribution and became a core geographical concept marking China's fundamental national conditions. He was also an early academic defender of China's sovereignty over the South China Sea, being the first to propose the name "Nansha Islands" (南沙群岛) and to systematically demonstrate their sovereign attribution. He served as head of the Department of Geography at National Central University (国立中央大学), chairman of the Geographical Society of China (中国地理学会), and professor in the Department of Geography at East China Normal University (华东师范大学), dedicating his life's efforts to the cultivation of talent and the disciplinary development of Chinese geography. Hu Huanyong always upheld the academic conviction of "seeking the trend to reach far, strengthening the country through geography," closely linking geographical research with the fate of the nation.
Observing the Trend: The Academic Acumen of 审时度势 (shěn shí duó shì - "assess the hour, measure the situation," to size up the times and judge the situation). Observing the trend was the foundation of Hu Huanyong's scholarship.
In 1921, while still a sophomore, Hu Huanyong published "Chronicle of Major Events in the European War" in the Historical and Geographical Journal (《史地学报》), revealing his keen insight into the international situation. Thereafter, he successively translated and published articles such as "The Purposes of the Washington Conference and Arms Limitation" and "Japan's Maritime Policy and Colonial Policy," tracking the evolution of the postwar international order. During his university years, he collaborated with his classmate Zhang Qiyun (张其昀) and others to translate The New World After the War by the American geographer Bowman, a work that became an important early achievement in China's systematic introduction to international political geography. From 1926 to 1928, while studying in France, he systematically studied the human geography of the French geographer Jean Brunhes, introducing the theory of man-land relations to China and laying a solid theoretical foundation for his later precise "observation of the trend."
This ability to assess the hour and measure the situation through a geographical lens kept Hu Huanyong always at the forefront of the times. In the early 1930s, as Japan's ambition to invade China became increasingly apparent, he published in 1934 "A Study of China's Diplomatic Relations from the Standpoint of Political Geography," pointing out the inevitability of Japanese expansion. During the War of Resistance, he paid close attention to the international situation and published a series of articles such as "Outlook on the Pacific Situation," accurately analyzing the Asia-Pacific strategic pattern. His "observation of the trend" was also reflected in his systematic understanding of the countries of the world — from 1934 to 1935, he independently compiled and published China's first systematic set of regional and country-specific geographical works, including British Geography, German Geography, Russian Geography, and Japanese Geography, and over his lifetime he compiled at least 24 such works. For Hu Huanyong, "observing the trend" was not a vague commentary on current affairs, but a scientific judgment built on solid analysis of geopolitical position, terrain conditions, resource endowments, and the like. This gave his strategic judgments both a broad vision and solid scholarly support. As he himself said, geographical research must be good at using the "microscope" to observe China's reality in depth, and even more so at using the "telescope" to grasp the great trends of the world — his life was a vivid practice of these two statements.
Seizing the Trend: The Academic Self-Awareness of Acting in Response to the Times. The fundamental purpose of observing the trend is to move by seizing the trend.
In the 1930s, as the national crisis grew ever deeper, Hu Huanyong shifted his academic focus from the international to the domestic, exerting effort simultaneously in the two directions of population geography and defense geography. In 1935, the "Hu Huanyong Line" was proposed precisely at the moment when the full-scale War of Resistance was 一触即发 (yī chù jí fā - "would go off at a touch," on the verge of breaking out). At that time, China had no population census, and the data were crude. Hu Huanyong spent several months extracting population data for each county from various bulletins and, using the traditional "dot method," manually placed more than 20,000 dots on a map. When the 20,000 dots were each in their place, the disparity in population between the southeastern half and the northwestern half was 一目了然 (yī mù liǎo rán - "clear at a single glance," obvious at a glance), and a geographical dividing line embodying the pattern of China's population distribution was 呼之欲出 (hū zhī yù chū - "about to come forth at a call," on the verge of emerging). This line pointed directly to fundamental questions of national survival such as "how to allocate military manpower and food resources," providing an important basis for the support of the impending full-scale War of Resistance.
After the outbreak of the full-scale War of Resistance, Hu Huanyong shifted his academic focus to defense geography and the construction of the rear areas. From 1938 to 1943, he successively published monographs such as Defense Geography, The Latest Defense Geography, and Sichuan Geography, and published a series of articles including "The Military Situation in Defending Greater Wuhan," "The Position of the Three Provinces of Sichuan, Yunnan, and Guizhou in National Defense," "Xinjiang's Position in National Defense," and "Tibet's Position in National Defense," conducting systematic analysis of the war situation and various strategic locations. In the area of rear-area construction, he published articles such as "The War of Resistance, National Reconstruction, and the Development of Sichuan and Xikang," "Production Enterprises Sichuan Urgently Should Undertake," and "The General Geographical Situation of Western China and Highway Transportation Construction," emphasizing that academic research must serve the War of Resistance and national reconstruction. In the preface to Defense Geography, he wrote: "Geographers are the vanguard of the nation; they should 开疆拓土 (kāi jiāng tuò tǔ - "open frontiers, expand territory," to pioneer and expand territory for one's country)." This was not an empty slogan, but rather his academic self-awareness of moving by seizing the trend.
The harnessing of the Huai River is another example of Hu Huanyong moving by seizing the trend. As early as 1934 to 1935, he had already thrown himself into field surveys of water conservancy and salt reclamation in the two Huai regions (两淮), publishing the monograph A Record of Water Conservancy and Salt Reclamation in the Two Huai Regions. After 1949, he successively published works such as The Huai River, The Transformation of the Huai River, and We Must Harness the Huai River Well, and in 1986, at the age of 85, completed A Treatise on the Waterways of the Huai River. From wartime defense geography to the economic development of the rear areas, from population distribution to the harnessing of the Huai River, Hu Huanyong always adjusted his academic direction in close response to the nation's needs, truly achieving the goal of moving by seizing the trend and acting in response to the times.
Controlling the Trend: The Academic Foresight of Serving National Policy. The highest realm of seizing the trend lies in moving by controlling the trend.
In 1934, in the face of French and Japanese covetousness toward the islands of the South China Sea, Hu Huanyong successively published "The South China Sea Islands Coveted by France and Japan" and "The French Attempt to Seize the Xisha Islands" (西沙群岛), providing conclusive evidence of China's sovereignty from a historical-geographical perspective, and took the lead in proposing the name "Nansha Islands" for this archipelago, which was later formally adopted. This was not a simple academic naming, but a strategic cognition that used geographical knowledge to delimit the country's sovereign boundaries and establish legal grounds.
On the eve of the victory of the War of Resistance in 1945, Hu Huanyong wrote the book Taiwan and the Ryukyu Islands (琉球), systematically discussing the historical evolution and strategic value of Taiwan and the Ryukyu Islands, making intellectual preparations for the recovery of lost territory. In the book, he emphasized that, in accordance with the spirit of the Cairo Declaration, the Ryukyu Islands should return to China together with Taiwan and Penghu (澎湖), and pointed out with strategic vision that the Ryukyu Islands were China's "maritime fence," stressing that "no state can stand on the earth while its outer door is held by others." In 1947, at the review meeting on the peace treaty with Japan, he was the only representative who explicitly advocated the recovery of the Ryukyu Islands, and he also pointed out: "We should make equal emphasis on land and sea our supreme national policy."
From the naming of the "Nansha Islands" to the writing of Taiwan and the Ryukyu Islands, and then to his advocacy at the review meeting on the peace treaty with Japan, Hu Huanyong always actively shaped national strategic cognition with geographical knowledge, using his academic achievements as a sharp weapon for safeguarding national sovereignty. This spirit of serving national policy through scholarship has been passed down to this day through generations of geographers.
In his later years, Hu Huanyong still 笔耕不辍 (bǐ gēng bù chuò - "never stop plowing with the pen," to keep writing without cease). After the 1980s, he and his assistants successively completed the two pioneering works Population Geography of China and World Population Geography, and on the basis of the "Hu Huanyong Line," he put forward the "Theory of Eight Major Regions" (八大区理论). In addition, he continued to pay attention to frontier issues in geography, publishing Plate Tectonics and Earthquakes in 1981 and "The Emerging Discipline of Ecological Geography" in 1982, demonstrating academic vitality that 与时俱进 (yǔ shí jù jìn - "advance together with the times," to keep pace with the times). From 1985 to 1990, he published an average of 10.4 works per year, creating "the miracle of the most productive period in his life."
More than 20 years have passed since Hu Huanyong left us, but his academic spirit remains alive. The "Hu Huanyong Line" is still a basic reference to national conditions in territorial spatial planning; his demonstration of sovereignty over the South China Sea provided important legal support for safeguarding national territorial integrity; his strategic foresight of "equal emphasis on land and sea" still reminds us that only by embracing the ocean can we move toward the deep blue. In short, his approach to scholarship enlightens today's scholars: true learning must take root in the land beneath one's feet and respond to the most pressing questions of the times; true scholars should, with the conviction of serving the country through scholarship, write chapters worthy of the times.
Return to TopBy: 李卫祥
General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized, "Place the building of a Beautiful China (美丽中国) in a prominent position in building a strong country and rejuvenating the nation," and pointed out, "Cultivate and build a high-caliber team of ecological and environmental science and technology talent." To advance the building of a Beautiful China, education, science and technology, and talent are indispensable supporting forces. Making dedicated efforts to strengthen ecological civilization (生态文明) education and cultivating large numbers of outstanding talents with a strong ecological awareness is an important talent cornerstone for building a Beautiful China, and is also the 必由之路 (bì yóu zhī lù - "the road that must be taken," the only way) to realizing the modernization of harmonious coexistence between humanity and nature (人与自然和谐共生). At present, in the concrete practice of ecological civilization education, there are still many weaknesses: students' cognition of ecological civilization is superficial, the main-channel role of various courses has not been fully brought into play, the practical education segment remains weak, education has not been organically integrated into life scenarios, and the articulation and synergy across primary, secondary, and higher education are insufficient, and so on. All of these affect the effectiveness of ecological civilization education and require us to continue exploring and improving.
