Summary: The Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee adopted the "Decision" on persistently advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, emphasizing that the Party faces "three more arduous tasks" amid profound changes in world, national, and Party conditions. The article details these tasks: safeguarding national sovereignty, security, and development interests; advancing reform and development while maintaining social harmony and stability; and maintaining the Party's advanced nature and purity. It cites General Secretary Xi Jinping's "self-revolution" as the second answer to escaping the historical cycle, alongside Mao Zedong's "letting the people supervise the government." The author, a former vice president of the Central Party School, argues that Party building must serve the Party's missions and tasks, including upholding socialism with Chinese characteristics and advancing Chinese modernization. The piece concludes that persistently advancing full and rigorous self-governance is an inevitable requirement for consolidating the Party's ruling position and fulfilling its historical mission.
Summary: The article argues that strengthening Party spirit is the fundamental task of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, as designated by the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee, and is essential for upholding the Party's nature and purpose. It emphasizes that Party spirit is the foundation of Party governance, distinguishing the Party from others, and is crucial for members to withstand challenges and tests. The piece outlines six key aspects for cultivating Party spirit, including establishing ideals, forging loyalty, serving the people, seeking truth, purifying character, and maintaining integrity. It stresses unifying knowledge and action, making Party spirit tempering a lifelong practice, and translating it into responsible action for national rejuvenation. The author is identified as a professor at Shandong Normal University and director of a research institute on contemporary Chinese Marxism.
Summary: The article discusses the Party's commitment to breaking implicit rules by establishing explicit ones, as emphasized in the Fifth Plenary Session's Decision. It highlights General Secretary Xi Jinping's view that strengthening explicit rules is the fundamental strategy to suppress implicit rules, which erode Party discipline and political ecology. The piece calls for ideological education, transparent power exercise, and institutional improvements to eliminate loopholes and resist personal relationships and under-the-table operations. It stresses that Party members and cadres must consciously oppose implicit rules to purify political life and gain public support.
Summary: On the new journey, we must uphold the unity of patriotism with love for the Party and love for socialism, uphold the Party's overall leadership and the centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee, and strengthen confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics. We must inspire all Chinese sons and daughters at home and abroad to continuously cultivate patriotic sentiments and strengthen the ambition to build a powerful nation, advance Chinese modernization to victory, and jointly build our great motherland into an even better place.
Summary: The article argues that the rise of intelligent agents is structurally reshaping the global cybersecurity landscape, shifting offense and defense from human-operated processes to autonomous, machine-driven closed loops. It outlines how this transformation changes the landscape of power, capability, and risk, including a trend toward "extreme polarization" between nations with autonomous defense capabilities and those that can only passively endure attacks. The piece also details governance evolution, advocating for a shift from post-hoc protection to source governance with a three-layer defense system, and from manual approval to human-machine collaborative autonomy. It notes that regulation is moving from model content compliance toward agent behavior, with international norms anchored on accountability being constructed. The article concludes by citing China's efforts, including the *Artificial Intelligence Security Governance Framework 3.0*, as providing Chinese solutions for regulating agent behavior.
Summary: The article reports that Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Pakistan reached consensus in Tehran on October 26, agreeing to continue consultations on jointly achieving peace and security in West Asia and holding that regional security must rely on the region's own strength, avoiding foreign intervention. It describes how the Mecca Joint Defense Agreement, signed by Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Pakistan in August 2026, has rapidly transformed from a "paper agreement" into an operational mechanism, marking the Middle East's farewell to a security model dominated by external hegemony. The piece argues that the agreement's substantive implementation is dismantling the US-unilaterally dominated Middle East security system, reshaping the regional balance of power, and exploring a new model of geopolitical autonomy for developing countries. It concludes that the agreement's evolution reflects the world multipolarization trend and will consolidate the Middle East's autonomous security architecture. The author is identified as the Director of the Institute of Asian and African Development Studies under the Development Research Center of the State Council.
Summary: The article criticizes the European Union's use of its Foreign Subsidies Regulation to conduct improper extraterritorial jurisdiction, citing recent investigations into JD.com and other cases as examples of unilateral monopoly and trade protectionism. It argues that the EU's over-broad jurisdiction, overreaching investigations, and expanding scope violate international law and trample on the economic sovereignty of other countries. The piece identifies the EU's motivations as safeguarding its own economic advantages, vying for rule-setting dominance, and serving geopolitical goals to curb emerging industries. It warns that such practices distort global fair competition, challenge international legal foundations, and exacerbate fragmentation of the global economic and trade system. In response, the article recommends that economies build long-term mechanisms, including improving foreign-related legal systems, standardizing blocking measures, and participating in multilateral governance to reshape a fair trade order.
Summary: The article examines new-type and hidden corruption as emerging challenges in China's anti-corruption campaign, categorizing them into transaction-disguise, subject-concealment, time-displacement, digital-concealment, and other variant types. It outlines essential characteristics such as the structural separation of power exercise from profiting, the concealment of illegality behind formal legality, and the capitalization of corrupt benefits. The piece proposes measures at institutional, disciplinary-legal, and cultural levels, including optimizing power allocation, enhancing digital supervision, and fostering integrity culture. It emphasizes the need to accurately identify these corruption forms to strengthen anti-corruption efforts, as mandated by the 20th National Congress and Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee.
Summary: The article discusses cases of Party members and cadres misappropriating public funds for personal wealth management, citing examples such as Liu Xianmei and He Xiaofeng, who were punished for such violations. It outlines the manifestations, causes, and legal provisions, including Article 103 of the Regulations of the Communist Party of China on Disciplinary Actions and Article 384 of the Criminal Law, that address these offenses. The piece emphasizes the need for strict self-discipline, strengthened education, and intensified supervision to prevent such misconduct. It calls for measures like warning education, big-data monitoring, and full-lifecycle management to curb illegal use of public funds for wealth management.
Summary: The Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee adopted a "Decision" on persistently advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, building on the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core having incorporated this into the Four-Pronged Comprehensive Strategy since the 18th National Congress. The article states that Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, crystallized through the Fourteen Commitments, has fundamentally reversed lax Party governance and corrected deep-seated problems, while noting that impurity and corruption risks persist. It emphasizes that the "six hows and always" urgently require continuous exploration, as full and rigorous self-governance is always ongoing amid unprecedented domestic and international changes. The piece outlines principles including adhering to the Party's political construction as the lead, being comprehensive and strict, problem-oriented approaches, upholding fundamental principles while breaking new ground, leading by example from the top down, and governing the Party through institutions.
Summary: The article recounts the Communist Party of China's leadership in Yellow River governance from 1946 to 1955, framing it as a shift from chaos to order and harm to benefit. It details the establishment of people's Yellow River governance institutions amid the "Return of the Yellow River to Its Old Course," opposing Chiang Kai-shek's plot to flood liberated areas. Under the slogan "holding a gun in one hand and a shovel in the other," the Party led dike reconstruction, achieved no breaches from 1947 to 1949, and after 1949 advanced flood control, irrigation, and comprehensive basin planning. Mao Zedong's 1952 inspection and call to "do the Yellow River's affairs well" marked a turning point toward systematic governance. The article emphasizes the Party's people-centered approach, unified basin management, and the transition from scattered to coordinated governance, laying foundations for long-term stability.
Summary: The Lianghekou Meeting, held in June 1935 after the joining of the Red First and Red Fourth Front Armies, established the strategy of advancing north to create the Sichuan-Shaanxi-Gansu Soviet Area and negated Zhang Guotao's line of advancing west and moving south. Zhou Enlai delivered the central report proposing the northward offensive, which was unanimously passed, with Mao Zedong offering five supporting points and Zhang Wentian writing the final decision. The meeting's decision warned against right opportunist tendencies of retreat and conservatism, and the Central Revolutionary Military Commission formulated the Songpan Campaign Plan. However, Zhang Guotao's subsequent delaying and splittist activities caused the Red Army to lose the opportunity to seize Songpan, forcing it to advance north through the grasslands instead.
Summary: The article discusses Xi Jinping's 2018 speech on building a high-caliber cadre contingent that is loyal, clean, and responsible, as included in Volume II of *Selected Works of Xi Jinping on Party Building*. It emphasizes implementing the Party's organizational line for the new era and outlines four requirements: upholding standards of virtue and ability, fair appointment of personnel, broadening the vision for selecting personnel, and motivating cadre enthusiasm. The piece stresses that loyalty, cleanliness, and responsibility are interconnected political qualities essential for cadres, and calls for running these requirements through the entire process of selecting, educating, managing, and using cadres. It also highlights the need for strict governance of officials, leading by example from the top, and combining strict management with care and support to provide organizational guarantees for Chinese modernization.
Summary: The article introduces a special issue of *Cadre Education Research* focused on studying and implementing Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, which has formed since the 18th National Congress around the epochal subject of building a long-term governing Marxist party. Wang Binglin, Dean of the Institute of CPC History and Party Building at Beijing Normal University, argues that grasping this thought from the Party's hundred-plus-year building course reveals its historical foundations and theoretical origins. He Husheng, Professor at Renmin University of China, explains that the thought's scientific system, embodied in the Fourteen Commitments, provides ideological guidance for full and rigorous self-governance of the Party. Zhang Rongchen, Professor at the Party School of the CPC Central Committee, analyzes tempering strong Party character as a lifelong subject, proposing key tasks across five aspects including ideals, loyalty, service, morality, and integrity. Zhang Peng, Executive Vice President of China Executive Leadership Academy Jinggangshan, discusses building a scientific Party character education system, with Party schools and cadre academies taking Xi Jinping's thought as the fundamental principle for such education.
Summary: The article argues that strengthening Party spirit is the fundamental task of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, as designated by the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee, and is essential for upholding the Party's nature and purpose. It emphasizes that Party spirit is the foundation of Party governance, distinguishing the Party from others, and is crucial for members to withstand challenges and tests. The piece outlines six key aspects for cultivating Party spirit, including establishing ideals, forging loyalty, serving the people, seeking truth, purifying character, and maintaining integrity. It stresses unifying knowledge and action, making Party spirit tempering a lifelong practice, and translating it into responsible action for national rejuvenation. The author is identified as a professor at Shandong Normal University and director of a research institute on contemporary Chinese Marxism.
Summary: The article argues that deepening full and rigorous self-governance of the Party requires both a sound institutional system and a professional work force, with political science and law colleges and universities uniquely positioned to provide foundational support. It calls for collaborative development of law and discipline inspection and supervision disciplines to consolidate the theoretical basis for governing the Party through institutions. The piece emphasizes improving talent cultivation systems, including practical-oriented education and composite talent development in frontier fields such as digital supervision and international anti-corruption cooperation. It also urges universities to strengthen think tank support and practical coordination to transform disciplinary and talent advantages into governance effectiveness. The authors are the Party Secretary and President of China University of Political Science and Law.
Summary: The article argues that in the AI era, large models are becoming a primary source of "facts" for the public, making data competition a deep-level contest over cultural interpretation and the consolidation of Chinese cultural subjectivity. It contends that cultural data, being multimodal and a mixture of good and bad elements, cannot be fed directly to models and must be forged into "credible historical data" through annotation. Drawing on Chinese historiography, the author proposes three principles for this process: selection and credibility, establishing definitive texts through "four determinations" annotation, and transmission to posterity via public-interest supply and evaluation benchmarks. The piece links this task to the Third Plenary Session's call for a Chinese civilization symbol system, the State Council's "AI+" action, and the National Data Administration's high-quality dataset plan. The author, Director of the Digital Art Department of the China Institute of Arts Science and Technology, concludes that forging data into credible historical data is this generation's work of historiography.
Summary: The article, drawing on the *Analects* and Zhu Xi's commentary, explains that "making loyalty and trustworthiness the foundation" means these virtues should be the root of one's conduct, with loyalty as devoting one's full effort and trustworthiness as being truthful in substance. It argues that loyalty requires bearing responsibility for tasks entrusted by others, seeking practical results, and carrying matters through to completion, as exemplified by Prime Minister Ziwen. Trustworthiness involves speaking truthfully, fulfilling promises according to one's ability, and accepting the costs of keeping one's word, with references to Ji Bu and Zengzi. The text stresses that righteousness must guide promises, requiring discernment of right and wrong and refusal of improper requests, while also emphasizing steadfast practice, self-examination, and consistency in private as in public, citing Yang Zhen's refusal of gold. Ultimately, the article concludes that these virtues, cultivated through daily choices and reflection, form the solid foundation of the exemplary person's character.