Focus on the goals of building a Beautiful China and consolidate the foundation of ecological civilization education. As the core goal of ecological civilization construction, Beautiful China carries the people's longing for a better future, is an important goal of comprehensively building a modern socialist country, and is an important part of the Chinese Dream of realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. In connotation, it includes ecological beauty, production beauty, life beauty, and physical and mental beauty, among other aspects. The ultimate goal is the comprehensive enhancement of ecological civilization, the formation of green development modes and green lifestyles, deep decarbonization of key areas, a healthy and beautiful ecological environment, and the full realization of the modernization of the ecological environment governance system and governance capacity. Xi Jinping Thought on Ecological Civilization (习近平生态文明思想) is the foundation of ecological civilization education. To consolidate the foundation of ecological civilization education, we must highlight top-level design, precisely formulate the knowledge blocks for building a Beautiful China, focus on meeting the people's basic demands for a beautiful homeland with blue skies, green land, and clean water, and base ourselves on "understanding the goals" and "clarifying the bottom lines," so that students fully understand that the community of life (生命共同体) is the material foundation for human survival and development, and that solving ecological and environmental problems requires adhering to the concept of respecting, conforming to, and protecting nature and adhering to the principles of precise pollution control, scientific pollution control, and law-based pollution control. We must educate and guide students to uphold integrity and innovate, unswervingly follow the civilized development path of developed production, affluent life, and sound ecology, and guide students to form consensus on all-field transformation, all-round improvement, all-region construction, and whole-society action, and devote themselves to the great practice of promoting harmonious coexistence between humanity and nature and building a Beautiful China.
Strengthen the guidance of the green development concept and enrich the connotation of ecological civilization education. On the one hand, fully bring into play the main-channel role of various courses in ecological civilization education. Ideological and political course (思政课) teaching focuses on building a Beautiful China, highlights the shaping of values led by ecological priority and green development, strengthens the pertinence of teaching content such as harmonious coexistence between humanity and nature, green waters and green mountains are gold and silver mountains (绿水青山就是金山银山), protecting and improving the environment is protecting and developing productive forces, and the new development concept, and guides students to systematically understand the major relationships that need to be properly handled in advancing ecological civilization construction and the regularities of ecological civilization construction. General education course teaching focuses on comprehensively improving students' green literacy, offering a series of courses on ecological civilization and Beautiful China construction. Specialized course teaching focuses on cultivating ecological and environmental talent, optimizing and restructuring course teaching content, and creating digital, ecological, intelligent, and green courses. On the other hand, with the concept of the "Grand Ideological and Political Course" (大思政课), organically integrate ecological civilization education into social practice. Emphasizing the deep integration of ideological and political education with social practice is a distinctive feature and an important construction path of the "Grand Ideological and Political Course." Strengthen practical education in which students walk out of campus and into mountains, waters, forests, farmlands, lakes, grasslands, and deserts, so that students fully understand in social practice the importance of coordinating industrial structure adjustment, pollution control, ecological protection, and climate change response, promote the elevation of students' ideological realm, and form a high degree of political consciousness, ideological consciousness, and action consciousness in synergistically advancing carbon reduction, pollution reduction, green expansion, and economic growth, safeguarding national ecological security, and promoting high-quality ecological environments empowering high-quality development.
Advance collaborative education across primary, secondary, and higher education and pool the joint forces of ecological civilization education. The coordinated linkage of primary, secondary, and higher education is an important path for exploring and strengthening ecological civilization education. It helps to systematically cultivate and promote ecological culture, enhance students' ecological moral literacy throughout the entire process, and successively cultivate builders of a Beautiful China, pooling consensus and forming joint forces in promoting the realization of the modernization of harmonious coexistence between humanity and nature. Therefore, integrating the building of a Beautiful China and the strengthening of ecological civilization education into the integrated construction of ideological and political education across primary, secondary, and higher education, and making institutional arrangements for this, is an effective and workable method. Focusing on the characteristics of different school segments — primary school, junior high school, senior high school, and university — and following the teaching model of "enlightenment–experience–common knowledge–theory," we should scientifically formulate ecological civilization education goals, carry out curriculum design layer by layer, and form an educational and teaching model of spiral ascent and integrated linkage in interpreting major theoretical and practical questions such as why to build ecological civilization, what kind of ecological civilization to build, and how to build ecological civilization. Focusing on telling the stories of a Beautiful China well and interpreting the vivid practices of Beautiful China construction, ideological and political courses at different school segments can carry out "same-lesson, different-design" (同课异构) teaching demonstration activities. Through exchange and mutual learning, we should deeply advance the integrated construction of theoretical learning, teaching seminars, academic research, teaching observation, and collective lesson preparation, and expand the positions and space of ecological civilization education.
Advocate green and low-carbon lifestyles and enhance the effectiveness of ecological civilization education. In the process of carrying out ecological civilization education, we must pay attention to in-depth investigation of students' degree of cognition of the core concepts of ecological civilization construction and the basic content of Beautiful China construction, focus on the cultivation of all students' conscious qualities, organize and carry out various activities in a targeted manner, cultivate ecological morality and codes of conduct, and enhance the leading capacity of public participation in environmental protection. Educate students to actively participate in the national green action, actively respond to the call of the "Beautiful China · Youth Action" (美丽中国・青春行动), deeply carry out the series of activities of "Beautiful China, I Am an Actor" (美丽中国，我是行动者), encourage students to enthusiastically participate in ecological environment protection volunteer services around themes such as pollution control, ecological protection, resource conservation, and food security, and advocate simple, moderate, green, low-carbon, civilized, and healthy life concepts and consumption modes, enhancing students' awareness of conservation, environmental protection, and ecology. Organize students to participate in green club activities, carry out green entrepreneurship and innovation work, and guide students through multiple paths to learn ecological environment protection policies, receive the nurturing influence of green culture, and access green science and technology innovation achievements, so that students receive profound education at the ideological level, consciously strengthen their ecological civilization awareness, practice green production and lifestyles, become active disseminators and model practitioners of the concept that green waters and green mountains are gold and silver mountains, create a strong atmosphere in which the whole society advocates ecological civilization, and jointly contribute to building a Beautiful China where green mountains are always present, green waters flow forever, and the air is always fresh.
(The author is Deputy Secretary of the Party Committee of Shanxi Agricultural University (山西农业大学).)
Return to TopBy: 杨朝明
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Return to TopBy: 卢嘉琦
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Return to TopBy: 管仲乐
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Return to TopBy: 李清如
On September 22, 1985, under the leadership of the United States, the finance ministers and central bank governors of five countries—the United States, Japan, the Federal Republic of Germany, France, and the United Kingdom—signed the Plaza Accord at the Plaza Hotel in New York, deciding to jointly intervene in the foreign exchange market to induce the appreciation of the yen and the Deutsche Mark and the depreciation of the US dollar, so as to resolve the problem of the huge US trade deficit. This event was not only an important node in the evolution of the international monetary system, but also a key turning point that changed the trajectory of economic development of Japan and the United States. Looking back at the Plaza Accord more than 40 years later, its background, far-reaching impact, and historical lessons still hold important significance as a mirror.
The Shift in Japan-US Economic Power Gave Birth to the Plaza Accord
The signing of the Plaza Accord, on the surface, was to resolve the problem of exchange rate misalignment in the international monetary system at the time; in essence, it was a strategic scheme by the United States, against the backdrop of the shift in Japan-US economic power, to shift domestic economic contradictions abroad through exchange rate adjustment and reacquire the dominant position in the international economy.
In the early 1980s, the US economy was deeply mired in difficulties. From 1981 to 1985, the overall US merchandise trade deficit expanded sharply from $39.69 billion to $154.88 billion; at the same time, the fiscal deficit remained high, forming the famous "twin deficits" pattern. Attracted by the high-interest-rate policy, large amounts of international capital flowed into the United States, pushing the dollar exchange rate to keep rising and causing the trade situation to deteriorate further. The mainstream view in the United States was that the overvaluation of the dollar was an important cause of the widening trade deficit, and that exchange rate adjustment was urgently needed to improve the external imbalance.
In stark contrast to the US predicament was the powerful rise of the Japanese economy. After the period of high-speed growth, the economic gap between Japan and the United States narrowed rapidly. In 1960, Japan's nominal GDP was only 9 percent of that of the United States; in 1970 it rose to 20 percent, in 1980 it reached 40 percent, and by 1988, at the peak of the bubble economy, it was equivalent to 60 percent of that of the United States. Per capita nominal GDP had already approached 80 percent of the US level in 1980, and by 1988 it reached 1.2 times the US level. In the manufacturing sector, after the oil crises, the rise in oil prices drove fuel-efficient, economical Japanese automobiles to quickly capture the US market; in 1980, Japanese automobile production had already surpassed that of the United States. In the semiconductor industry, Japan also caught up with and overtook the United States in the early 1980s, becoming the world's largest producer of dynamic random-access memory. The rapid rise of the Japanese economy aroused widespread concern and worry in American society.