Summary: The article recounts the history of the Rongmei Tusi, a Ming Dynasty chieftain regime in southwestern Hubei, focusing on chieftain Tian Shijue and his descendants. It details how Tian Shijue, after surviving a succession dispute, promoted Confucian education and family literary traditions to strengthen internal rule and cultural identification with the central dynasty. The piece highlights the Tusi's frequent tribute missions to the Ming court and their military contributions, including leading native troops against Japanese pirates (wokou) on the southeastern coast, achieving victories such as the "Great Victory at Houmei" and the "Victory at Zhoushan." Tian Shijue died in a military camp at over eighty years old while on campaign, and was posthumously honored by the Ming dynasty. The article concludes that the Rongmei Tusi's actions demonstrated political allegiance, cultural identification, and commitment to national unity within the unified multi-ethnic state.
Summary: The Changtai Longjin Ancient Weir Irrigation Project, comprising the Yanfu Weir and the Fifteen-Household Weir, was inscribed on the World Heritage Irrigation Structures list on October 14, 2026, after more than 800 years of operation as a "low weir + long vine bearing melons" system in Changtai District, Zhangzhou City, Fujian Province. The article details how local squire Chen Qigong, with his wife née Yan, donated over 240 mu of fields in the Song Dynasty to build the Fifteen-Household Weir, which irrigated more than 10,000 mu and transformed drought-stricken land into the "granary of southern Fujian." It highlights the project's engineering philosophy of "guiding things according to circumstances" and "acting in accordance with the natural trend," alongside governance wisdom involving official-civilian coordination, local worthies, and the "weir-chief system" institutionalized since the Song Dynasty. The ancient weir is also presented as a carrier of kinship between Fujian and Taiwan, with emigrants spreading its water conservancy technology and governance model, including Zheng Hongzhang's participation in Taiwan's Sun Moon Lake and Dajia River construction. The article concludes that the weir remains a living heritage, continuing to nourish the land, empower rural revitalization, and pass on the cultural lineage of water management.
Summary: The Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee adopted the "Decision" on persistently advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, emphasizing that the Party faces "three more arduous tasks" amid profound changes in world, national, and Party conditions. The article details these tasks: safeguarding national sovereignty, security, and development interests; advancing reform and development while maintaining social harmony and stability; and maintaining the Party's advanced nature and purity. It cites General Secretary Xi Jinping's "self-revolution" as the second answer to escaping the historical cycle, alongside Mao Zedong's "letting the people supervise the government." The author, a former vice president of the Central Party School, argues that Party building must serve the Party's missions and tasks, including upholding socialism with Chinese characteristics and advancing Chinese modernization. The piece concludes that persistently advancing full and rigorous self-governance is an inevitable requirement for consolidating the Party's ruling position and fulfilling its historical mission.
Summary: The article outlines AVIC's commitment to upholding and strengthening the Party's overall leadership over the aviation industry, emphasizing political principles and the implementation of Party Central Committee decisions. It details efforts to build a strong ideological foundation, optimize institutional mechanisms, and integrate Party leadership into corporate governance. AVIC focuses on advancing major aviation equipment, including the "20 series" and J-35A, while supporting civil aircraft like the C909 and C919. The piece also covers talent cultivation, anti-corruption measures, and the implementation of a high-quality Party building project. It concludes by reaffirming AVIC's unity around the Party Central Committee and its contributions to national rejuvenation through Chinese modernization.
Summary: The Shandong Provincial Coal Geology Bureau is integrating geological work into the national major strategic layout to support Chinese modernization. The Bureau is acting as a main force in mineral exploration breakthroughs, discovering significant coal, iron, and rare metal resources to ensure energy and resource security. It is also serving the national strategy for the Yellow River by promoting ecological protection and high-quality development through the Mount Tai Model and the Yimeng Plan. Additionally, the Bureau is supporting green and low-carbon development via geothermal energy and salt cavern energy storage and carbon storage projects. Finally, it is fulfilling responsibilities in emergency rescue and disaster prevention by maintaining national and provincial-level drilling rescue teams and monitoring geological disaster risks.
Summary: The article details how Huadian Yunnan Power Generation Co., Ltd. integrates into Yunnan Province's strategic positioning, as conferred by General Secretary Xi Jinping, by coordinating economic, political, and social responsibilities. The company has advanced rural revitalization and ethnic unity through infrastructure investment, poverty alleviation models, and livelihood improvements, including helping 432 households escape poverty and building schools and roads. It promotes green development by completing 86 new energy projects, adding over 5.4 million kilowatts of clean capacity, and fostering specialty agriculture like tea and coffee. The company also engages in external exchanges facing South Asia and Southeast Asia, participating in the China-South Asia Exposition and cooperating with energy enterprises in Laos. It highlights the century-old Shilongba Power Plant as a symbol of the Belt and Road Initiative and a community with a shared future for mankind.
Summary: The Party School of the CPC Central Committee (National Academy of Governance) held a theoretical seminar on November 6 to study the spirit of the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Committee, with Executive Vice President Xie Chuntao delivering a speech and Vice President Gong Weibin presiding. Xie emphasized that the "Decision" adopted at the Plenary Session is a programmatic document for advancing Party building, guided by Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, and called for integrating its spirit into teaching, research, and publicity. Eight department representatives delivered keynote speeches, and participants agreed that studying and implementing the Plenary Session spirit is a major political task for the entire Party. The seminar was hosted by the Research Center for Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, with over 140 attendees including department leaders and teacher representatives.
Summary: The Eighth Free Trade Think Tank Forum was held in Haikou, Hainan, on November 9, with Li Yi, Vice President of the Party School of the CPC Central Committee (National Academy of Governance) and Chairman of the Beijing Reform and Opening-up Forum; Wang Bin, Member of the Standing Committee of the Hainan Provincial Party Committee and Head of the Publicity Department; and Zheng Xinli, former Deputy Director of the Policy Research Office of the CPC Central Committee, attending and delivering speeches. The forum, themed "Accelerating the Cultivation of a Modern Industrial System, Supporting the Strategy for Upgrading Free Trade Zones and the High-Standard Construction of the Hainan Free Trade Port," included keynote speeches, sub-forums, and the release of free trade research achievements. Participants discussed topics such as institutional opening-up, modern industrial system construction, and the Belt and Road Initiative free trade parks, offering forward-looking suggestions for the Hainan Free Trade Port. The forum emphasized implementing the spirit of the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Committee, upholding the leadership of the Communist Party of China, and ensuring the free trade port's construction makes steady progress toward long-term success. During the event, the "Interpretation of Hainan Free Trade Port Industries" and three blue books, including the "Hainan Free Trade Port Development Report (2026)," were released.
Summary: The Sixth China Grassroots Leadership Forum, hosted by the China Leadership Science Research Association, was held in Anping County, Hebei Province, on October 31, themed "Enhancing the Leadership of Rural Party Organizations." Sun Qingju, former Vice President of the Central Party School, attended and delivered a speech, while Zhang Zhiming, President of the China Leadership Science Research Association, delivered an address. Sun emphasized the need to implement Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, advance full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, and strengthen grassroots Party organizations as fighting fortresses. Experts at the forum stressed that grassroots leadership includes directional guidance, organizational cohesion, and development impetus, highlighting the CPC's organizational system as a unique advantage. Four grassroots Party branch secretaries also shared experiences in leading villagers toward rural revitalization and common prosperity.
Summary: The Party School of the Jiangsu Provincial Committee of the CPC hosted an academic seminar on "Humanistic Economy and Chinese Modernization," with Vice President Li Lifeng attending and delivering a speech. The meeting noted that General Secretary Xi Jinping's proposition of "humanistic economics" reveals a new paradigm of integration and healthy interaction between humanistic and economic development, embodying the essential requirements of Chinese modernization. Keynote reports were delivered by Dong Zhenhua, Ren Ping, Xu Minghua, and Ge Yang on topics including the unity of truthfulness and people-centeredness in Chinese modernization and humanistic economics empowering high-quality development. Exchange speeches were given by Wang Junqi, Li Yang, Cao Jinsong, Wu Ling, and Sheng Huagen, among others. More than 100 people attended the seminar.
Summary: The Guangdong Provincial Party Committee Party School held an expert symposium on studying and implementing the spirit of the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee, with Executive Vice President Zhang Yuanxing attending and delivering a speech and Vice President Lin Shenggen presiding. The meeting stressed that studying and implementing the plenary session's spirit is a major political task, requiring deep understanding of its significance and the unification of thoughts and actions with Party Central Committee decisions. Participants emphasized strengthening organizational leadership and integrating study efforts with Party governance responsibilities, with teachers adhering to the principle that "educators must first be educated." Six experts delivered keynote speeches, unanimously agreeing that the Central Committee's "Decision" on persistently advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party is an important guide for Party governance in the new era. They noted that the progression from "strict Party governance" to "full and rigorous self-governance" reflects the Party's firm determination and enduring resolve, with strengthening Party spirit as the fundamental task for all members and cadres. Nearly 80 people attended, including teacher representatives, academic affairs and research department leaders, graduate students, and media representatives.
Summary: The 10th Zhejiang Provincial Party School (School of Administration) System High-Quality Course Cultivation Competition, jointly organized by the Party School of the Zhejiang Provincial Committee of the CPC (School of Administration) and the Zhejiang Provincial Federation of Trade Unions, concluded successfully, producing 36 high-quality courses. The competition aimed to implement General Secretary Xi Jinping's important discourses on Party school work and the spirit of his speech during his inspection tour of Zhejiang, and was included in the 2026 Zhejiang Provincial Workers' Vocational Skills Competition. It adopted a tiered, categorized selection approach combining anonymous review with on-site delivery, focusing on courses tracing the origins and practice of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era in Zhejiang. The top three contestants in each track will receive awards, with the first-place contestant designated as a "Zhejiang Golden Blue-Collar Worker," and outstanding courses will be displayed on the "Zhejiang Good Courses" platform. Participating teachers said the competition honed their teaching skills, and Party schools across the province will use it to promote teaching reform of the Party's innovative theories.
Summary: The Henan Provincial Party Committee Party School is implementing Xi Jinping's directives to build a high-caliber faculty team, focusing on political leadership, teacher ethics, and strict governance. It supports young faculty through training platforms, mentoring, grassroots tempering, and academic advancement. The school cultivates discipline leaders by assigning major tasks, coordinating training, and integrating teaching, research, and consultation. Institutional safeguards include classified evaluation, performance-based incentives, and service support to enhance faculty development. These efforts aim to establish a first-class provincial-level Party school and support high-quality development in the new era.
Summary: On October 27, the Guangxi Academy of Governance and the Regional Political Academy No. 3 of the Ho Chi Minh National Academy of Politics of Vietnam jointly held an academic exchange seminar on "China's New Quality Productive Forces and Vietnam's New-Type Productive Forces" in Nanning, where eight experts from both sides conducted in-depth dialogue on the contemporary development of the Marxist theory of productive forces. The seminar aimed to implement the consensus reached by the top leaders of the two Parties and two countries and help build a China-Vietnam community with a shared future of strategic significance at a higher level. Chinese scholars expounded the theoretical logic and practical dimensions of new quality productive forces, while Vietnamese scholars discussed their new-type productive forces in the context of 40 years of reform and innovation (Doi Moi) and the 14th National Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam. Both sides agreed that developing advanced productive forces is a core task for socialist modernization and that they face common challenges, though they must advance in light of their respective national conditions. The seminar concluded with mutual expectations for deeper theoretical exchange and practical cooperation in productive forces development.
Summary: The Party School of the CPC Shandong Provincial Committee is applying categorized measures to improve Party school education and governance across the province, guided by the goal of integrated, connotative, high-quality development. It is boosting municipal Party schools through a mechanism of school leaders linking contracted areas, organizing benchmarking campaigns, and guiding the compilation of "15th Five-Year Plan" development plans. County-level Party schools are being strengthened through basic training for village and community cadres and Party members, with 603 sessions training over 105,000 people, and a "delivering major courses" activity reaching more than 38,000 participants online and offline. Township and subdistrict Party schools are improving quality through optimized teaching methods, a course library of 3,000 courses, and a part-time faculty pool. Provincial state-owned enterprises, universities, and branch Party schools are being standardized through new measures and shared high-quality resources via the "Party School Cloud."
Summary: The article discusses how Party schools should publicize and interpret the Party's innovative theory, emphasizing the need to present vivid ideas vividly and thorough theory thoroughly. It outlines methods such as consolidating the theoretical foundation through study of original classics, traditional culture, and social practice, as well as explaining principles through cases to strengthen theory-practice integration. The piece also stresses transforming expression to enhance accessibility, shifting from academic to classroom language and from reading scripts to speaking naturally. It advocates innovating teaching forms, including pre-class assignments, post-class discussions, scenario simulations, and on-site teaching, to boost trainee participation and experience. The author is identified as Director of the Training Research Division of the Hangzhou Municipal Party School.
Summary: The article, authored by a Vice President of the Guangxi Regional Party School, outlines efforts to integrate artificial intelligence into cadre education and training, citing Xi Jinping's call for cadres to grasp AI development laws. The school has built a tiered AI curriculum for leading cadres, grassroots cadres, and ASEAN training classes, and is developing an AI training center with intelligent simulation systems. It promotes intelligent interactive teaching methods and an "AI Teaching Assistant" for more objective teaching evaluation. The school also uses AI to integrate teaching resources across the region, fostering a "one chessboard" approach and breaking down departmental barriers in lesson preparation. The goal is to enhance Party members' and cadres' AI literacy and application capabilities.
Summary: The article, authored by the deputy principal in charge of daily work of the Party School (Academy of Governance) of the Dezhou Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China in Shandong Province, outlines the school's efforts to build a "one academy and five centers" research platform to fulfill its duty of offering counsel to the Party. The platform includes five specialized centers focusing on Party building, economics, social research, regional culture, and integration into Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei coordinated development. The author describes measures to build a composite research team, improve operational mechanisms, and smooth channels for transforming research results into decision-making references and classroom teaching. The article reports that since the centers' establishment, Party schools across the city have submitted over 100 consultation reports, with a signing and approval rate of over 90%. The piece emphasizes improving quality and increasing efficiency in think tank construction to serve local high-quality development.
Summary: The article, authored by the Vice President of the Party School of the Lu'an Municipal Party Committee in Anhui Province, discusses strengthening organized scientific research to improve the quality and efficiency of Party school decision-making advisory services. It outlines efforts in three areas: strengthening political guidance, innovating organizational methods, and improving institutional mechanisms. The piece details specific measures such as establishing joint research mechanisms with trainees, collaborating with universities and social science federations, and reforming evaluation and incentive systems. The author emphasizes aligning research topics with local development needs, including paired cooperation between Shanghai and Lu'an and rural revitalization. The article concludes by advocating for a closed-loop management system from topic selection to result transformation.
Summary: The Party School of the Zhejiang Provincial Committee of the CPC has leveraged Zhejiang's unique resources as a birthplace of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era to build 106 provincial-level on-site teaching demonstration sites. The sites cover 12 major themes, including red education, rural revitalization, and common prosperity, and were selected through a four-step process from over 200 candidates. The school has implemented a "dual-course, dual-lecture" teaching model combining on-site explanations by docents and grassroots witnesses with theoretical interpretation by Party school teachers. A dynamic evaluation mechanism with competitive replacement ensures standardized management and teaching quality. The sites have developed over 300 specialized courses and trained more than 2,000 teachers, serving as a key platform for cadre education and showcasing Zhejiang's image as an "important window."
Summary: The article recounts the history of the Almaly Border Defense Company of the Xinjiang Military District and the origin of its song, "Chairman Mao's soldiers best heed the Party's words," written by propaganda cadre Li Zhijin in 1963 after a residency with the soldiers. It details the company's founding in 1962 under station chief Gao Liye, the hardships of early border patrols, and the song's spread by word of mouth, leading to its 1964 performance in Beijing and selection by the journal *Red Flag* in 1965. The narrative highlights enduring traditions and relics—an iron wok, camel saddle, two iron spades, a stone mill, and a road—alongside stories of soldiers' dedication, including a 1986 squad leader who carried a stone mill from Shaanxi to make tofu. The article concludes by emphasizing the song's lasting spirit of dedication, noting modern improvements like BeiDou terminals and the 2025 operation of 9,882 China-Europe freight trains at Khorgos port, while new recruits continue to sing the song and guard the border.
Summary: The article explores the historical evolution of the Wu hook from a physical weapon of the Spring and Autumn period to a symbol of the martial spirit and moral character of Chinese scholar-officials. It traces how the blade served as a marker of status and unyielding will for figures such as Qu Yuan and Li Bai, representing a vigorous and heroic spirit. The text notes a shift during the Song dynasty toward "honoring the civil and curbing the martial," which led to a decline in the ritual wearing of swords and a move toward inwardness in literati culture. Despite this shift, the article argues that the spiritual core of the Wu hook—characterized by a sense of responsibility for family and country—persisted through various dynasties and historical crises. Ultimately, the Wu hook is presented as an undying symbol of patriotic integrity and righteous spirit within the Chinese nation.
Summary: The article is a reflective essay on the enduring craft of handmade Keemun black tea in a mountain village at the junction of Anhui, Zhejiang, and Jiangxi provinces, tracing its roots to Qimen and Xiuning. It centers on the author's great-aunt, who insisted on hand-rolling tea despite the advent of machines, believing that only manual labor preserved the authentic layered fragrance, and on her great-uncle, whose nose judged fermentation. After the great-aunt's death, her son (the author's cousin) continues the craft using her stove and tray, while the great-uncle still sniffs batches to set the standard. The essay emphasizes that this "foolish effort" and refusal to cut corners, passed down through generations, keeps the tea's flavor and the warmth of everyday life intact. It also notes that the great-aunt annually sent tea to her younger cousin in Taiwan, who could identify the maker by taste.
By: 李君如
The Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Party reviewed and adopted the "Decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Several Major Issues Concerning Persistently Advancing Full and Rigorous Self-Governance of the Party." This is a major decision made by the Party Central Committee after assessing the historical juncture of the development of the Party and the country's cause, focusing on the overall situation of Chinese modernization, sizing up the situation, and making comprehensive considerations. The Plenary Session emphasized that full and rigorous self-governance of the Party enjoys many favorable conditions, yet also faces many new situations and new problems. As the conditions of the world, the country, and the Party undergo profound changes, the task of the Party uniting and leading the people in safeguarding national sovereignty, security, and development interests has become more arduous; the task of the Party uniting and leading the people in advancing reform and development and maintaining social harmony and stability has become more arduous; and the task of the Party maintaining its advanced nature and purity has become more arduous. The major judgment of the "three more arduous tasks" profoundly discerns the changes and trends in the conditions of the world, the country, and the Party, providing a fundamental basis for planning and advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party from an overall and strategic perspective. We must clearly understand the new situations and new problems facing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, closely link full and rigorous self-governance of the Party with the Party's missions and tasks, coordinate their advancement and common development, and enhance the consciousness and resolve to persistently advance full and rigorous self-governance of the Party.
The task of the Party uniting and leading the people in safeguarding national sovereignty, security, and development interests has become more arduous
Today's China is not only a major Eastern country with a long history and a large population, but also the world's second-largest economy, a builder of world peace, a contributor to global development, and a defender of the international order. Since the advent of the new era, China has put forward the concept of building a community with a shared future for mankind and the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative, the Global Civilization Initiative, and the Global Governance Initiative, profoundly answering the question of the times—"What is wrong with the world, and what should we do about it?"—and gaining broad endorsement from countries that love peace, especially countries of the Global South. At the same time, we also clearly see that in this international society full of challenges, changes of the world, changes of the times, and changes of history are unfolding in unprecedented ways. For China, the world's largest developing country, the multiple risks and challenges on the road ahead are extremely severe; for the ruling Communist Party of China, the test of both safeguarding national sovereignty and properly handling international relations is even more severe.
Judging from the current development of the world, changes unseen in a century are accelerating, a new round of scientific and technological revolution and industrial transformation is accelerating breakthroughs, the Global South is rising as a group, the international balance of power is undergoing profound adjustment, unilateralism and protectionism are intensifying, the threat of hegemonism and power politics is rising, geopolitical conflicts and local wars continue unabated, the momentum of world economic growth is insufficient, global challenges are arriving one after another, the world has entered a new period of turbulence and transformation, and factors of uncertainty and unpredictability in the external environment are increasing. The Communist Party of China clearly recognizes that all these profound changes and the risks and challenges they bring require sizing up the situation and responding calmly. Our country has repeatedly reiterated that it will unswervingly follow the path of peaceful development, firmly pursue an independent foreign policy of peace, adhere to the mutual reinforcement of domestic and international dual circulation, coordinate development and security, and build a new type of international relations centered on win-win cooperation. After deeply analyzing these problems existing in the conditions of the world, the Plenary Session reached an important conclusion: "The task of the Party uniting and leading the people in safeguarding national sovereignty, security, and development interests has become more arduous." Therefore, we must clearly understand the international environment in which the Party finds itself and its profound changes, and consciously and firmly follow the path of persistently advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party.
The task of the Party uniting and leading the people in advancing reform and development and maintaining social harmony and stability has become more arduous
The Communist Party of China is a Marxist political party born for the people and thriving because of the people. It was founded at a time of crisis for the Chinese nation and has grown and strengthened in the historical process of striving for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Centering on the theme of building a strong country and national rejuvenation, the Communist Party of China has created one miracle after another recorded in the annals of history. As socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered the new era, under the guidance of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, the Communist Party of China has united and led the people of all ethnic groups across the country in striving to solve three major issues of the times: first, what kind of socialism with Chinese characteristics to uphold and develop, and how to uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics; second, what kind of great modern socialist country to build, and how to build a great modern socialist country; third, what kind of long-term governing Marxist political party to build, and how to build a long-term governing Marxist political party. These three major issues of the times are closely interrelated. To uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics and build a great modern socialist country, the key is to solve the problem of building the ruling party. If the ruling party is not built well, the socialist red river and mountains will be difficult to safeguard, and socialist modernization will be difficult to achieve. This has been fully demonstrated in the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, and the Communist Party of China must never repeat such subversive mistakes. Persistently advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party requires not only managing and governing the Party well, but also completing the missions and tasks the Party bears in the process of revitalizing and strengthening the Party, so that the people will support, endorse, and love the Communist Party of China from the bottom of their hearts.
The missions and tasks of the Communist Party of China are to continuously create new glories in the development of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and to comprehensively advance the great cause of building a strong country and national rejuvenation through Chinese modernization. The Decision of the Plenary Session clearly puts forward the major principle of "seven adherences" to be followed in persistently advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, and the first is to adhere to serving the missions and tasks. In the dictionary of Chinese Communists, Party building is not building for the sake of building; strengthening Party building is to strengthen the Party's overall leadership over all work and to strengthen the centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee; strengthening Party leadership is also not leading for the sake of leading; strengthening the Party's overall leadership and the centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee is to fulfill the missions and tasks shouldered by the Party, to advance the development of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics and the development of Chinese modernization, thereby realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Emphasizing adherence to serving the missions and tasks means staying true to the Party's original aspiration and founding mission, planning and advancing from the overall situation of upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics, closely integrating Party building with the cause of the Party and the country, and ensuring that it always centers on the central task and serves the overall situation.
Since socialism with Chinese characteristics entered the new era, under the strong leadership of the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, and through the tenacious struggle of the entire Party and the people of all ethnic groups across the country, the cause of the Party and the country has achieved historic accomplishments and undergone historic changes, and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation has entered an irreversible historical process. At the same time, we must clearly recognize that our country is still in the primary stage of socialism, is still the world's largest developing country, that per capita GDP still has a considerable gap from developed countries, and that there is still a long way to go in solidly advancing common prosperity. When deeply analyzing our country's conditions, the Plenary Session pointed out that our country's development has entered a critical period of consolidating the foundation and making comprehensive efforts to basically realize socialist modernization, that the problem of unbalanced and inadequate development remains prominent, that the population structure, social groups, and interest patterns continue to change, that digitalization, networking, and intelligence are developing rapidly, that social production and lifestyle and organizational forms are becoming more diverse, that various thoughts and values are interweaving and colliding, and that further comprehensively deepening reform, promoting high-quality development, strengthening social construction and governance, coordinating development and security, and stimulating and enhancing social vitality are encountering many new issues. These risks and challenges all require further strengthening the Party's overall leadership and uniting and leading the people of all ethnic groups across the country to work together to address them. After deeply analyzing these problems existing in our country's conditions, the Plenary Session reached an important conclusion: "The task of the Party uniting and leading the people in advancing reform and development and maintaining social harmony and stability has become more arduous." We must clearly understand the arduousness and complexity of the missions and tasks shouldered by the Party, and consciously and firmly follow the path of persistently advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party.