The reversal of economic power brought a fundamental change in the pattern of the Japan-US trade balance, and bilateral trade friction gradually escalated from specific areas to an all-round contest. Since the mid-1960s, the US trade deficit with Japan had persisted, and Japan-US trade friction thus began. Entering the 1980s, Japan-US friction intensified continuously. From 1981 to 1985, the US trade deficit with Japan grew from $18.26 billion to $50.68 billion, and Japan's share of the US trade deficit remained at around 30 to 45 percent, making it the primary target of US-initiated trade friction. The areas of friction also expanded from the initial textiles and steel to frontier manufacturing fields such as automobiles and semiconductors. Not only that, trade friction gradually escalated into a political issue, and arguments such as the "Japan shock" causing the decline of US enterprises and damage to the US economy continued to spread within the United States.
Facing the widening trade deficit and domestic industrial difficulties, the US government directed its spearhead at the exchange rate issue and pressured its major trading partners. It is worth noting that in the face of US pressure, Japan did not resist; to some extent it even displayed a posture of active cooperation. Behind this lay both the realistic consideration of easing Japan-US contradictions and coping with US protectionist pressure, and the deeper aspiration of taking the opportunity to promote yen internationalization and enhance Japan's international status. Japan hoped that through exchange rate adjustment and financial market opening, it could obtain certain preferential treatment from the United States, while also, after the enhancement of its economic strength, gaining international economic discourse power commensurate with its status. The Plaza Accord explicitly included "providing sufficient domestic market access for foreign goods" and "implementing the internationalization of the yen and the liberalization of domestic capital markets," which was precisely the embodiment of this dual consideration of Japan.
The Impact of the Plaza Accord on the Japanese and US Economies
After the signing of the Plaza Accord, the yen's exchange rate against the US dollar appreciated sharply, triggering a series of chain reactions, and the trajectories of economic development of Japan and the United States were thus profoundly changed.
As far as Japan was concerned, although the Plaza Accord was not necessarily the sole root cause of its subsequent prolonged economic downturn, it was undoubtedly the starting point of the rise and even the collapse of Japan's bubble economy. The Plaza Accord triggered violent shocks in the global foreign exchange market, and the yen appreciated sharply beyond the control of the Japanese government. After the agreement was signed, the Bank of Japan, in accordance with the requirements of the agreement, began to sell US dollars on a large scale, directly pushing the yen exchange rate to climb steeply. When the agreement was signed in September 1985, one US dollar could be exchanged for about 250 yen; by July 1986, the exchange rate had risen to 150 yen per US dollar; in 1987 it reached 120 yen per US dollar. In just two years, the yen appreciated more than twofold against the US dollar. The Japanese government's original expectation was to achieve an orderly and controllable appreciation of the yen, with the target roughly locked at around 200 yen per US dollar, but driven by international capital and market expectations, the momentum of yen appreciation could not be contained, and the bottom line was continuously broken through. The Japanese government was overly optimistic in its assessment of the situation at the time, believing that the risk of yen appreciation could be controlled; as a result, the exchange rate went out of control, planting hidden dangers for Japan's subsequent economic difficulties.
After the signing of the Plaza Accord, Japan entered a brief boom of the bubble economy, but ultimately ended in the collapse of the bubble economy. The sharp appreciation of the yen dealt an obvious blow to Japan's export-oriented economy. To alleviate the negative impact of yen appreciation on the economy, the Bank of Japan adopted an aggressive monetary easing policy. In the two years of 1986 and 1987, it lowered the benchmark interest rate five times, from 5 percent directly down to 2.5 percent, setting a then-historical low for Japan's interest rate level. The loose monetary environment released a large amount of liquidity, and funds poured into the real estate and stock markets on a massive scale, pushing asset prices to soar continuously. Japan thus entered a brief boom period of the bubble economy. During this period, land prices in Japan skyrocketed; at the peak, Japan's total land asset value was about four times the value of US land, and the saying "sell Tokyo and you could buy the entire United States" was widely circulated. The stock market bubble likewise grew increasingly intense; from the closing level of 11,558.06 yen of the Nikkei average stock price index at the beginning of 1985 to the historical peak of 38,915.87 yen at the end of 1989, the increase exceeded twofold, and at the peak Japan's total stock market value reached 1.5 times that of the United States.
In 1989, the Bank of Japan's monetary policy began to turn toward tightening. From May 1989 to August 1990, the Bank of Japan raised the benchmark interest rate five times, gradually increasing it from 2.5 percent to 6.0 percent. In March 1990, the Ministry of Finance issued an administrative directive to financial institutions on "total volume regulation of real estate financing," strictly controlling the growth of real estate loans. Five consecutive interest rate hikes within just 15 months, superimposed with tightening measures such as total financing volume control and the land value tax, directly punctured Japan's asset bubble, and the economy was suddenly put into "emergency braking." In 1990, Japan's stock market began to decline; the Nikkei average stock price index slid all the way down from its historical peak, falling below 20,000 yen in March 1992, and further below 15,000 yen in August of the same year—compared with the peak period, the decline reached about 60 percent. In 1991, the real estate market began to show a sharp decline; the average price of commercial land in the Tokyo metropolitan area fell below the pre-bubble-economy level by 1997, and land assets shrank substantially. The bursting of the bubble economy dealt a heavy blow to Japan, and the Japanese economy turned from prosperity to recession. From 1992 to 2025, Japan's average real GDP growth rate was only about 0.75 percent, with negative growth appearing several times during the period, and the economy fell into a prolonged downturn.
As far as the United States was concerned, the Plaza Accord did not enable the United States to achieve the expected economic recovery and reduction of the trade deficit, nor did it ease the fundamental contradiction of Japan-US trade friction. From 1986 to 1990, the average real GDP growth rate of the United States was 3.3 percent, and the strong growth that had been expected did not appear. The academic community generally believes that the revitalization of the US economy in the 1990s was mainly attributable to the information technology revolution, not the result of exchange rate adjustment. In the trade field, in 1986 and 1987 after the Plaza Accord, the US trade deficit with Japan was still above $60 billion each year; although it declined afterward, by 1990 it was still higher than $45 billion, and Japan's share of the US trade deficit remained at 30 to 40 percent. Not only that, Japan-US trade friction extended to a broader range of fields, escalating from consultations on specific products to an all-round contest at the institutional level. In 1989, negotiations on the Japan-US Structural Impediments Initiative were launched, and the United States put forward demands on all aspects of Japan's economic system, distribution system, business practices, corporate culture, savings patterns, and land policy. In 1991, the second US-Japan Semiconductor Agreement even explicitly proposed the specific target of guaranteeing that foreign semiconductors would achieve a market share of more than 20 percent in Japan. After the mid-1990s, Japan's share of the US trade deficit tended to decline, the main reasons being that Japan fell into a long-term decline after the collapse of its bubble economy and that the United States gained more important trading partners.
Historical Lessons of the Plaza Accord
The signing of the Plaza Accord and its subsequent impact provide a profound historical mirror for international economic and financial governance, and its lessons can be summarized from at least three dimensions.
First, be vigilant against the consistent means by which the United States shifts domestic contradictions abroad and the unilateralist narrative in the name of "global imbalances." The core logic of the Plaza Accord was the view that exchange rates should play a key role in adjusting external imbalances. In fact, the trade deficit and economic difficulties of the United States at that time were rooted in its own economic structural problems and the decline of industrial competitiveness, but the United States pointed the spearhead at trade surplus countries such as Japan, pressuring them to appreciate their currencies, and shifted its own economic problems at the expense of the interests of other countries. Japan, for its part, mistakenly believed that through compromise it could obtain preferential treatment from the United States and effectively ease trade friction. But facts proved that after the signing of the Plaza Accord, Japan not only failed to escape pressure, but instead faced even more demanding requirements in subsequent negotiations such as the Structural Impediments Initiative. This approach of maintaining hegemony by shifting economic contradictions and suppressing trading partners has been 一以贯之 (yī yǐ guàn zhī - "thread through all with one consistency," to apply consistently throughout) in the Plaza Accord and in US foreign policy since then. Moreover, the adjustment of external imbalances requires all parties to bear reciprocal responsibilities; responsibility cannot be unilaterally imposed on other countries. This is also an important warning that the Plaza Accord has left for the international community.
Second, the orderly advancement of currency internationalization cannot be separated from the comprehensive support of economic strength, the financial system, and international payment and settlement capabilities. Japan had once hoped to use the Plaza Accord to promote yen appreciation to accelerate the internationalization process, but it relied only on the single tool of exchange rate adjustment while neglecting coordination and cooperation in other fields. The results showed that the sharp and excessive appreciation of the yen did not bring Japan the expected enhancement of its international currency status; on the contrary, it damaged the international competitiveness of Japanese industry and even became the trigger for a series of subsequent economic difficulties. Japan's lesson in the process of yen internationalization shows that to advance the internationalization of the domestic currency, one must base oneself on one's own economic development, gradually improve the financial market system, perfect the exchange rate formation mechanism, enhance the international credibility of the currency, and 循序渐进 (xún xù jiàn jìn - "advance gradually in proper order," to proceed step by step) promote the application of the domestic currency in international payment, settlement, reserve, and other fields, so as to achieve the simultaneous improvement of high-quality economic development and the level of currency internationalization.
Third, macroeconomic policy needs to maintain strategic autonomy and be prudent and steady. After the Plaza Accord, a series of policy mistakes by the Japanese government were the key inducements for the formation and bursting of the bubble economy. Under external pressure, the Bank of Japan cut interest rates continuously and maintained an accommodative policy for a long time; when it later tightened monetary policy, it was again too hasty, and the dense tightening policies caused a sharp slowdown of the economy and the collapse of the bubble. The abrupt turn of monetary policy between easing and tightening amplified the amplitude of economic fluctuations. More critically, under the pressure of yen appreciation, Japan turned toward expanding domestic demand, but the funds did not effectively flow into the real economy; instead, they formed an asset bubble, and banks and other financial institutions also failed to optimize their business models, instead turning on a large scale toward real estate speculation. After the bubble burst, Japanese financial institutions accumulated a large amount of non-performing claims, exacerbating the deterioration of the economic situation. This lesson reveals that macroeconomic policy needs to maintain sufficient strategic autonomy, and that policy adjustments should grasp the appropriate pace and intensity, avoiding severe economic shocks while reasonably responding to external pressure, so as to provide a stable environment and policy space for economic growth and industrial upgrading.
(The author is a research fellow at the Institute of Japanese Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (中国社会科学院日本研究所).)
Return to TopNews Dispatch. To comprehensively study and implement Xi Jinping's thought on Party building(习近平党建思想), deeply study and comprehend its major significance, scientific connotation, theoretical character, practical foundation, and theoretical origins, on July 26, the Sixth National High-End Forum on Party Building(第六届全国党建高端论坛,, co-hosted by the Department of Party Building Teaching and and Research of the Central Party School(National Academy of Governance)(中央党校（国家行政学院办党的建设教研部,, the China Leadership Science Research Association(中国领导科学研究会,, and the Special Committee on Party Building Theory Teaching and and Research of the National Party Building Research Association(全国党建研究会党建理论教学与研究专委会,, and undertaken by the Beijing Municipal Party School(Academy of Governance)(北京市委党校（行政学院办)), was held in Beijing. The theme of the forum was"The Fundamental Guideline for Strengthening Party Building in the New Era — Deeply Study and Implement Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building". Li Wentang(李文堂,, Vice President (Vice President) of the Central Party School(National Academy of Governance, Li Chenglin(李成林,, Member of the Standing Committee of the Beijing Municipal Committee of the CPC and Head of the Organization Department, attended the forum's opening ceremony and delivered speeches. Shen Jie(沈洁,, Executive Vice President (Executive Vice President) of the Beijing Municipal Party School(Academy of Governance, presided over the opening ceremony. Zhu Lingjun(祝灵君,, Director of the Department of Party Building Teaching and and Research of the Central Party School(National Academy of Governance) and Chairman of the Special Committee on Party Building Theory Teaching and and Research of the National Party Building Research Association, delivered the conference summary.
In his speech, Li Wentang pointed out that Xi Jinping's thought on Party building has enriched and developed the Marxist theory of Party building, is a major achievement of advancing the Party's theoretical innovation by adhering to the"two combinations"(两个结合,, and is a thought system that illuminates the substance and realizes the function, with substance and function interpenetrating(明体达用、体用贯通,. Research on it must be strengthened from the dimensions of theory, practice, history, and international comparison. Researchers of Party history and Party building must seize the important historical opportunity for theoretical innovationand academic innovation, take the study of Xi Jinping's thought on Party buildingas their academic mission, and, in accordance with the requirements of the"two combinations", strengthen problem consciousness, open up civilizational horizons, transform their knowledge structure, overcome the心浮气躁(xīn fú qì zào -"heart floating, qi impetuous," restlessand impetuous) style of writing, style of study,and style of meetings, steadilyand solidly do a good job of the systematizedand theorized researchand interpretation of Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, accelerate the construction of the first-level discipline of CPC historyand Party building studies(中共党史党建学一级学科,, and actively construct the political science of the Party(党的政治学,.
In his speech, Li Chenglin pointed out that Xi Jinping's thought on Party building marks that our Party's understanding of the laws of Communist Party governanceand the laws of self-building of Marxist political parties has reached a new height; under its scientific guidance, full and rigorous Party self-governance(全面从严治党, has achieved historic and pioneering accomplishments, opening up a new realm of self-revolution(自我革命, for the century-old major Party. We must deeply understand the special important position of Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, keep in mind that"when looking at Beijing, one must first look at it from the political perspective"(看北京首先要从政治上看,, further strengthen the consciousness, initiative, and firmness in studyingand implementing it, earnestly fulfill the political responsibility of managing the Party and governing the Party, and, with new achievements in Party building work, provide a strong political guarantee for Beijing to take the lead in basically realizing socialist modernizationand to write a new chapter of Chinese-style modernization(中国式现代化,for the capital.
At the meeting, seven experts and scholars from the Central Party School(National Academy of Governance, the China Leadership Science Research Association, the Beijing Municipal Party School(Academy of Governance, Tsinghua University, the Jiangsu Provincial Party School(Academy of Governance)(江苏省委党校（行政学院办)),the Academy of Contemporary China and World Studies of the China Foreign Languages Publishing Administration(中国外文局当代中国与世界研究院,, and Renmin University of China conducted in-depth discussions on seven aspects, including the scientific connotation, great achievements, mighty power of practice, cultural nourishment, theoretical character, world significance of Xi Jinping's thought on Party building,as well as the promoting role of Xi Jinping's thought on Party buildingin the construction of the first-level discipline of CPC historyand Party building studies. The participating experts and scholars also engaged in heated discussions on the principle-level achievements, original contributions, power of truthand power of personality, practical foundation,and theoretical origins of Xi Jinping's thought on Party building.
Everyone unanimously agreed that Xi Jinping's thought on Party buildingis rooted in the fertile soil of abundant practice, firmly upholds the soul vein of Marxism, firmly upholds the root vein of China's excellent traditional culture, carries forward the red bloodline of Communists,and has major practical significanceand long-term guiding significancefor building a strong Partyanda strong country. Theoretical workers in Party building must do a good job in researchand interpretation, make greater efforts in the construction of the disciplinary system, academic system,and discourse system,and contribute wisdomand strength to continuously promoting theoreticaland practical innovation in Party building.
(Qu Xiaoshuang(曲晓霜))
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From July 26 to 27, the 2026 National Party School (School of Administration) Social Construction Discipline Development Seminar was held at the Jilin Provincial Party School (School of Administration). The seminar's theme was "Social Construction during the 15th Five-Year Plan Period and the Construction of China's Independent Knowledge System." Gong Weibin (龚维斌), Vice President of the Central Party School (National Academy of Governance) (中央党校（国家行政学院）), and Li Mingxiang (李明祥), Member of the Standing Committee of the Jilin Provincial Party Committee, Director of the Organization Department, and President of the Jilin Provincial Party School (School of Administration) (吉林省委党校（行政学院）), attended the opening ceremony and delivered speeches. Qiao Qingju (乔清举), Deputy Director of the Department of Teaching and Research on Society and Ecological Civilization (社会和生态文明教研部) of the Central Party School (National Academy of Governance), delivered the conference summary.
The meeting pointed out that holding this seminar at the start of the 15th Five-Year Plan period and on the occasion of the just-concluded National Conference of Party School (School of Administration) Presidents (Deans) was of great significance. Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has placed social construction in an important position in state governance, making a series of major deployments around safeguarding and improving people's livelihoods, strengthening and innovating social governance, and promoting common prosperity, pointing the direction for doing a good job in social construction work in the new era. Facing the new situation of profound changes in social structure, continuously upgrading demands of the people, and intertwined and overlapping risks and challenges, it is necessary to base ourselves on China's national conditions and China's practice, conduct in-depth discussion and exchange for mutual learning, summarize practical experience well, and explain the laws of development well.
The meeting emphasized that the 15th Five-Year Plan period is a critical period for consolidating the foundation and exerting full effort to basically realize socialist modernization. It is necessary to deeply understand the new requirements that social structure changes, upgrading of people's demands, and intertwined and overlapping risks and challenges place on social construction; centering on the two major key tasks of safeguarding and improving people's livelihoods and strengthening and innovating social governance, adhere to combining the upper and lower levels and exerting effort at both ends, thoroughly grasp the Party Central Committee's decision-making deployments, deeply understand grassroots realities, and promote the integration of policy research, theoretical research, and investigation and research; it is necessary to base ourselves on the practice of socialist social construction with Chinese characteristics, refine original and iconic concepts, and strive to build China's independent knowledge system of social construction; and strengthen teaching, scientific research, and talent team building, and strive to promote the high-quality development of the social construction discipline.
This seminar was hosted by the Department of Teaching and Research on Society and Ecological Civilization of the Central Party School (National Academy of Governance) and organized by the Jilin Provincial Party School (School of Administration). Experts and scholars from relevant domestic universities and research institutions, teaching and research personnel in specialties related to the social construction discipline from Party schools (Schools of Administration) nationwide, and media representatives, approximately 120 people in total, attended the meeting. Zheng Gongcheng (郑功成), member of the Standing Committee of the 14th National People's Congress, Vice Chairman of the Central Committee of the China Democratic League (民盟中央), Professor at Renmin University of China, and President of the China Association of Social Security (中国社会保障学会); Zhang Yi (张翼), member of the Academic Division of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (中国社会科学院) and President of the Chinese Sociological Association (中国社会学会); Chu Xiaodong (储晓东), Director of the Social Work Department of the Jilin Provincial Party Committee (吉林省委社会工作部) and Secretary of the Provincial Party Committee's "Two New" Work Committee (省委"两新"工委); Zhang Wenhong (张文宏), Dean of the School of Sociology at Nankai University; Jia Yujiao (贾玉娇), Professor at the School of Philosophy and Sociology of Jilin University; and Li Zhiming (李志明), Professor at the Department of Teaching and Research on Society and Ecological Civilization of the Central Party School (National Academy of Governance), among other experts, delivered keynote speeches. The seminar set up parallel forums around three sub-topics: research and interpretation of General Secretary Xi Jinping's important discourses on socialist social construction, theoretical research on social construction and the construction of an independent knowledge system, and practical research on social construction. The participating experts and scholars conducted in-depth discussions on theoretical and practical issues such as livelihood security, social structure transformation, grassroots governance, social mobility, and social work practice, and exchanged research results.