The task of the Party maintaining its advanced nature and purity has become more arduous
Full and rigorous self-governance of the Party is a long-term strategic task that must be persistently advanced. How to always maintain the "Marxist political party" nature of the Communist Party of China and its advanced nature and purity under the conditions of "long-term governance" is an important part of solving the major issue of the times of what kind of long-term governing Marxist political party to build and how to build a long-term governing Marxist political party.
Governing means holding state power. For a Marxist political party, the challenge of governance is a dual test: it must both govern well and wield power well for the people, and it must not become divorced from the masses because it holds power. Marx and Engels believed that a proletarian political party holding state power must prevent power from tempting us to transform from "public servants" into "masters of society." The challenges we face today are far more complex than the problems raised by Marx and Engels. First, our Party is not only a ruling party, but a ruling party that must govern long-term; it must all the more stay true to the Party's original aspiration and founding mission, unswervingly serve the people wholeheartedly, do everything possible to enable the people to live happy and fulfilling lives, and accept long-term supervision by the people. Second, for the Party to govern long-term, it inevitably must deal with "power," must withstand the temptation of "power" over the long term, and must prevent public power from being used for private purposes and prevent the abuse of power for personal gain. Third, in long-term governance, the Party must develop the economy, develop the socialist market economy, and open up to the outside world to meet the people's ever-growing needs for a better life, which inevitably means dealing with "interests," withstanding the temptation of "interests" over the long term, and preventing Party members and cadres from failing to put the interests of the people and the country first, and preventing individuals from being blinded by greed and having swelling desires. Fourth, governing long-term in China's acquaintance society inevitably means passing the test of "personal relationships," withstanding the temptation of "private feelings" over the long term, and preventing the disregard of principles, abuse of power, appointment of people by favoritism, and private giving and receiving of favors. Fifth, for the Party to govern long-term, it must withstand the test of the long-term inheritance of the red gene as Party members and cadres are replaced by successive generations; batches upon batches of Communist Party members born and raised after the reform and opening up are stepping into leadership positions at various levels, and they have not experienced the life-and-death tests and the tempering of difficult environments that their predecessors experienced; it is necessary to prevent the red gene from fading, changing color, or being lost. "Long-term governance" means "long-term testing," and "long-term testing" requires "persistently advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party." This is the significance of the Plenary Session's emphasis on "persistence."
Since the reform and opening up, the issue of Party building has become increasingly important because what we face is the more complex issue of "ruling party building" than Party building during the war years. Deng Xiaoping said in his Southern Talks: "If problems arise in China, they will still arise from within the Communist Party." Jiang Zemin proposed at the 15th National Congress of the Party to create a "new great project of Party building," emphasizing that "to govern the country well, the Party must first be governed well, and governing the Party must be strict," and that "the Party must manage the Party, and the Party must be governed strictly." Hu Jintao proposed that the Party faces "four major tests" and "four dangers," emphasizing that "a political party's past advanced nature does not mean its present advanced nature, and its present advanced nature does not mean it will be advanced forever." General Secretary Xi Jinping further pointed out that "as the world's largest political party, no external force can defeat us; only we ourselves can defeat ourselves," and put forward the strategic policy of "full and rigorous self-governance of the Party." All of this boils down to answering one major question: how can we escape the historical cycle of rise and fall, order and chaos?
On this question, Mao Zedong gave the first answer in the cave dwellings of Yan'an back then—"letting the people supervise the government"—and since the 18th National Congress of the Party, General Secretary Xi Jinping has found the second answer—"self-revolution"—in the practice of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized that the Party's self-revolution has a strict definition, namely turning the blade inward, practicing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, maintaining the Party's advanced nature and purity, and realizing the Party's self-purification, self-improvement, self-renewal, and self-enhancement. The Decision of the Plenary Session points out: finding the two answers of "letting the people supervise the government" and "self-revolution" to escape the historical cycle of rise and fall, order and chaos is the unique creation of the Communist Party of China and will forever be recorded in the annals of Marxist political party building. Persistently advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party means always adhering to grasping both ends—on the one hand grasping "letting the people supervise the government," and on the other hand grasping "self-revolution"—to consolidate the Party's long-term ruling position.
When deeply analyzing the current conditions of the Party, the Plenary Session pointed out that the Party's ranks have undergone structural changes, with the proportion of Party members and cadres born after the reform and opening up growing larger and larger, placing new demands on education and management. The mainstream of the Party's ranks is good, but the problems of impurity in thought, impurity in organization, and impurity in style have not yet been fundamentally resolved. Some Party members and cadres have qualities and capabilities that do not meet the requirements of the development of the times. A small number of Party members and cadres, including senior cadres, have weak Party spirit, wavering or even missing ideals and convictions, weak feelings for the masses, deviations in their views on political achievements, serious formalism, bureaucratism, hedonism, and extravagance, insufficient fighting spirit, failure to take responsibility or act, failure to observe discipline and rules, and even abuse of power for personal gain and corruption and degeneration. Some primary-level Party organizations have weak political and organizational functions, or are even lax and disorganized, and in some fields, especially emerging fields, the Party's organizational coverage and work coverage are not comprehensive or effective enough. Some Party organizations and leading cadres have inadequate understanding of Party management and governance, fail to implement responsibilities, fail to work effectively, and fail to strictly enforce systems, cannot promptly discover and effectively solve prominent problems, and even allow unhealthy tendencies to breed and spread. After deeply analyzing these problems existing in the conditions of the Party, the Plenary Session reached an important conclusion: "The task of the Party maintaining its advanced nature and purity has become more arduous." We must clearly understand the new situations and new problems facing the Party's long-term governance, and consciously and firmly follow the path of persistently advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party.
Examining the new situations and new problems facing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party from the perspective of the "three more arduous tasks," one can deeply appreciate the important considerations behind the Plenary Session's proposal to "persistently advance full and rigorous self-governance of the Party." General Secretary Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out: this is an inevitable requirement for maintaining the Party's advanced nature and purity and consolidating the Party's long-term ruling position; this is an inevitable requirement for consolidating and developing the sound political situation of the entire Party's high unity and solidarity and the high cohesion of the Party's heart, the military's heart, and the people's heart; this is an inevitable requirement for fulfilling the Party's historical mission and promoting the steady and long-term progress of the cause of the Party and the country. We must build the Party better and stronger, providing a strong guarantee for comprehensively building a great modern socialist country and comprehensively advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through Chinese modernization.
(The author is a former vice president of the Central Party School)
Return to TopBy: 商志晓
General Secretary Xi Jinping has pointed out: "Party spirit, Party conduct, and Party discipline form an organic whole; Party spirit is the foundation, Party conduct is the manifestation, and Party discipline is the guarantee." The Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Party deeply grasped the laws governing the building of a Marxist governing party, clearly designated strengthening Party spirit as the fundamental task of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, and required all Party members and cadres to uphold the Party's nature and purpose, making the enhancement of Party spirit cultivation a lifelong subject. On the new journey, to persistently advance full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, we must firmly grasp the fundamental task of strengthening Party spirit, educate and guide the broad ranks of Party members and cadres to firmly establish ideals and convictions, forge unwavering loyalty to the Party, cultivate deep feelings for the people, adhere to seeking truth from facts, purify moral character, and maintain integrity and honesty, so as to be loyal, clean, and responsible, and forever preserve the political character of Communists.
Party spirit is the foundation of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party and the root of a Communist's standing in the world
Party spirit is the essential attribute and inner character of a Marxist political party, centrally embodying the Party's class foundation, political stance, fundamental purpose, and value pursuit; it is the fundamental marker distinguishing it from other political parties. For Party members and cadres, Party spirit is manifested in the conscious identification with and firm practice of the Party's nature and purpose, ideals and convictions, original aspiration and founding mission, and discipline and rules. Grasping the building of Party spirit means grasping the foundation of Party governance and Party management.
Party spirit is the cornerstone of a Party member or cadre's standing in the world. General Secretary Xi Jinping has emphasized, "Party spirit is the cornerstone of a Party member or cadre's standing, career, speech, and moral conduct." Our Party is a Marxist political party, the vanguard of the working class, and the vanguard of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation. The Party's vanguard nature determines that every Party member must temper strong Party spirit and play a vanguard and exemplary role. The Party's vanguard nature is not abstract; it must ultimately be embodied through the concrete actions of every Party member. Only when every Party member possesses strong Party spirit can the Party's overall vanguard nature be guaranteed. When Party spirit is strong, "righteousness resides within, and evil cannot intrude," forging an "indestructible body"; when Party spirit is weak, one is easily contaminated by negative and erroneous things, and over time "when qi and blood are insufficient, a hundred illnesses arise"; once Party spirit is lost, one inevitably degenerates and changes in nature, moving to the opposite side of the Party and the people. For the Party's cause, when Party members have strong Party spirit, the Party's body can be unbreakable; when Party members' Party spirit weakens, the Party's cause will lose its foundation.
Strengthening Party spirit is the fundamental strategy for governing and managing the Party. Full and rigorous self-governance of the Party has at its core the strengthening of the Party's leadership, with comprehensiveness as its foundation, strictness as its key, and governance as its crux. The foundation, key, and crux of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party all require firmly grasping Party spirit as the internal factor and the essence of governance. Party discipline and institutions are the "external factors," which constrain Party members' behavior by establishing rules and clarifying bottom lines; Party spirit cultivation is the "internal factor," which, by consolidating the foundation and nourishing the source, and rectifying the root and clearing the source, stimulates Party members' endogenous motivation for self-purification, self-improvement, self-innovation, and self-enhancement. Full and rigorous self-governance of the Party requires not only iron discipline and rigid institutions, but also strong Party spirit to consolidate the foundation and nourish the source. Discipline and institutions solve the problems of "not daring" and "not being able," while Party spirit cultivation solves the problem of "not wanting"; the two complement each other, treating both the symptoms and the root causes (标本兼治, biao ben jian zhi - "symptom, root, both, treat"). Taking the strengthening of Party spirit as the fundamental task of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party reflects our Party's profound grasp of the laws of Party governance and Party management, embodies the Party governance strategy of "combining punishment and prevention, with emphasis on prevention," and is the fundamental strategy for preventing and resolving political risks at the source.
Facing the "four major challenges," "four major tests," and "four dangers" head-on, strengthening Party spirit has practical necessity and urgency. The new situations and new problems facing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party pose major challenges to the Party's governing capacity, leadership level, quality of the ranks, and resistance to corruption and degeneration under the new circumstances; the tests of governance, reform and opening up, the market economy, and the external environment facing our Party, as well as the dangers of mental slackness, insufficient capability, detachment from the masses, and passive corruption, are long-term, complex, and severe; the prominent problems of impurity in thought, organization, and conduct within the Party have not yet been fundamentally resolved. We must clearly recognize that there are still a small number of Party members and cadres who have problems of "weakening, diluting, and hollowing out" of Party spirit to varying degrees: some are confused in faith and lost in spirit, with wavering ideals and convictions; some have weak political consciousness and are disloyal and dishonest to the Party; some have degenerated in their concept of purpose, detached from the masses and condescending; some are lax in discipline, being hypocritical or insincere (阳奉阴违, yang feng yin wei - "yang, obey; yin, disobey") and acting on their own; some have distorted views of power, abusing power for personal gain and becoming corrupt and degenerate. These problems warn us that the tempering of Party spirit cannot be accomplished once and for all, let alone trying to accomplish everything in one single effort (毕其功于一役, bi qi gong yu yi yi - "finish, all, work, at, one, battle"). The more complex the situation and the more arduous the tasks, the more necessary it is to strengthen Party spirit cultivation, continuously enhance Party consciousness, Party member consciousness, and vanguard consciousness, and achieve political sobriety and firmness, ideological purity and cleanliness, and action-oriented responsibility.
Precisely grasp the focal points for strengthening Party spirit and continue to work hard on six key aspects
Strengthening Party spirit is not an abstract slogan; it must be implemented in the process of cultivating specific behaviors and excellent qualities. Party spirit cultivation is not a matter of a short period but a lifelong matter; one must live, learn, and cultivate until old age. To enhance Party consciousness, Party member consciousness, and vanguard consciousness, we must align with the Plenary Session's deployment, grasp it comprehensively, focus on key points, advance it in an integrated manner with sustained, long-term effort, and push Party spirit cultivation deeper, more practical, and more into the heart.