The participating representatives unanimously agreed that this seminar deepened the understanding of major theoretical and practical issues in social construction during the 15th Five-Year Plan period, consolidated consensus on building China's independent knowledge system of social construction and promoting the high-quality development of the social construction discipline, and contributed wisdom and strength to further implementing General Secretary Xi Jinping's important discourses on socialist social construction and advancing social construction in the process of Chinese-style modernization.
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Return to TopNews Brief. To thoroughly study and implement the spirit of General Secretary Xi Jinping's important speech at the celebration of the 105th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, and to advance the publicity, research, and interpretation of Xi Jinping's thought on Party building(习近平党建思想), on July 24, the Press and Periodicals Agency of the Central Party School(National Academy of Governance)(中央党校（国家行政学院）报刊社) held a symposium on"Deepening the Research and Interpretation of the Systematization and Theorization of Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building." The symposium was organized by the Editorial Department of the Journal of the Central Party School(National Academy of Governance)(《中共中央党校（国家行政学院）学报》编辑部. Li Junru(李君如,, former vice president of the Central Party School; Han Qingxiang(韩庆祥,, former member of the School Committee of the Central Party School and National First-Class Professor of Philosophy and Social Sciences; Wang Tingda(王庭达,, director of the Research Center for Party History and Party Building at the University of Chinese Academy of Sciences; Xin Xiangyang(辛向阳,, researcher at the Institute of Marxism of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences; Yang Deshan(杨德山,, professor at the School of Marxism of Fudan University; Zhao Chaofeng(赵朝峰,, professor at the School of Marxism of Beijing Normal University; Zhou Jingqing(周敬青,, second-class professor at the School of Marxism of East China Normal University; Song Fufan(宋福范,, second-class professor at the School of Marxism of the Central Party School(National Academy of Governance)(中央党校（国家行政学院）马克思主义学院); and Lü Pin(吕品,, deputy director of the Teaching and Research Department of Party Building at the Central Party School(National Academy of Governance)(中央党校（国家行政学院）党的建设教研部,, along with other experts and scholars, conducted in-depth discussions on deepening the research and interpretation of the systematization and theorization of Xi Jinping's thought on Party building.
The experts attending the symposium held that Xi Jinping's thought on Party building is rooted in the great practice of our Party's governance of the country in the new era, profoundly reveals the laws of Communist Party governance and the laws of the Party's self-building,and embodies the internal logic of Marxist Party-building theory continuously enriching, developing,and gradually moving toward systematization and theorization(体系化学理化. Strengthening the research on the systematization and theorization of Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, profoundly revealing the truths, academic principles,and philosophical principles contained therein,is both an inevitable requirement for promoting the Party's innovative theory to continuously move toward maturity,and for constructing China's independent knowledge system,and also provides solid academic support for arming the entire Party, educating the people,and guiding practice with the Party's innovative theory. Since the National Symposium on Party Building Work(全国党建工作座谈会) was convened,the theoretical and academic circles have conducted research on major issues such as the great significance, scientific connotation, theoretical character, practical foundation,and theoretical origins of Xi Jinping's thought on Party building,laying a good foundation for further deepening the research and interpretation of the systematization and theorization of Xi Jinping's thought on Party building. To deepen the research and interpretation of the systematization and theorization of Xi Jinping's thought on Party building,we must firmly grasp this major issue of the times — building a Marxist party in long-term governance,deeply reveal the fundamental determination of long-term governance,systematically answer the questions of"what kind of Marxist party in long-term governance to build and how to build a Marxist party in long-term governance,"further refine its signature concepts,principled achievements,and original contributions,comprehensively,accurately,and deeply elucidate the scientific system of Xi Jinping's thought on Party building,and promote the construction of an independent knowledge system of Party building.
The Xinhua Digest magazine agency(《新华文摘》,the special-topic editorial department of the"Communist Party of China" section of Renmin University's Reprinted Newspaper and Periodical Materials(人大复印报刊资料,,and editorial representatives of Chinese Social Sciences Digest magazine(《中国社会科学文摘》) attended the meeting. He Zhongguo(何忠国,,president of the Press and Periodicals Agency of the Central Party School(National Academy of Governance,,presided over the meeting. Wang Junqi(王君琦,and Li Ying(李莹,,deputy editors-in-chief of the Press and Periodicals Agency,along with heads of relevant departments and editors,attended the meeting.(Lü Hongjuan(吕红娟))
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On August 24, the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee Party School (Administrative College) (上海市委党校（行政学院）) held a collective lesson preparation meeting for the Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building (习近平党建思想) course, organizing all teaching faculty to concentrate on tackling key issues and pool wisdom in lesson preparation. Executive Vice President Zeng Jun (曾峻), Vice President Luo Feng (罗峰), and Director of Education Zhao Yong (赵勇) attended, and two senior professors of the Party School, Yuan Bingda (袁秉达) and Liu Zonghong (刘宗洪), were present to provide guidance.
Zeng Jun put forward requirements for completing the development and construction of the Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building course with high quality. First, elevate the political stance and consolidate responsibility for course construction. Each teaching task-force team should concentrate on polishing course lecture manuscripts, rely on the collective lesson preparation mechanism to repeatedly deliberate and optimize, ensure the high quality of the course, and incorporate it into the teaching system of all main training cohorts after the new semester begins in September. Second, adhere to deep study and careful comprehension, and strictly uphold the political gate and the content gate. Teaching faculty must read the original works, study the original texts, and comprehend the original principles in full, continuously enrich course content, and truly explain the Party's innovative theory comprehensively, accurately, deeply, thoroughly, and vividly. Third, deepen the integration of teaching and research, and consolidate the theoretical foundation of Party building. They should consciously integrate the research and interpretation of Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building into the entire process of daily teaching and scientific research, identify the convergence points between theoretical research and classroom teaching, continuously expand research dimensions, and consolidate theoretical foundations. Fourth, strengthen coordinated linkage and advance the integrated development of teaching, research, and consultation. They should continuously intensify the research and interpretation of Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building theory, produce a batch of high-quality, in-depth theoretical research results, and build a solid academic foundation for course development; promote the timely transformation of high-quality scientific research results into classroom teaching content and decision-making consultation outcomes, realize the promotion of teaching through research and the support of governance through consultation, and better serve the practice of Party building in the new era.
At the lesson preparation meeting, nearly 30 backbone teachers from 8 teaching and research departments, centering on teaching topics including the General Introduction to Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building, the Guided Reading of the Selected Works of Xi Jinping on Party Building (《习近平党建文选》), and the Scientific Connotation of Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building, reported in turn on the overall course architecture, systematically explained the theoretical essence, and exchanged and discussed lesson preparation approaches and teaching designs. The attending experts and school leaders, closely following the courses, provided precise evaluations one by one and put forward targeted improvement suggestions.
This collective lesson preparation meeting further deepened all teachers' understanding and grasp of the rich connotation and practical requirements of Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building, broadened the horizons of teaching and lesson preparation, clarified the direction for polishing high-quality courses, effectively enhanced teachers' abilities in course design, classroom instruction, and theoretical interpretation, and consolidated the foundation for building a teaching brand for the Party's innovative theory and comprehensively improving the quality and effectiveness of cadre education and training. In the next step, the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee Party School (Administrative College) will take high-quality course construction as the starting point, continuously promote the Party's innovative theory entering the classroom and entering the mind, and empower the city's Party member cadre education and training work to improve quality, increase effectiveness, and achieve high-quality development.
Return to TopNews Dispatch
In recent years, the Party School of the Shandong Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China (Shandong Administration Institute) has fully played its role as the main channel for education and and training of cadres and Party members, built a whole-chain integrity education system, systematically enhanced the pertinence and effectiveness of integrity education, and guided Party membersand cadres to guard well the "integrity pass."
It strengthened overall planning and design. Together with the Provincial Commission for Discipline Inspection and Supervision and the Organization Department of the Provincial Party Committee, it formulated and issued the Notice on Deepening Integrity Education in Cadre Education and Training, built a whole-chain education model comprising entrance education, theoretical foundation-building, professional guidance, case-based warnings, self-tempering, immersive influence, and assessment and evaluation, and systematically carried out integrity education in various main training classes such as the training class for young and middle-aged cadres, the refresher courses for county-and-division-leveland township-and-section-level cadres, and the appointment training classes. It established the Shandong Provincial Research Center on Political Virtue and Integrity Culture(山东省政德与廉洁文化研究中心,, the Research Center on Full and Rigorous Party Self-Governance in the New Era(新时代全面从严治党研究中心,, the Research Center on Intra-Party Regulations(党内法规研究中心,, among others.
It improved the curriculum system. Taking studying and implementing Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era as the theme and main line, it prominently launched 47 Party spirit education courses including"Seeking Truth from Facts Is the Greatest Party Spirit"and"Improving the System of Intra-Party Regulations and Institutions." It built a curriculum system on"Establishing and Practicing a Correct View of Political Achievements"(树立和践行正确政绩观,, achieved full coverage of the teaching unit"Establishing and Practicing a Correct View of Political Achievements"in classes with a study duration of one month or more,and set up courses such as"General Secretary Xi Jinping's Important Discourses on Establishing and Practicing a Correct View of Political Achievements"and"General Secretary Xi Jinping's Important Discourses on Strengthening the Party's Work Style Construction and the Spirit of the Central Eight-Point Regulations." It focused on developing 20 cases including"Building a Solid Ideological Defense Line of'Not Wanting to Be Corrupt'(不想腐, through Integrity Culture Construction," specially developed the case course"Warnings from the Confessions of Cadres Who Violated Discipline and Law." It invited leadersand experts from provincial departments to give special guidance focusing on studying and implementing the Regulations of the Communist Party of China on Disciplinary Action, the Several Provisions on Rectifying Formalism and Reducing Burdens on Grassroots,and other documents. Together with the Provincial Commission for Discipline Inspection and Supervision, it jointly established an Integrity Culture Construction Research Center(廉洁文化建设研究中心,, developed micro-courses on"Integrity Culture Construction in the New Era," published the book"Integrity Culture Construction in the Shandong Base Area"(《山东根据地廉洁文化建设》,,and had 3 major provincial social science projects approved.