Firmly establish ideals and convictions and forge the soul of Party spirit. Ideals and convictions are the "calcium" in the spirit of Communists; without ideals and convictions, or with unsteady ideals and convictions, one will suffer "calcium deficiency" in spirit and contract "rickets." The lofty ideal of communism and the common ideal of socialism with Chinese characteristics are the spiritual pillar and political soul of Chinese Communists. In strengthening Party spirit cultivation, the first priority is to unswervingly use Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era to guide practice and promote work, consolidate the foundation of faith, replenish the calcium of the spirit, and steady the rudder of thought, solving the "master switch" problem of worldview, outlook on life, and values. Educate and guide Party members and cadres to take the firm establishment of ideals and convictions as a lifelong subject, always ensuring that political direction does not deviate and ideals and convictions do not waver, and withstand the tests of various storms.
Forge unwavering loyalty to the Party and keep the direction of Party spirit on course. Loyalty to the Party is the primary political quality of Communists and the core content of Party spirit cultivation. To forge unwavering loyalty to the Party, the most fundamental thing is to deeply comprehend the decisive significance of the Two Establishments (两个确立), enhance the Four Consciousnesses (四个意识), strengthen the Four Confidences (四个自信), and achieve the Two Upholds (两个维护), consciously maintaining a high degree of consistency with the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core in thought, politics, and action. Loyalty to the Party is concrete and practical; it must be reflected in concrete actions to implement the Party Central Committee's decisions and deployments, in resolute implementation of the Party's theories, lines, principles, and policies, and in firm positions on major principled issues. Educate and guide Party members and cadres to achieve the "five musts" and strictly guard against the "seven have-beens," never allowing discounts, choices, or alterations in the implementation of the Party Central Committee's decisions and deployments, and truly loving the Party, speaking for the Party, worrying about the Party, and working for the Party, implementing love for the Party, concern for the Party, revitalization of the Party, and protection of the Party in every link and level of work and life.
Cultivate deep feelings for the people and firmly establish the Party spirit stance. Party spirit and people's nature are unified and consistent. Our Party comes from the people, is rooted in the people, and serves the people; the people's stance is the fundamental political stance of the Chinese Communist Party. We must uphold the fundamental purpose of serving the people wholeheartedly, always place the people in the highest position in our hearts, take the people's aspiration for a better life as our goal of struggle, effectively solve the people's urgent, difficult, and anxious problems, and continuously enhance the people's sense of gain, happiness, and security. Adhere to the Party's mass line, maintain close ties with the masses, learn from the people and take the people as teachers, breathe the same air, share the same fate, and be heart-to-heart with the people, resolutely oppose formalism and bureaucratism, ensure that power is used for the people, feelings are tied to the people, and interests are sought for the people, and manifest the Party spirit character of Communists in bringing well-being to the people.
Adhere to seeking truth from facts and abide by the principles of Party spirit. Seeking truth from facts is the fundamental viewpoint of Marxism, the fundamental requirement for our Party to understand and transform the world, and the basic method of thinking and working of our Party. Adhering to seeking truth from facts means adhering to proceeding from reality in everything, linking theory with practice, and testing and developing truth in practice. Educate and guide Party members and cadres to consciously uphold truth-seeking and pragmatism, speak truth, offer practical measures, do practical things, and seek practical results, and resolutely guard against formalism and bureaucratism; dare to uphold truth and dare to correct errors, have the courage to face problems and confront contradictions head-on, and be clear-cut and uncompromising on major principled issues. Especially in investigation and research, we must adhere to a problem-oriented approach, go deep into reality, go deep into the grassroots, and go deep among the masses, get a clear picture of the situation, identify problems accurately, and put forward practical countermeasures, making all work more in line with objective reality and more in line with the will of the people, and manifest the scientific attitude and pragmatic character of Communists with an excellent style of seeking truth from facts.
Purify moral character and cultivate the character of Party spirit. The moral character of Party members and cadres is an important manifestation of Party spirit; all comrades in the Party must understand great virtue, uphold public virtue, and strictly observe private virtue. Take moral cultivation as an important content, consciously practice the core socialist values, and promote values such as loyalty and honesty, fairness and uprightness, seeking truth from facts, and integrity and honesty. Cultivate healthy life interests, maintain noble spiritual pursuits, pay attention to the building of family, family education, and family conduct, strictly require family members and staff around them, and nourish the advanced nature and purity of Communists with good moral conduct. Consciously accept supervision, be cautious when alone and in small matters, be cautious from beginning to end, be the same on stage and off stage, the same in front of others and behind their backs, the same inside and outside working hours, and inspire the masses and unite people's hearts with the noble character and moral strength of Communists.
Maintain integrity and honesty and hold the bottom line of Party spirit. Integrity and honesty are the foundation of a Communist's standing in the world and the background color that must not be discarded. In full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, we must always maintain a "zero tolerance" attitude toward corruption, and advance in an integrated manner the goals of not daring to be corrupt, not being able to be corrupt, and not wanting to be corrupt. Educate and guide Party members and cadres to establish a correct view of power, status, and interests, adhere to fair use of power, lawful use of power, use of power for the people, and clean use of power, and achieve reverence, caution, and adherence to bottom lines. Revere the Party, revere the people, and revere laws and discipline, strictly abide by the spirit of the Central Committee's Eight-Point Regulation, consciously resist hedonism and extravagance, and resolutely fight against all kinds of passive and corrupt phenomena. Bear in mind that "do not stretch out your hand, for if you do, you will surely be caught," calculate well the political, economic, reputational, family, kinship, freedom, and health accounts, and always maintain the political character of Communists of integrity and honesty and being incorruptible and having a clean lifestyle (两袖清风, liang xiu qing feng - "two, sleeves, clear, wind").
Adhere to unifying knowledge and action and achieve the organic unity of Party spirit tempering and responsible action
Party spirit cultivation emphasizes practice and values implementation. Party spirit is not a slogan hung on the lips but a responsibility implemented in action; the quality of Party spirit ultimately depends on whether one can withstand tests, shoulder responsibilities, and accomplish practical things in undertaking work and starting businesses. We must adhere to unifying knowledge and action (知行合一, zhi xing he yi - "know, act, combine, one"), adhere to the organic unity of Party spirit tempering and responsible action, and transform strong Party spirit into practical results in advancing the great cause of building a strong country and national rejuvenation.
Adhere to constant cultivation and repeated tempering, making Party spirit tempering a lifelong practice. The Party spirit cultivation of leading cadres will not naturally improve with the growth of Party membership years or the promotion of positions; it requires lifelong effort. There are no "inspection-free" Party members within the Party, and there is no "graduation" from Party spirit tempering. We must educate and guide Party members and cadres to break the "passing the test" mentality and overcome the "resting" mindset, take the strengthening of Party spirit cultivation as a lifelong subject, achieve living to old age, learning to old age, and reforming to old age, and continuously strengthen it through self-purification, self-improvement, self-innovation, and self-enhancement. Take strict Party member education and management as a regular task, adhere to building the Party through ideology and strengthening the Party through theory, promote the institutionalization and regularization of theoretical study, nourish Party spirit in continuous learning, examine Party spirit in repeated self-comparison, and temper Party spirit in long-term practice, making strong Party spirit the most reliable "political ID card" of Communists.
Dare to take responsibility and act, and temper strong Party spirit in practical struggle. Practice produces true knowledge, and struggle tempers Party spirit. The strength or weakness of Party spirit can only be fully tested in practice, in struggle, and at critical moments. We must guide the broad ranks of Party members and cadres to throw themselves into the main battlefield of reform and development, the front line of maintaining security and stability, and the forefront of serving the masses, undergoing tempering in urgent, difficult, dangerous, and heavy tasks, forging character in major tests, and growing abilities in complex environments. The more difficult and contradictory the places, the more they are examination halls for testing and tempering Party spirit. The broad ranks of Party members and cadres must dare to take responsibility and be good at acting in work such as promoting high-quality development, safeguarding and improving people's livelihood, and preventing and resolving major risks, charging forward at critical moments and stepping up in times of crisis, fully playing the vanguard and exemplary role of Communists, and interpreting the vanguard character of Communists with concrete actions and practical results.
Strengthen institutional constraints and consolidate the political responsibility of Party organizations for governing and managing the Party. Strengthening Party spirit depends on both Party members' self-discipline and organizational heteronomy. Party organizations at all levels must earnestly shoulder the primary responsibility for full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, integrate Party spirit education into the entire process of Party member education, management, and supervision, adhere to the strict tone, strict measures, and strict atmosphere, and implement strict standards in all links of Party member development, education and training, daily management, and democratic appraisal. Make good use of the "four forms" of supervision and discipline enforcement, adhere to grasping early and small matters and preventing problems before they arise, promptly remind and correct tendencies and problems of a budding nature among Party members and cadres, and prevent small problems from becoming big problems and small seepages from becoming major collapses. Improve the system of Party regulations and rules, promote the transformation of Party spirit requirements into institutional constraints and daily norms, so that strengthening Party spirit has both ideological consciousness and institutional guarantees, forming a work pattern of joint management and coordinated advancement.
Closely link to the development of the cause and practice loyalty, cleanliness, and responsibility with strong Party spirit. Strengthening Party spirit must ultimately fall on loyalty, cleanliness, and responsibility, and on fulfilling duties and shouldering the heavy responsibilities of the times. The broad ranks of Party members and cadres must transform strong Party spirit into powerful motivation for undertaking work and starting businesses, based on their own positions, working hard and doing solid work, with a sense of urgency that time waits for no one and the spirit of seizing the day, leaving marks in grasping iron and footprints in stepping on stone, and implementing the Party Central Committee's decisions and deployments step by step. Integrate personal pursuits into the cause of the Party and the people, correctly handle the relationships between the small self and the big self, the partial and the whole, and the current and the long-term, contribute wisdom and strength to the great cause of building a strong country and national rejuvenation, demonstrate responsibility and action, be visible in ordinary times, stand up at critical moments, and step forward in times of crisis, and win the trust and support of the people with excellent Party spirit.
(The author is a professor at Shandong Normal University and director of the Research Institute of Contemporary Chinese Marxism at Shandong Province universities)
Return to TopBy: 程晓宇
Firmly establishing a consciousness of discipline and rules is a fine tradition that our Party has always upheld. In the "adhere to running the Party by institutions and by rules" deployment of the Decision of the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Party, it prominently emphasizes vigorously breaking implicit rules, and clearly requires "adhering to establishing explicit rules and advancing transparency in Party and government affairs." This major deployment runs through General Secretary Xi Jinping's dialectical thinking on the unity of establishing explicit rules and breaking implicit rules, and points out an effective path for safeguarding the rigid authority of Party discipline and Party rules and continuously purifying the political ecology within the Party.
Over a period of time, various implicit rules have existed to varying degrees both inside and outside the Party, eroding the authority and enforcement power of Party discipline and Party rules, and drawing strong reactions from cadres and the masses. In the final analysis, implicit rules are unwritten conventions that operate outside the institutional framework and are privately followed; they represent the erosion of political life within the Party by the principle of commodity exchange and relationships of personal dependence. They often manifest as such chaotic phenomena as "principles are not as good as connections," "official seals are not as good as private notes," and "building connections with higher-ups and paying homage to patrons." Implicit rules may seem inconspicuous, but they are highly contagious and penetrating. Once they spread within the Party, the yardstick for judging right and wrong will shift, creating a reverse elimination situation in which honest people who do real work suffer losses while those who engage in scheming and opportunism reap benefits. If they are allowed to grow and spread unchecked, they will gradually evolve into chronic ailments and malignant tumors that corrode Party members and cadres and corrupt Party conduct and social atmosphere. Declaring war on implicit rules directly targets the deep-seated and stubborn maladies that exist to varying degrees both inside and outside the Party, greatly responds to the voice of the people and the expectations of society, and highlights the distinct orientation of "solve whatever problems exist, and focus on solving whichever problems are most prominent."
Orders must be believed once issued; laws must be enforced once established. General Secretary Xi Jinping has profoundly pointed out that "the fundamental strategy for breaking implicit rules is to strengthen explicit rules, using the upright to suppress the evil, so that implicit rules lose their soil, their channels, and their market both within the Party and in society." This important assertion reveals that explicit rules and implicit rules have always been in a relationship of a process of one side increasing while the other decreases (此消彼长, ci xiao bi chang - "this, diminish; that, grow") and are two opposing forces that cannot coexist (势不两立, shi bu liang li - "power, not, two, stand"). For every bit that implicit rules breed, the authority of explicit rules is diminished by that same bit; conversely, for every bit that explicit rules are made more rigorous, the space for implicit rules is compressed by that same bit. The very reason implicit rules can breed, circulate, and retain a market is precisely that explicit rules are not fully established, rule boundaries are blurred, evaluation standards are unclear, and transparency in the exercise of power is insufficient. In governing implicit rules, one cannot only focus on "breaking" but must also put effort into "establishing." This tells us that the fundamental way out for breaking implicit rules lies in establishing explicit rules, making them visible, and implementing them, truly achieving the use of the explicit to break the hidden and the upright to suppress the evil.
The existence of implicit rules has a deep historical and cultural soil, and breaking implicit rules must first start with ideological understanding. If ideological distractions are not removed, the entanglements of personal relationships and the mentality of taking chances will easily exploit the gap, and no matter how clear the rules are, they will be discounted, selectively applied, and flexibly circumvented. It is necessary to continuously strengthen Party spirit education and discipline education, guide Party members and cadres to firmly engrave Party rules and political rules in their hearts, constantly brush away ideological dust and correct selfish distractions, resolutely abandon the erroneous concepts that personal relationships take priority and that flexibility is unproblematic, and consciously achieve adherence to principles, compliance with laws and discipline, and pursuit of the right path. Especially at junctures prone to interference, such as the exercise of power, policy implementation, project solicitation, cadre selection and appointment, and evaluation and commendation, Party members and cadres should always maintain a sense of reverence, hold fast to their inner defense line, show no favoritism, never cross the bottom line, and consciously oppose and resist implicit rules.
Establishing explicit rules requires solving the problem of "loopholes" in the institutional system, focusing on building and perfecting systems, and purposefully improving institutions and establishing rules. Establish rules on powers and responsibilities, delineate the boundaries of power, and clarify what can be done and what cannot be done; establish rules on procedures, standardize work processes, and distinguish what should be done this way and what should be done that way; establish rules on evaluation, unify the measuring yardstick, and determine on what basis things are assessed and by what standard things are decided. Make explicit rules visible, make good use of the lever of transparency in Party and government affairs, item by item publicize the basis for handling matters, operational procedures, evaluation standards, and handling results, place flexible space and gray areas in the open, and let power operate in the sunshine and be regulated under supervision. After rules are established and made visible, it is also necessary to keep a close watch on weak links that are prone to the coercion of personal relationships and the occurrence of private transactions. Seriously investigate and punish acts of cultivating or acting as political brokers and political swindlers, establish systems for retrospective analysis of similar cases and notification of rectification, and improve mechanisms for dynamic monitoring, research and judgment, and governance of the political ecology. Continuously tighten the institutional fence and plug the flexible openings, leaving no room for the accommodation of relationships and no space for under-the-table operations, and implicit rules will naturally lose the soil for their survival and spread.
With rules in the heart, behavior will naturally be proper. Party members and cadres should consciously abide by and fully implement all Party disciplines and rules, and say "no" to implicit rules. By adhering to establishing explicit rules to break implicit rules, the political ecology within the Party will continue to improve, Party conduct and social atmosphere will take on a new look, the people will support the Party even more sincerely, and the Party's cause will inevitably become even more prosperous and thriving.
Return to TopOn the new journey, we must uphold the unity of patriotism with love for the Party and love for socialism, uphold the Party's overall leadership and the centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee, strengthen confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics, inspire all Chinese sons and daughters at home and abroad to continuously cultivate patriotic sentiments and strengthen the ambition to build a powerful nation (砥砺强国之志, di li qiang guo zhi zhi - "grind and polish, strong country, 's, will"), advance Chinese modernization to victory, and jointly build our great motherland into an even better place.
Return to TopBy: 汪明
The new round of technological revolution and industrial transformation is advancing in depth, and artificial intelligence is undergoing a profound capability leap, whose landmark progress is the rise of intelligent agents (AI Agents). Unlike traditional passive question-answering artificial intelligence, an intelligent agent is an intelligent system that can autonomously perceive its environment, make decisions, and take actions to achieve specific goals. Supported by large models, it possesses basic capabilities such as memory, planning, and tool use.
As a new type of means of labor, intelligent agents have begun to partially internalize into machine systems the perception, decision-making, and execution links that previously relied heavily on real-time participation by laborers, pushing the human-machine relationship from "humans operating tools and issuing step-by-step instructions" toward "humans setting goals and machines implementing autonomously." From the perspective of productive forces, intelligent agents free the means of labor from dependence on real-time operation by laborers, enabling them to autonomously complete the identification, processing, and transformation of data, systems, and business processes, thereby granting humanity a new type of action capability that can be replicated at scale and operated around the clock. From the perspective of relations of production, the allocation of rights and responsibilities formed around the research and development, deployment, use, and regulation of intelligent agents is being redefined. An intelligent agent can perform actions, yet it cannot independently become a subject of legal liability; the relevant responsibilities must be assigned to specific subjects such as developers, deployers, and users.
Cybersecurity is an important component of national security; without cybersecurity there is no national security, and the implications of the rise of intelligent agents in the field of cybersecurity are particularly direct. On the attack side, intelligent agents can autonomously complete the entire chain of reconnaissance, penetration, exploitation, and exfiltration without step-by-step instructions, transforming cyberattacks from "humans operating step by step according to scripts" into "humans setting goals and intelligent agents implementing in a closed loop." On the defense side, the objects of defense shift from static threats with clear characteristics that can be compared and intercepted to autonomous actors capable of adjusting strategies in real time in response to the environment, posing a fundamental challenge to traditional defense paradigms. As a result, the global cybersecurity landscape of power, capability, risk, and governance is being rewritten simultaneously. This is not a marginal adjustment to the existing system but a structural reshaping, and competition and gaming in cyberspace are entering the era of intelligent agents.
The global rise of intelligent agents presents new structural characteristics. The lowering of the threshold reshapes the structure of threat sources. Intelligent agents make complex offensive and defensive capabilities accessible to individuals rather than exclusive to organizations, and a single individual can form a systemic threat. The global proliferation of large model interfaces, open-source agent frameworks, and low-code orchestration platforms enables professional operations that previously depended on team division of labor to be decomposed, encapsulated, and invoked by a single operator. This is precisely the technological root that makes "one person as a company" possible. Projected into cyberspace, this effect creates new modes of threat to cybersecurity: the subjects of cyberattacks become more diverse, and in addition to professional organizations, highly dispersed individual actors may also launch complex attacks, making individualized systemic destruction a realistic possibility. The objects of defense correspondingly shift from "identifiable organizations" to "difficult-to-trace individuals," and traditional collaborative defense mechanisms based on threat intelligence sharing face severe challenges.
Execution autonomy reshapes the timescale of offense and defense. Intelligent agents achieve a fully autonomous closed loop across the entire process; once a human's intent is set, it can be continuously implemented and self-iterated. This closed loop of "perception—planning—execution—feedback" liberates human intent from attention and daily routines, meaning that once a goal is given, reconnaissance, decision-making, execution, and correction can proceed without interruption and be adjusted in real time based on feedback. In July 2026, in the world's first highly automated ransomware attack, from target identification to managing the ransomware operation, there was almost no human involvement. When attack intent can unfold on its own without real-time human participation, the traditional security operations system, which relies primarily on manual analysis and has long response cycles, degenerates from a defense pillar into a response bottleneck.
Capability generalization reshapes the applicable scenarios of offense and defense. Intelligent agents are evolving from single-purpose specialized tools into general-purpose "all-rounders" capable of executing tasks across scenarios. With tool invocation and multi-step planning capabilities, intelligent agents can run through every link of the attack business process and chain. Monitoring by China's cybersecurity industry shows that attack methods targeting Party and government organs and critical information infrastructure are accelerating their evolution toward intelligence and automation; new types of attacks implemented using artificial intelligence, such as phishing emails and identity forgery, have increased markedly, and attack tools exhibit "low-code" characteristics. Generalized capabilities also make the boundary between attacks and normal business increasingly blurred. Industry monitoring data show that the proportion of "malware-free attacks" implemented using legitimate system tools and trusted identity credentials continues to rise; attackers operate along authorized paths, and their methods are highly similar to and difficult to distinguish from routine operations, posing severe challenges to traditional defense systems based on feature identification.
The rise of intelligent agents profoundly rewrites the global cybersecurity landscape. It changes the landscape of power. The contest between offensive and defensive personnel centered on experience, processes, and response speed is transformed into a contest between intelligent agents centered on speed and adaptive capability. Cross-border cyber gaming has long been dominated by humans, with offense and defense engaging in symmetrical competition on roughly the same timescale. Intelligent agents dismantle this symmetrical competition: attackers can launch thousands of attempts in parallel at extremely low cost, while defenders must analyze and patch each case individually; more critically, the degree of delegation on the two sides is not equal—attackers, having no concerns about business continuity, can operate autonomously at full speed, while defenders, fearing that misjudgments could interrupt business, dare not delegate authority to the same extent, and the difference in autonomy further amplifies the difference in power.
It changes the landscape of capability. The security gap between nations is shifting from an "access divide" to an "intelligence divide," with differentiation showing a trend of solidification and expansion. The lowering of the cost of attack capabilities has not correspondingly lowered the threshold of defense; on the contrary, it has exacerbated the imbalance of security capabilities: building autonomous defense systems requires systematic investment in models, computing power, data, and talent, while first-mover advantages are self-reinforcing through the continuous accumulation of data and feedback, making it harder for those left behind to catch up. At the same time, the digital transformation of the vast number of developing countries is accelerating, yet their governance capacity, technical talent, and security investment are severely insufficient. The Global Cybersecurity Outlook 2026 released by the World Economic Forum shows that the proportion of respondents confident in their country's ability to protect critical infrastructure is as high as 84 percent in the Middle East and North Africa, but only 13 percent in Latin America and the Caribbean. As a result, the yardstick for security stratification among nations has shifted: in the past it was "whether one is connected to the network," and now it is "whether one possesses models, computing power, and autonomous defense capabilities," and the latter is highly concentrated in a small number of countries. Global cybersecurity is showing a trend of a state of extreme polarization or divergence (两极分化, liang ji fen hua - "two poles, divide"): at one end are countries that can organize defense with intelligent agents, and at the other end are countries that can only passively endure attacks by intelligent agents. If this divide is not bridged in time, it will solidify from a development gap into security dependency.
It changes the landscape of risk. Cyber threats evolve from "single-point incidents" that can be isolated and handled into a "compound normal state" that is continuously online, flows across domains, and involves multiple risks superimposed on one another. First, the attack surface continues to expand. Attack targets extend from servers and ports to new types of assets such as model interfaces, data pipelines, tool chains, and plugin permissions, and new attack methods targeting artificial intelligence, such as prompt injection and data poisoning, are rapidly increasing. The Global Cybersecurity Outlook 2026 points out that 87 percent of respondents believe AI-related vulnerabilities are the fastest-growing cybersecurity risk. Second, supply chain risks are becoming prominent. The Large Model Security Research Report (2024) points out that machine learning frameworks, development tool chains, and system platforms face new security challenges. Third, cross-border compound characteristics are prominent. Attack operations often simultaneously target targets in multiple fields such as technology, finance, and government, and a single operation often covers multiple industries and multiple jurisdictions. Risk knows no borders, but governance has borders, and this contradiction is becoming a prominent obstacle to international cybersecurity cooperation.
The direction of evolution of global cybersecurity governance in the era of intelligent agents. The defense philosophy is shifting from post-hoc protection based on "perimeter defense and feature interception" toward source governance based on "intrinsic security and intelligent defense." Faced with attacks that are generated in real time and dynamically rewritten, static feature-based protection is increasingly ineffective, and the way out lies in embedding security into the architecture, achieving a shift from post-hoc handling to pre-emptive prevention. Specifically, a three-layer defense system needs to be built: first, the permission constraint layer, which delineates boundaries for agent deployment, connection, permissions, data, and auditing, maximizing the compression of space for unauthorized operations; second, the intent analysis layer, which moves security analysis forward to the traffic entry point, determining at the first moment the identity, intent, and permissions of visitors; third, the intelligent confrontation layer, which deploys defensive agents to autonomously confront attacking agents, forming an autonomous closed loop of red-team probing and blue-team repair. Authoritative domestic cybersecurity competitions show that teams assisted by intelligent agents achieve multiples of the vulnerability discovery efficiency of traditional manual methods, and automated repair systems demonstrate second-level response capability in real-world environments. This proves that the defensive side can likewise act at the speed of intelligent agents, providing a realistic starting point for reversing the offense-defense imbalance.