It highlighted on-site teaching. It intensified warning education, organized trainees to go to the Shandong Provincial Integrity Education Base(山东省廉政教育基地,, the Shandong Provincial Prison,and other places for on-site teaching. In the first half of 2026, it organized trainees to collectively watch warning education films in a total of 4 sessions, with an audience of 1,092 person-times. It deeply excavated the elements of integrity in Shandong's rich and profound red cultureand excellent traditional culture, made good use of the Shandong practice of Chinese-style modernizationand fine on-site teaching resources from outside the province,and carried out on-site teaching on four major themes in main training classes:"Hold Fast to the Original Aspiration, Work Hard to Prosper the Country, Bravely Stand at the Tide's Forefront, Storm Fortificationsand Overcome Difficulties." It selected and built 118 on-site teaching bases for Party spirit education, coveringthe Yimeng Spirit, the Jiao Yulu Spirit, the Kong Fansen Spirit, cadre political virtue education,and other themes, positively guiding trainees to strengthen their integrity awarenessand improve their ability to resist corruptionand prevent degeneration. It built on-campus teaching sites includingthe Siwu Party Spirit Education Base(四五党性教育基地,, the Family Traditions and Family Mottoes Garden(家风家训园,, the Integrity Culture Garden(廉洁文化园,, among others, organized Party spirit education performances such as the national opera"Mount Yimeng"(《沂蒙山》,,andthe integrity Lu opera"Clear Song Ballad"(《清歌行》,,, creating a rich campus atmosphere of integrity culture. It selected 24 stories of integrity by ancient worthies, compiled and engraved"Ancient Models of Clean Wind"(《廉风古范》,,,which won the first prize inthe second"Green Unending"Cup Integrity Culture Works Creation Competition.
It firmly implemented assessment and evaluation. It formulated the Implementation Measures for Assessment of Trainees in Basic Training Classesand the Work Plan for Supervision and Inspection of Trainees' Study Style, established mechanisms for analysis of learning conditions,for evaluation communication,and for supervision and inspection,and carried out record-based assessment of trainees' learning situations in areas such as integrity education. It strictly administered testsand evaluations, organizing entrance tests, monthly tests,and graduation tests respectively for classes with a study duration of one month or more such as the training class for young and middle-aged cadres, with questions related to the Party Constitutionand Party regulations, integrity and discipline observance,etc.accounting for no less than20%,guiding trainees to enhance their integrity awareness.
(Zhang Zidong(张子栋,, Meng Hongen(孟宏恩,,
Return to TopOur Staff Reporter. On the afternoon of July 24, the Guizhou Provincial Party School (Administrative College) (贵州省委党校（行政学院）) held an expanded meeting of the school (college) committee, specially to convey and study the spirit of the National Conference of Presidents of Party Schools (Administrative Colleges) (全国党校（行政学院）校长（院长）会议) and study the opinions on implementing and carrying it out. The meeting was presided over by Wang Ruijun ( (王瑞军), deputy principal (vice dean) in charge of routine work and head of the Provincial Party Committee Lecture Group(省委讲师团.
The meeting pointed out that the National Conference of Presidents of Party Schools (Administrative Colleges, held on July 22, was a very important meeting convened at a critical juncture when the whole Party was deeply studying and implementing Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building(习近平党建思想) and carrying out the spirit of General Secretary Xi Jinping's important speech on July 1. The speech of Comrade Cai Qi, member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and president( dean) of the Central Party School( National Academy of Governance) (中央党校（国家行政学院, comprehensively summarized the new progress and new achievements made in Party school work nationwide, systematically expounded the understanding of the laws of doing Party school work well in the new era, deployed key tasks including: closely centering on cultivating talents for the Party and offering counsel for the Party(为党育才、为党献策) to raise teaching and research levels; giving prominence to education in the Party's innovative theory(党的创新理论教育, Party spirit education(党性教育, and training in the ability to perform duties(履职能力培训; deepening theoretical researchand decision-making consultation(理论研究和决策咨询,and other key tasks,thus clarifying the practical path for doing Party school work well in the present and the coming period.
The meeting emphasized that the whole school should regard studying and implementing the spirit of the National Conference of Presidents of Party Schools(Administrative Colleges as an important task. Members of the school(college) committee should take the lead in studying, each Party branch and each department should promptly organize conveyance, ensuring that the spirit of the conference is conveyed to every faculty and staff member. It is necessary to closely integrate with the problems pointed out by the inspection team of the Guizhou Provincial Party Committee(贵州省委巡视组, rectify while being inspected and rectify immediately upon discovery(边巡边改、立行立改, and fully implement all work tasks. It is necessary to actively prepare for the provincial conference of presidents of Party Schools(Administrative Colleges)(全省党校（行政学院）校长（院长）会议, align with benchmarks and sort out key tasks, firmly consolidate the main responsibility for running, managing, and building Party schools(办党校管党校建党校, and strive to promote all deployments taking root and producing results at Party Schools(Administrative Colleges at all levels throughout the province.
The meeting required that it is necessary to study deeply and comprehend thoroughly Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building, make good use of the themed classroom"Guizhou Practice of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era," accelerate the development of thematic courses,and give prominence to education in the Party's innovative theory;it is necessary to run well the Party spirit cultivation refresher class(党性修养进修班, strengthen Party spirit knowledge trainingand strict inner-Party political life training,and continuously strengthen Party spirit education;it is necessary to deepen organized scientific research(有组织科研, do well topic researchand decision-making consultation, focus on strengthening research on the Party's innovative theoryand countermeasure research responding to urgent practical needs;it is necessary to focus on such tasks as high-quality development, building a modern industrial system, strengthening social governance, coordinating developmentand security,and set up special topics, do well training in the ability to perform duties;it is necessary to make good use of methods such as"two-person theoretical propaganda"(理论宣传二人讲, carry out differentiated propagandaand lectures, let the Party's innovative theory"fly into the homes of ordinary people"(飞入寻常百姓家. It is necessary to always adhere to strict governance of the school(从严治校, put work style construction in the first place, strictly manage facultyand staff, improve the whole-chain management mechanism for trainees, strictly implement the responsibility system for ideological work(意识形态工作责任制, resolutely ensure that classroom teaching has discipline,and scientific research abides by rules. It is necessary to continuously improve the basic training mechanism of"provincial level taking the lead in overall planning, municipal level coordinating, county level implementing as the main body"(“省级牵头抓总、市级统筹协调、县级主体实施”基本培训机制, strengthen guidanceand assistance for the construction of the Guizhou Zunyi Cadre Academy(贵州遵义干部学院 and the Guizhou Long March Cadre Academy(贵州长征干部学院, orderly promote the classified construction of county-level Party Schools(Administrative Schools)(县级党校（行政学校,and continuously improve the school-running qualityand level of county-level Party Schools(Administrative Schools.
Members of the school(college) committee, second-level inspectors,and heads of various departments attended the meeting. (You Zhenglan(游正兰))
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On July 23, Fan Yongbing (范永斌, Executive Vice President (Vice President) of the Party School (Academy of Governance) of the Shaanxi Provincial Party Committee (陕西省委党校（行政学院）), presided over a meeting of the school (academy) committee to specially convey and study the spirit of the National Conference of Party School (Academy of Governance) Presidents(全国党校（行政学院）校长（院长）会议) and studied opinions on implementation.
The meeting pointed out that the National Conference of Party School (Academy of Governance) Presidents was an important meeting convened at a time when the whole Party was deeply studying and implementing Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building(习近平党建思想) and the spirit of General Secretary Xi Jinping's important speech on"July 1"(习近平总书记“七一”重要讲话精神). Comrade Cai Qi, member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and President of the Central Party School (National Academy of Governance)(中央党校（国家行政学院）),in his speech at the National Conference of Party School (Academy of Governance) Presidents, systematically expounded the understanding of the laws of doing Party school work well in the new era, defined the key tasks of closely focusing on cultivating talents for the Party and offering counsel for the Party(为党育才、为党献策) to improve teaching and scientific research levels, prominently grasping education in the Party's innovative theory, Party spirit education, and training in the ability to perform duties, deepening theoretical research and decision-making consultation,and other key tasks,and clarified the practical path for doing Party school work well in the current period and the period ahead.
The meeting emphasized that it is necessary to deeply grasp the positioning of Party schools as the Party's school, the main front of cadre education and training,and an important front army on the Party's ideological and theoretical front; deeply study and implement General Secretary Xi Jinping's important expositions on Party school work and the spirit of General Secretary Xi Jinping's important speech on"July 1"; study and implement Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building;in studying deeply and comprehending thoroughly, researching, publicizing,and interpreting,and 学以致用 (xué yǐ zhì yòng - "study in order to apply," to learn for the purpose of application), take the lead in demonstrating and stand in the forefront. It is necessary to benchmark against the core requirements such as the"Fourteen Perseverances"(十四个坚持) and"Ten Musts"(十个必须) reiterated in Comrade Cai Qi's speech, firmly grasp the fundamental principle that"Party schools bear the surname Party"(党校姓党), strictly observe political discipline and political rules,and effectively implement Party leadership throughout the entire process and all aspects of running the school and governing the school. It is necessary to persist in strictly governing the school, put work style building in the first place, vigorously promote the style of learning, the style of plainness,and the style of clarity. It is necessary, in light of Shaanxi's actual conditions,to accelerate the advancement of the"Three Entries"(三进) work of Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building, continuously deepen the research and interpretation that systematizes and theorizes Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era,and effectively give play to the functional role of Party schools in cultivating talents and offering counsel.