Security operations shift from "manual step-by-step approval" toward "human-machine collaborative autonomy." When the tempo of offense and defense is measured in minutes, manual approval at each level becomes unsustainable; fully unmanned defense, on the other hand, faces the problems of collateral damage to business and attribution of responsibility. The mainstream form is necessarily human-machine collaborative autonomy: routine analysis, alert screening, and patch deployment are handled by defensive agents, while high-risk handling and cross-domain decisions retain human approval nodes. The key is not "humans exiting the stage" but repositioning the role of humans, shifting from "approving every step" to "strategy formulation, exception veto, and responsibility anchoring." Domestic and international research and practice show that AI assistance can significantly improve the efficiency of security operations, while the value judgments of human experts remain the key to avoiding misjudgment. Human-machine collaborative autonomous defense does not replace humans; rather, it liberates human judgment from the speed competition at which machines excel and deploys it into value trade-offs and responsibility bearing, where machines are not yet proficient.
The focus of regulation shifts from "model content compliance" toward "regulation of agent behavior," and international norms anchored on accountability are being constructed at an accelerated pace. Attacks driven by intelligent agents can rapidly transmit across borders along the chains of cloud services, supply chains, and data flows, while regulatory enforcement still takes national jurisdiction as its basic unit, thereby highlighting institutional gaps. The core of governance transformation is to advance the object of regulation from "what the model outputs" to "what the agent can do, what it is allowed to do, and who is responsible when problems arise." In recent years, the artificial intelligence governance process under the United Nations framework has accelerated markedly, and strengthening AI security governance has become a common consensus of the international community. China adheres to the principle of balancing development and regulation, and the Interim Measures for the Management of Generative Artificial Intelligence Services establishes the security bottom line for generative AI services. In September 2026, the National Cybersecurity Standardization Technical Committee released the Artificial Intelligence Security Governance Framework 3.0, bringing agent security risks into the governance perspective and proposing full-lifecycle management requirements covering identity and permissions, human approval, tool supply chains, operation monitoring, log auditing, and decommissioning and offline procedures, providing Chinese solutions for the regulation of agent behavior.
(The author is Vice President of Beijing Normal University)
Return to TopBy: 关健斌
On October 26, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Pakistan reached consensus in Tehran, agreeing to continue strengthening consultations on jointly achieving peace and security in the West Asia region, and unanimously holding that West Asian security must rely on the region's own strength and avoid any foreign intervention. This is the first high-level meeting between Iran and the three countries of Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Pakistan that have signed a joint defense agreement. In August 2026, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Pakistan signed the "Mecca Joint Defense Agreement" (hereinafter referred to as the Mecca Agreement) in Mecca, a move that was at the time regarded by the outside world as a routine diplomatic linkage among Middle Eastern countries. The Mecca Agreement's provisions were vague, its rights and responsibilities were ill-defined, and its implementation path was unclear, with public opinion generally believing it could not escape the fate of a "paper agreement" and could hardly shake the deep-seated and firmly established (根深蒂固, gen shen di gu - "root, deep, pole, firm") Middle East security order. However, in just over two months, the Mecca Agreement rapidly completed its transformation from a political declaration to an operational mechanism, completely shedding the label of a "nominal framework" and becoming the most distinct weather vane of the iteration of the Middle East geopolitical landscape. This profound change from the virtual to the real marks the formal farewell of the Middle East to a security model dominated by external hegemony and the opening of a brand-new process of regional strategic autonomy.
For a long time, the Middle East security system has been mired in the shackles of "external dependence." As a key region in global geopolitical competition, the security guarantees, military deployments, and dispute mediation of Middle Eastern countries have long relied on the US-dominated extra-regional security framework. Through military stationing, arms sales, security alliances, and other means, the United States has deeply bound Gulf states, Turkey, and other key regional forces, holding absolute say over Middle East security affairs. Even where regional countries have security cooperation demands, they are often constrained by extra-regional intervention, internal sectarian divisions, fragmented interests, and other problems, making it difficult to form an autonomous and interconnected defense system.
In the early period after the signing of the Mecca Agreement, it only established the core principle of "one country attacked, three countries jointly defend," without clarifying key details such as threat definition, troop deployment mechanisms, response procedures, and division of rights and responsibilities, leading the outside world to generally believe that it would remain at the level of "symbolic solidarity" and could not form substantive defense synergy. But the continued turbulence of the geopolitical situation became the core driving force pushing the Mecca Agreement toward taking root and becoming established (落地生根, luo di sheng gen - "land, fall, ground, grow, root"). As Middle East conflicts continued to escalate, US and Israeli military pressure on Iran kept increasing, and the risks of regional armed conflict and cross-border attacks rose sharply, the security defense system of any single country was already unable to cope with composite security threats. More critically, the United States has long pursued a "double standard," frequently overdrawing its regional security credibility, and its security commitments to allies have been wavering and indecisive (摇摆不定, yao bai bu ding - "sway, shake, not, fixed"), causing Middle Eastern countries to fully recognize the reality that "dependence on external hegemony brings no lasting security." Against this backdrop, the Mecca Agreement accelerated its exit from formalistic difficulties, with a series of substantive actions landing one after another, completely rewriting the agreement's initial positioning.
The most core marker of the Mecca Agreement's shift from the virtual to the real is that the cooperation mechanism has moved from a vague framework to normalized, concrete operational practice. In just a few months, the three countries of Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Pakistan broke down barriers of disagreement and built a multi-tiered communication system, with normalized consultations among defense officials, military-technical docking, and joint defense exercises gradually being implemented, completely changing the previous deadlock of "signing only, not implementing." The Mecca Agreement has formed a clear logic of collaboration, namely, taking collective defense as the starting point, coordinating cooperation in key areas such as tripartite airspace defense, cross-border counterterrorism, crisis response, and intelligence sharing, and transforming the abstract "joint defense" into implementable, executable security measures. Even more groundbreaking, the three countries have shed the rigid mindset of bloc confrontation and actively promoted inclusive co-governance of regional security. From confrontation and gaming to dialogue and co-governance, from dependence on extra-regional powers to autonomous coordination, the pragmatic transformation of the Mecca Agreement has completely overturned the outside world's entrenched perceptions of Middle East regional cooperation.
The substantive implementation of the Mecca Agreement is deeply reshaping the geopolitical security landscape of the Middle East and even the Eurasian continent, with far-reaching strategic implications.
First, it is gradually dismantling the US-unilaterally dominated Middle East security system. The implementation and maturation of the Mecca Agreement has created a local security cooperation platform that does not depend on the West. Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and other traditional US allies have begun to step out of a single security dependence system and seize the initiative in security through regional solidarity. This means that the United States' "absolute say" in the Middle East has been greatly weakened, the handles for extra-regional forces to intervene in Middle East affairs continue to diminish, and the Middle East security landscape has formally entered a pluralistic transformation period of "de-hegemonization."
Second, it is deeply reshaping the regional balance of power and dissolving sectarian and national differences. The Middle East has long been mired in division and confrontation due to sectarian differences, historical contradictions, and competing interests, making it difficult to form synergy. Taking common security interests as the greatest common denominator, the Mecca Agreement transcends differences of sect, nationality, and political system, enabling regional powers with sharply divergent positions to achieve deep defense collaboration. This cooperation model of seeking common ground while reserving differences (求同存异, qiu tong cun yi - "seek, same, preserve, different") and co-governance for win-win outcomes is gradually healing internal rifts in the Middle East, pushing regional countries from acting independently without coordination (各自为战, ge zi wei zhan - "each, self, for, battle") toward "solidarity and self-governance," laying the foundation for lasting stability in the Middle East.
Third, it is exploring a brand-new model of geopolitical autonomy for developing countries. Against the backdrop of intensifying global geopolitical competition and the rise of hegemonism, most small regional countries have long been passively dependent on major powers, surviving in the cracks. The Mecca Agreement's transformation from the virtual to the real proves that regional countries can, through internal integration and autonomous collaboration, build an independent, inclusive, and sustainable security architecture without relying on any single extra-regional force. This practice not only provides a path for the Middle East to break through its geopolitical predicament, but also offers a reference for Global South countries in striving for strategic autonomy and improving regional governance.
Although the Mecca Agreement still faces multiple practical challenges in its shift from the virtual to the real, it is undeniable that the major trend of the era of Middle East strategic autonomy is taking shape. The Mecca Agreement's journey from a scrap of paper to substantive implementation is the inevitable result of the evolution of the Middle East geopolitical landscape and the proactive choice of regional countries to shed external dependence, pursue autonomous security, and achieve co-governance and win-win outcomes. The most core value of the Mecca Agreement is that it has awakened the Middle East's regional subject consciousness and constructed a localized security governance logic. Viewed from the perspective of global structural transformation, the Mecca Agreement's evolution is the vivid taking root of the world multipolarization trend in the Middle East. As the hegemonic order gradually declines and bloc confrontation loses popular support, regional autonomy, inclusive co-governance, and win-win cooperation have already become the mainstream of global geopolitical development. In the future, as mechanisms continue to improve, cooperation continues to deepen, and partners gradually expand, the Mecca Agreement will further consolidate the Middle East's autonomous security architecture, push the Middle East toward a new stage of development characterized by stability, autonomy, and win-win outcomes, and inject lasting Middle Eastern strength into the transformation of the global geopolitical governance system.
(The author is the Director of the Institute of Asian and African Development Studies under the Development Research Center of the State Council.)
Return to TopBy: 谢军
Recently, the European Union launched an investigation into JD.com, wantonly seeking broad and unnecessary information from within China's territory from Chinese entities across borders. In response, China has determined that the EU's relevant cross-border investigation practices against Chinese entities under its Regulation on Foreign Subsidies Distorting the Internal Market (hereinafter referred to as the Foreign Subsidies Regulation, abbreviated as "FSR") constitute improper extraterritorial jurisdiction. This incident immediately drew widespread attention from the international community. The EU's Foreign Subsidies Regulation officially took effect on July 12, 2023, and is a unilateral instrument of the EU's own creation. In recent years, the EU has frequently relied on this regulation to launch "foreign subsidy"-related investigations globally, engaging in improper extraterritorial jurisdiction, highlighting a pronounced character of trade protectionism and institutional exclusivity.
The EU's improper extraterritorial jurisdiction of a unilateral and monopolistic nature under the Foreign Subsidies Regulation is reflected in the following aspects. First, the basis for jurisdiction is over-broad, suspected of violating international law and basic norms of international relations. The provisions of the EU's Foreign Subsidies Regulation are vague in standards and leave enormous room for discretion, wantonly bringing various types of overseas business entities and business information within the scope of review, seriously contravening basic norms of international law. Second, the investigation conduct wantonly oversteps boundaries, illegally interfering in the sovereignty of other countries. EU cross-border investigations not only target the enterprises involved but also forcibly break through territorial jurisdictional boundaries, compelling third-party entities such as financial institutions and partner enterprises within other countries' territories to cooperate in evidence collection, wantonly demanding large amounts of domestic business, financial, and government affairs information unrelated to the case, seriously violating the basic principles of territorial jurisdiction and the boundaries of cross-border regulatory authority and responsibility. In February 2025, during the review of Korea Hydro & Nuclear Power Co., Ltd.'s (KHNP) participation in the bidding project for the Czech Republic's Dukovany nuclear power plant, the European Commission, on the grounds of foreign subsidy review, required KHNP to submit materials on financial support from the South Korean government. Although the review ultimately concluded without initiating an in-depth investigation, it extended the effect of EU competition rules to the fiscal measures of a third-country government. This practice exposes the problem with the FSR, namely that it uses investigations to overstep boundaries in obtaining extraterritorial information and intervening in other countries' affairs, bringing the European Commission's review power into contact with economic governance and market order under the sovereign jurisdiction of other countries. Third, the scope of application continues to expand, forming normalized and institutionalized suppression. EU extraterritorial jurisdiction has fully extended from traditional special fields such as technology security and high-end security protection to ordinary commercial competition arenas. In July 2025, regarding the project of Abu Dhabi National Oil Company (ADNOC) of the United Arab Emirates acquiring shares in Germany's Covestro, although the transaction had already passed EU merger review, the European Commission still initiated an in-depth investigation under the Foreign Subsidies Regulation, determining that unlimited state guarantees, capital increase commitments, and preferential taxation constituted subsidies, and ultimately approved the transaction with conditions, requiring the cancellation of state guarantees and compulsory licensing of Covestro's patents. This move signifies that the FSR's review scope has expanded from traditional national security-sensitive fields to ordinary commercial mergers and acquisitions such as chemicals, with the applicable scenarios of extraterritorial regulatory instruments continuing to expand, and the trend toward normalized, institutionalized suppression becoming increasingly evident.