The meeting required that the entire school (academy) from top to bottom must quickly take action and regard studying and implementing the spirit of the National Conference of Party School (Academy of Governance) Presidents as an important current political task. First, grasp study with full coverage of all personnel: members of the school (academy) committee take the lead in leading study, each Party branch and each department promptly organizes conveyance, ensuring that the spirit of the meeting is conveyed to every faculty member and staff memberand implemented in every work link. Second, benchmark against standards and check against checklists to grasp implementation:in conjunction with the requirements of the provincial Party committee's inspection rectification, sort out key tasks, improve rectification and remediation, press tight and press solidthe principal responsibility for running the Party school, managing the Party school,and building the Party school. Third, coordinate guidance to promote improvement:on the basis of making oneself solid, making oneself excellent,and making oneself strong, strengthen professional guidance to Party schools at the city and county levelsand the sinking of resources, ensuring that the spirit of the meeting 落地生根 (luò dì shēng gēn - "fall to the ground and take root," to become established)in the Shaanxi Party school(Academy of Governance) system, shows action,and shows effect.
(Chen Weiyu (陈薇宇))
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To make focused efforts to cultivate a contingent of young Marxist theoretical talent who are politically strong, firm in conviction, professionally proficient, and upright in work style, from July 19 to 24, the Party School (School of Administration) of the Ningxia Hui Autonomous Regional Party Committee (宁夏回族自治区党委党校（行政学院）) held a special training class for improving the capabilities of young Marxist theoretical talent in the Party school system of the entire region, with a total of 80 people participating. The training closely centered on the strategy of strengthening the school with talent, focused on the key links in the growth and development of young Marxist theoretical talent, and was based on improving young teachers' political quality, theoretical level, teaching ability, research ability, and decision-making consulting ability.
This training invited well-known experts and scholars from Party schools (Schools of Administration) nationwide to deliver special lectures, deeply study Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, systematically grasp the scientific system, core essence, and practical requirements of the Party's innovative theory, and continuously improve Marxist theoretical literacy. During the training process, participants were organized to intensively read Marxist classic works and General Secretary Xi Jinping's important works, and reading-sharing and exchange-discussion activities were carried out, guiding participants to read original works, study original texts, and comprehend principles. In addition, focusing on key and difficult issues in teaching, research, and decision-making consulting work, special discussion topics were set up, and participants were organized to conduct group discussions, inspiring each other and improving together.
After a week of systematic theoretical soul-forging, Party-spirit tempering, and professional training, all the young teachers gained insights and reaped gains from their studies. Everyone unanimously agreed that this training achieved a "three-fold advancement" in their theoretical literacy, namely the systematic elevation of theoretical thinking, the efficient transformation of theoretical interpretation, and the internalization of theoretical self-awareness in the heart. Everyone expressed that in future teaching and research practice, they will further systematically master the Marxist stand, viewpoint, and method, effectively improve their ability to teach and interpret theory, explain the Party's innovative theory thoroughly, vividly, and in a down-to-earth manner, and with a high degree of political self-awareness practice the original aspiration of Party schools of "educating talent for the Party and offering counsel for the Party," so as to better serve the overall situation of local development.
(Lu Qinghua (鲁清华), Ma Xiaobo (马晓博))
Return to TopIn recent years, the Party School of the Huangshan Municipal Party Committee in Anhui Province has thoroughly implemented the requirement of "giving prominence to doing a good job of the whole-chain cultivation of young teachers" in the Regulations on the Work of Party Schools (Administrative Colleges) of the Communist Party of China, continuously implemented the strategy of strengthening the school with talent, made the cultivation of young teachers the top priority among priorities in team building,and strived to forge a "new force" of young Party School teachers who are politically strong, firm in conviction, proficient in professional work,and upright in work style.
Adhering to putting soul-forging first, they pool efforts to strictly guard the the "political gate." Party School teachers bear the important responsibility of transmitting the Way, imparting knowledge,and resolving doubts; young teachers must uphold that educators must first be educated,and build a solid, impeccable political character. First, they attentively serve as "guides." Starting from strengthening ideologicaland political work, the Party School of the Huangshan Municipal Party Committee innovatively established a "three-level heart-to-heart talk" (三级谈心) working mechanism among school leaders - department heads - facultyand staff, decomposing ideologicaland political education work level by leveland assigning responsibility to each person, carrying out heart-to-heart talks with young teachers in full coverageand on a regular basis, promptly grasping ideological trends, conducting targeted educationin loyalty to the Party, teacher ethicsand conduct, etc., guiding young teachers to cultivate political consciousnessand consolidate the foundation of loyalty. Second, they carefully serve as "seedling cultivators." Relying on Party branchesand Youth League branches, they innovatively carried out 25 sessions of "Position Youth Talk" (阵地青年说) and "Original Aspiration Forum" (初心讲堂,, deepened study of the Party Constitution, Party regulations,and Party discipline, tightening the "mainspring" of abiding by rulesand discipline. In connection with relevant studyand education, they convened warning education meetings for young cadres, using cases to explain lawand discipline. They strictly implemented the "Seven Prohibitions" for Party School staff, strengthened supervision "insideand outside the eight-hour workday," carried out home visitsand discussion meetings, distributed integrity reminder cards,and jointly fastened the "first button" for young teachers. Third, they warmly serve as "guardians." They integrate strict requirements with careand concern, regularly soliciting young teachers' opinionsand suggestions, proactively understanding their living conditions, actively helping to coordinateand solve practical problems such as rental housing for talent, seeking medical treatment, etc., ensuring that young teachers' growth demands have someone to manage them, someone to help them,and someone to respond to them. Trade unions, women's committees,and other mass organizations actively build bridgesand bonds, using various culturaland sports activities to enhance cohesionand sense of belonging, helping young teachers lighten their burdensand devote themselves to scholarship with peace of mind.
Adhering to professional competence as the foundation, they pool efforts to strictly guard the the "capability gate." Young teachers are the future hope of the Party School's cause; when the young are strong, the Party School is strong; when the young prosper, the Party School prospers. First, they vigorously consolidate "basic skills." They carried out"training to improve teachers' comprehensive capabilities," putting young teachers in the "first position" among trainees,and through 10 sessions of expert guidanceand in-class discussions, teaching face-to-faceand learning solidly, made targeted efforts to precisely improve teachingand research capabilities. They innovated the mechanism of special-topic guidance for young teachers in central group study, successively carrying out 28 sessions of special-topic guidance, promoting learning through lecturingand effectively improving young teachers' theoretical interpretation capability. They promoted the normalizationand institutionalization of "Teachingand Research Activity Day" (教研活动日,, making continuous, unremitting efforts to lay a solid foundation for young teachers' teachingand research skills. Second, they jointly build a good "training ground." They take young teachers as the "main force" for participating in various provincial-and municipal-level competitions, form course-polishing teams under the "mentor responsibility system," lead young teachers to carefully polishand refine each link of "preparation - lecture - evaluation - competition," and through real practice, actual training, competition,and drill, promoted 薪火相传 (xīn huǒ xiāng chuán - "firewoodand fire pass down to one another," to pass on knowledgeand tradition from teacher to student) landing solidlyand young teachers' growth achieving practical results. They explored a new path of mutual promotion between theoretical outreachand teacher training, carefully selected young backbone personnel to join the municipal Party committee's theoretical outreach group, used real outreach combat to improve teacher standards, successively carrying out more than40 theoretical outreach sessions with an audience of more than2,500 people. Third, they vigorously temper"signature courses." They carried out the "one person, one excellent course" (一人一堂好课) work, with school leadersand heads of various departments participating throughout, 18 young teachers each selecting one main training class course, one person at a time lecturing, one course at a time passing,and through "centralized lecturing - on-site scoring - elimination of the last place," linked polishing results with classroom access, screenedand polished high-quality courses, promoted teaching quality where everyone passesand everyone improves, continuously advancing toward "one person one excellent course, one course one famous teacher" (一人一好课、一课一名师..
Adhering to integration as the key, they pool efforts to strictly guard the the "practice gate." Promoting the integration of teaching, research,and practice is an inevitable requirement for practicing the original aspiration of the Party School,and they insist on letting young teachers come into contact with realityand participate in practice, providing support for cultivating talentand offering advice. First, practical exercise"strengthens bonesand muscles." They collectedand summarized the intentionsand needs of teachingand research personnel under age45 for practical exercise, coordinated with organization departments to actively connect with government organs, public institutions, enterprises, grassroots townships,and subdistricts,and in conjunction with the "Double Support, One Delivery" (双支一送) work, arranged 19 young teachers in batches to walk out of the school gateand go deep into the front line, directly participating in specific affairs such as cultural-tourism integration, business environment, rural governance, grassroots Party building, etc., getting groundedand growing abilities in practical scenarios. They formulated the "Management Measures for Practical Exercise of Teachers of the Party School of the Huangshan Municipal Party Committee," carried out assessmentand evaluation of practical exercise, promoted the transformation of exercise results into teachingand research results, ensuring that they do not go through the motionsand that results are seen. Second, case teaching"increases wisdom." They take case teaching as a unique bridge connecting teaching, research,and practice, take young teachers as the main force for case course development, earnestly excavateand summarize excellent cases of Huangshan's development, launch a series of courses,and through case course development, promote young teachers to deepen their understanding of municipal conditions, broaden teaching approaches,and improve teachingand research capabilities. Third, investigationand research"produces good strategies." They take investigationand research as a "required course" for young teachers, establish a normalized research mechanism, encourage young teachers to carry out staying-at-the-point research, conduct long-term trackingand dynamic observation around key issues such as industrial developmentand grassroots governance, continuously improve the depthand precision of suggestionsand advice, produced 19 advisory reports, of which 5 received affirmative instructions from the main responsible comrades of the municipal Party committeeand others, providing useful reference for Party committeeand government decision-making.
(Huang Qingqing (黄青青))
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In 2018, General Secretary Xi Jinping wrote back to all Party members of Hengkantou Village (横坎头村), Yuyao (余姚), Ningbo, Zhejiang, encouraging everyone to "not forget the original aspiration, keep the mission firmly in mind, and pass on the red genes (红色基因) well" and to "give play to their own advantages and strive to build a prosperous, civilized, and livable beautiful village." Hengkantou Village is located in the old revolutionary base area of Siming Mountain in Yuyao and was the central area of the Anti-Japanese Base Area in Eastern Zhejiang (浙东抗日根据地). The Zhejiang Siming Mountain Cadre Academy (浙江四明山干部学院) bears the entrustment firmly in mind, adheres to "red genes and golden common prosperity" (金色共富) as its school-running characteristics, continuously promotes innovation in the models, methods, and elements of party spirit education, and enables trainees to question their original aspirations, temper their party spirit, and practice their mission in education and training, continuously pushing party spirit education to go deeper and be more solid.
Building a curriculum matrix with the characteristics of the cadre academy. Conducting party spirit education and using the Party's stories to educate, move, and inspire people is an important way to guide trainees to bear in mind their original aspiration and mission and to firm up their ideals and beliefs. The Zhejiang Siming Mountain Cadre Academy, based on the unique red roots of Siming Mountain and the fertile soil of Ningbo's common prosperity practice, centers on the two major themes of "what is the old revolutionary base area spirit" and "how the old revolutionary base area spirit in the new era leads common prosperity," and builds a curriculum matrix with the characteristics of the times and the cadre academy. First, excavate the red heritage of Siming. Strictly implement the relevant requirements on party spirit education in the Regulations on Cadre Education and Training Work (《干部教育培训工作条例》), focus on carrying forward and inheriting the old revolutionary base area spirit (老区精神), and, according to the six dimensions of theoretical cultivation, historical nourishment, cultural moistening, discipline and law training, model guidance, and practical tempering, launch 48 main courses including "Red Memory — The Founding and Development of the Anti-Japanese Base Area in Eastern Zhejiang" and "Painfully Bidding Farewell to the Elders, Brothers, and Sisters of Eastern Zhejiang — The 'Northward Withdrawal' (北撤) of the New Fourth Army's Eastern Zhejiang Guerrilla Column (浙东游击纵队)," forming a "1+6+48" layered and progressive red teaching system, providing personalized teaching plans for different types of trainees, and achieving precise drip irrigation in education and training. Second, polish the golden common prosperity brand. Combining Ningbo's regional characteristics, focusing on the vivid practices under the guidance of the Party's innovative theories, integrating and linking up 40 on-site teaching points including Hengkantou Village in Yuyao, Tengtou Village (滕头村) in Fenghua (奉化), and Ningbo Zhoushan Port, and forming 8 boutique routes with themes such as "urban-rural common prosperity" (城乡共富) and "social governance." Continuously deepen the "dual-course, dual-lecture" form of "theoretical interpretation + on-site explanation," explain clearly the truth, the academic rationale, and the philosophical rationale of the Party's innovative theories, and do a good job of combining theoretical cognition with practical application.
Innovating situational experience teaching methods. Teaching methods are an important vehicle for enhancing the attractiveness and appeal of the classroom. The Zhejiang Siming Mountain Cadre Academy comprehensively applies immersive, case-based, and seminar-style teaching methods, transforms major events in the old revolutionary base area's revolutionary history and the common prosperity struggle history into perceivable and accessible teaching materials, amplifies the comprehensive effect of teaching with multi-dimensional scenes, and makes party spirit education more vivid, profound, and 有血有肉 (yǒu xuè yǒu ròu - "have blood and flesh," vivid and lifelike). First, create immersive classrooms. Centering on "recalling the martyrs of Siming and forging strong party spirit," launch the Chongxue Recitation (崇学诵读) and Chongxue Interview (崇学访谈) teaching brands, guide trainees to integrate into the historical context through roles, and cultivate firm ideals and beliefs through methods such as reciting red family letters and performing stories of heroic martyrs; in cooperation with the Xiangshan Film and Television College of Ningbo University of Finance and Economics (宁波财经学院象山影视学院), develop the immersive teaching play "The Choice" (《抉择》), introduce music party classes such as "Stirring Melodies in the Siming Beacon Fires" (四明烽火中的激昂乐章), and use rich teaching forms to profoundly interpret the old revolutionary base area spirit and help trainees enhance their party spirit cultivation. At present, the relevant courses have covered nearly 10,000 trainees and received widespread praise. Second, deepen case-based teaching. Closely focusing on establishing and practicing a correct view of political achievements, making good use of Ningbo's distinctive advantages in industrial development, urban-rural coordination, and mountain-sea resources, carefully selecting cases that reflect local common prosperity characteristics such as "high-quality development of private enterprises contributing to common prosperity" and "comprehensively promoting rural revitalization with the experience of the 'Thousand-Village Demonstration, Ten-Thousand-Village Improvement' project" (千万工程), setting teaching processes according to the complete thread of events, organizing trainees to carry out group discussions and simulated decision-making exercises around propositions such as visible achievements versus latent achievements and short-term gains versus long-term development, and, in ideological confrontation, tightening the "master switch" of thought and calibrating the coordinate system for doing work. In recent years, a total of 15 case courses have been developed, of which 1 course won the "Excellent Course" award in national cadre education and training. Third, strengthen experiential learning. Explore and implement the "Yongshang Integrity" (甬尚清廉) integrity psychological group counseling experiential teaching, build a teaching closed loop of "risk identification + practical exercise + method sedimentation + action sublimation," create a real-scene classroom with a strong sense of immersion, and promote trainees' shift from passive listening to inner empathy and being touched in thought. Optimize real-scene research study, integrate on-campus teaching resources such as the Party Conduct and Party Discipline Theme Hall, the Party Spirit Education Theme Hall, and the Chongxue Study Room (崇学书房), innovatively launch the Chongxue Journey (崇学之旅) research study route, display historical documents and physical photographs, and use teacher explanations to guide trainees to walk, look, and comprehend along the way, promoting party spirit education to be internalized in the heart and externalized in action.
Consolidating the three major teaching support systems. High-quality party spirit education cannot be separated from high-quality teaching support. The Zhejiang Siming Mountain Cadre Academy focuses on enhancing its school-running strength and influence, strengthens innovation in management paradigms, adopts targeted measures for position building, team building, and institution building, continuously consolidates the foundation for running the school, and strengthens the comprehensive effectiveness of education. First, linkage of positions. Strengthen communication and contact with the Provincial Party School and sister institutions, rely on the advantage of the co-located operation of the Party School and the Cadre Academy, link up the strength of county and township Party schools and cooperative units such as the Municipal Party Committee History Research Office (市委党史研究室) and the Municipal Veterans Affairs Bureau (市退役军人事务局), and form a party spirit education position centered on the academy and radiating to the surrounding areas. At the same time, actively strive to undertake key training classes from central ministries and commissions such as the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee (中共中央组织部) and the Ministry of Housing and Urban-Rural Development (住房和城乡建设部) and from the Central Party School (National Academy of Governance) (中央党校（国家行政学院）) to carry out teaching activities in Ningbo, expanding the influence of the Zhejiang Siming Mountain Cadre Academy. Second, build a strong team. Focusing on key disciplines such as the discipline of CPC history and Party building and Marxist theory, comprehensively implement the three-year action for discipline construction, fully utilize the demonstration effect of Ningbo's first postdoctoral workstation in the humanities and social sciences in attracting and cultivating talent, pool wisdom to cultivate leading talents in disciplines, and simultaneously broaden the sources of faculty and build a strong part-time teacher pool. Routinely absorb heroic models and advanced individuals, relatives of martyrs, and industry experts into the pool, focus on conducting summary research and publicity and explanatory talks on the laws and experience and practices of party spirit education, and promote a leap in overall teaching capacity. In the past three years, a total of 11 people have received talent titles at the municipal level or above. Third, improve institutions. Highlighting the seriousness and scientific nature of party spirit education, successively issue 9 institutions including the operational norms for training management and the detailed rules for full-cycle assessment and management of trainees, and, centering on the key teaching link of the whole-process party spirit analysis of trainees, refine it into 7 steps and 5 core work requirements including preliminary preparation, process implementation, and group discussion, introduce senior experts to serve as guiding teachers for party spirit analysis, and ensure that all links of party spirit education form a strict closed loop. Regularly organize training reviews, clarify the direction of rectification, continuously improve mechanisms such as annual evaluation and iterative optimization of party spirit education, and constantly improve the level of teaching management.
(The author is the Executive Vice President of the Ningbo Municipal Party School (宁波市委党校) and the Dean of the Zhejiang Siming Mountain Cadre Academy.)
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