The main motivations behind the EU's frequent improper extraterritorial jurisdiction are as follows. First, safeguarding its own economic and trade advantages and implementing covert trade protection. As the global competitiveness of enterprises from emerging economies continues to rise in fields such as the digital economy, cross-border commerce, and high-end manufacturing, the EU's traditional industries face significant competitive pressure. To consolidate its regional economic and trade monopoly advantages, the EU attempts to rely on broad extraterritorial regulatory rules to construct covert non-tariff trade barriers, substantially raising the threshold for enterprises outside the EU to enter the EU market, thereby achieving institutional suppression of high-quality competitors from outside its territory. Second, vying for rule-setting dominance and reshaping the multilateral trade landscape. The multilateral trading system centered on the World Trade Organization (WTO) imposes a certain degree of constraint on various trade protectionist measures, which conflicts with the EU's growing goal of seeking exclusive competitive advantages in recent years. The EU circumvents multilateral dispute settlement and regulatory frameworks, relies on its own economic heft to construct a unilateral review system, and substitutes its own regulatory standards for internationally accepted rules, aiming to seize the discourse power in setting global economic and trade rules. Third, serving geopolitical strategic objectives and curbing the rise of global emerging industries. The EU's extraterritorial regulation continues to escalate, increasingly moving beyond the purely economic and trade sphere and carrying distinct strategic orientation. It relies on normalized, cross-industry extraterritorial jurisdiction to suppress enterprises from emerging economies going global, obstructing the global layout of multinational enterprises and inhibiting the development of emerging industries, which is essentially in service of the goal of geopolitical balancing.
The normalized expansion and institutionalized abuse of the EU's improper extraterritorial jurisdiction pose enormous challenges to the international economic and trade order, the economic sovereignty of all countries, and the multilateral cooperation system. First, unilateral regulatory barriers severely distort the global fair competition landscape. Relying on the vague determination standards and enormous discretionary power of the Foreign Subsidies Regulation, the EU imposes undifferentiated and stringent reviews on enterprises outside the EU, artificially raising the institutional threshold for international enterprises to enter the EU market. It challenges the principle of fair competition, sets up covert non-tariff trade barriers in the name of regulation, suppresses overseas competitors, breaks the norms of equality, mutual benefit, and free competition in international trade, and seriously damages the global market competition ecosystem. Second, overreaching regulatory conduct challenges the economic sovereignty of all countries and the foundations of international law. In cross-border investigations, the EU wantonly breaks through territorial regulatory boundaries, forcibly requiring third-party institutions within multiple countries' territories to cooperate in evidence collection, wantonly obtaining core territorial information such as business, financial, and government affairs data within other countries, and groundlessly intervening in other countries' internal economic affairs. This cross-border power overreach ignores the basic principles of international law, tramples on the economic sovereignty of all countries, and seriously undermines the binding force and authority of international law. Finally, institutionalized unilateral suppression exacerbates the fragmentation of the global economic and trade system. The current multilateral trading system centered on the WTO advocates the governance concept of mutually beneficial outcomes (互利共赢, hu li gong ying - "mutual benefit, win together") and serves as the cornerstone of stable global economic and trade operations. The EU deliberately bypasses the multilateral rules system, relies on its own economic heft to construct a unilateral extraterritorial review mechanism, substitutes its own regulatory standards for internationally accepted rules, and forcibly exports its own institutional paradigm. This exclusive, hegemonic regulatory model intensifies the estrangement and confrontation in global economic and trade rules, disrupts the stable operation of global industrial and supply chains, hinders the advancement of global economic governance toward fairness, standardization, and integration, and brings great uncertainty to global cross-border trade and investment cooperation.
In response to the EU's normalized and institutionalized improper extraterritorial jurisdiction, economies around the world should build long-term response mechanisms. First, improve the foreign-related legal system and consolidate the foundation for institutional safeguards. Lessons can be drawn from the mature legal practices of multiple countries to fill the shortcomings in blocking systems for foreign-related regulation, and to build a working mechanism integrating risk identification, research and assessment, and compliance countermeasures. In response to extraterritorial suppression scenarios in different fields such as economy and trade, finance, technology, and resource investment, the standards for determining improper jurisdiction and tiered response rules should be refined, the boundaries of rights and responsibilities of market entities should be clarified, channels for enterprise compliance remedies should be unblocked, and a foreign-related legal system that is both normative and practical should be constructed. Second, standardize the practical path of rule of law and build a precise blocking mechanism. In responding to extraterritorial regulatory intervention, one should always uphold the principles of lawfulness and compliance, objectivity and prudence, and, based on international law and other relevant laws and regulations, identify various types of overreaching regulatory conduct. One should insist on implementing compliance blocking against improper extraterritorial jurisdiction that does not conform to legal principles, eliminate arbitrary handling, and safeguard the credibility of cross-border economic and trade governance through professional and standardized legal practice. Finally, participate in global rule governance and reshape the fair trade order. Economies should actively rely on multilateral cooperation platforms such as the United Nations, the WTO, the BRICS (BRICS), and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization to consolidate international consensus against unilateral long-arm jurisdiction and trade protectionism, advocate the governance concept of fairness, justice, and mutually beneficial outcomes, jointly defend the global economic and trade order based on international law, and promote the development of the global economic governance system in a more open, inclusive, fair, and reasonable direction.
Return to TopBy: 牛颖秀
New-type corruption and hidden corruption are new situations and new problems facing the current anti-corruption struggle, and are new trends and new manifestations of the increment of corruption. Compared with traditional corruption, new-type corruption is "new" in that the fields of corruption are continuously spreading and the forms are constantly being renovated; compared with overt corruption, hidden corruption places greater emphasis on the upgrading of concealment and camouflage of means. The two are closely related; the reason many forms of corruption are "new" lies precisely in the "hidden" nature of their means. The report of the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China explicitly proposed to "punish new-type corruption and hidden corruption," and the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Party deployed to "deeply investigate and carefully examine expected returns, agreed nominee holdings, 'white gloves,' political-business 'revolving doors,' and other new-type corruption and hidden corruption, and resolutely crack down on corrupt acts committed through the use of the Internet, virtual currencies, cross-border funds, blockchain, and the like." New-type corruption and hidden corruption are highly indirect and deceptive; only by accurately identifying their manifestations and essential characteristics can we continuously enhance the penetrating power of anti-corruption efforts.
Main Types of New-Type Corruption and Hidden Corruption
The transaction-disguise type embeds corrupt means into seemingly legitimate transaction processes, draping power-for-money deals in the cloak of invisibility of "marketization" and "professionalization." According to differences in transaction means, it can be further subdivided into five types. The first is the type that artificially inflates transaction links, namely, adding unnecessary intermediate links in the transaction chain, increasing transaction costs, and channeling public interests or enterprise profits to specific related persons. For example, in the contracting of engineering projects and the procurement of materials, arrangements are made for specific related persons to set up shell companies to act as middlemen, profiting through resale at marked-up prices, subcontracting, and subletting; on the surface this is a normal commercial contract, but in essence it is power endorsing the transfer of benefits. The second is the type of lending at interest and the type of designated borrowing, namely, not directly accepting cash but, in the name of "borrowing" and in substance "interest," obtaining returns far exceeding market levels by lending at high interest rates to management and service targets, or conversely "borrowing" from them at extremely low interest rates to obtain the interest spread. The third is the type of accepting dry shares and investment returns, namely, accepting company shares given by management and service targets without actually making capital contributions, or obtaining guaranteed, risk-free, high returns in the name of "investment." Some have bribe givers issue IOUs of equivalent amounts; some obtain excess returns by purchasing "wealth management products," packaging power-for-money deals as "investment returns" while not participating in operations and not bearing market risks. The fourth is the type of buying low and selling high and real estate transactions, namely, corrupt elements purchasing large-ticket items such as houses and cars from management and service targets at prices obviously lower than the market, or selling items to them at prices obviously higher than the market, thereby obtaining the price differential. The fifth is the type of appreciation of original shares, namely, corrupt elements using their authority to help enterprises preparing for listing complete shareholding reform, go public, or achieve appreciation, accepting original shares at obviously low prices before the enterprise goes public without bearing market risks, and then selling the shares after the company is listed to obtain huge appreciation gains. Its essence is accepting bribes in the name of purchasing original shares, with the amount of the bribe determined according to the actual profits obtained after listing.
The subject-concealment type uses "white gloves" and nominee holding mechanisms to sever the direct connection between exercising power and profiting. Some have relatives, friends, or specific related persons receive and hold property on their behalf, not handling it directly themselves, attempting to build a "firewall." Some use "shadow companies" and "shadow shareholders," holding shares in the names of others, or establishing companies in the names of specific related persons, while hiding behind the scenes and using their positional influence to support and back the companies, switching between the dual roles of Party A and Party B, being both an official and a businessman. Still others agree with the person making the request to hold property on their behalf or find a dedicated third-party "money bag" to keep it, ensuring they can access it at any time, forming a state of "receiving without taking, name and substance separated."
The time-displacement type uses "optionization" and "revolving doors" to realize the delayed monetization of power. New-type corruption greatly lengthens the time chain for realizing benefits, turning short-term interest exchanges into staged, cross-cycle, long-term cooperation. One kind is simple deferred gratification, namely, using authority during tenure to seek benefits for the person making the request, but with both sides agreeing through "emotional cultivation" that the benefits will be realized only after retirement or departure from office. In fact, the increasing number of cases of retired cadres being investigated serves as a warning to corrupt elements not to harbor the lucky mentality that retirement means a "safe landing." Another kind is that corrupt elements, during their tenure, "pre-bury resources" and "build nests in advance" by seeking benefits for enterprises, and after leaving office go to related enterprises to receive "customized high salaries" to realize the monetization of power, engaging in political-business "revolving doors," bank-enterprise "revolving doors," and "escape-style resignation." Such acts are often cloaked in the guise of "talent introduction" and "expert consultant," and because enterprise salary-setting mechanisms vary greatly, the difficulty of investigation and punishment increases markedly. Still others, after retirement or resignation, continue to use their former positional influence to collect money and accumulate wealth, forming the hidden corruption of "not relinquishing power upon leaving office."
The digital-concealment type uses emerging technologies and virtual carriers to expand the space of corruption. With the development of digital technologies such as artificial intelligence and blockchain, the carriers of corrupt benefits are no longer limited to physical property such as cash and precious metals, but are extending in a virtual and digital direction. The first is the type of accepting bribes in virtual currencies. Although China's current policies deny the status of virtual currencies as legal tender, they do not deny their property attributes; they still constitute property in the sense of criminal law. Virtual currencies are separated from the identity of their holders, appearing on public blockchains only as a string of addresses, completely isolated from the bank payment system, with no centralized regulatory interface; they use private keys for distributed, peer-to-peer anonymous transactions, operating around the clock without national borders and circulating globally, and can be stored on portable media such as USB drives and phone memory, providing natural convenience for corrupt elements to conceal and transfer illegal gains. Moreover, criminals use mixers, cross-chain bridges, decentralized exchanges, and the like to transfer multiple currencies such as Bitcoin, Tether, and Ethereum across chains back and forth, thoroughly scrambling the flow of funds; the encrypted communications, temporary wallets, and use-and-discard addresses used in the crimes can be deleted immediately, making the tracing of funds extremely difficult. At present, countries are gradually increasing their efforts to investigate and punish such acts through on-chain analysis companies, cross-border judicial cooperation, and other means. The second is the type of accepting bribes in digital collectibles (NFTs). Digital collectibles are a new type of network virtual asset generated on the basis of blockchain, priced in virtual currencies and thereby convertible into legal tender, and can be exchanged as commodities, including forms such as images, videos, and animations. In essence, they are "non-fungible tokens" recorded on a blockchain; each NFT has a unique number, cannot be copied, and cannot be divided, and the chain records its minter, transfer history, and current holder, possessing the attribute of a "digital certificate of ownership" and capable of anonymous transactions. Corrupt elements use methods such as purchasing at sky-high prices, gratuitous gifts, self-minting and self-speculating, nominee holding for concealment, and laundering virtual currencies to engage in power-for-money deals through digital collectibles, using the subjectivity of artistic valuation to obscure the objectivity of the bribe amount, turning the traditional "sending money" into "sending a string of on-chain characters," increasing the difficulty of both evidence collection and characterization. The third is the type of accepting bribes in electronic red envelopes and cards and vouchers. "Favors fees" ride on mobile payments, and "local specialties" ride on express delivery to one's door; although the amount of each individual transaction may not be large, gradual accumulation of small amounts into a large quantity (积少成多, ji shao cheng duo - "accumulate small, become much") can easily become "emotional investment" to win over and corrode cadres. The fourth is the type of penetration of digital platforms. Corrupt acts extend into the platform economy, transferring benefits by manipulating new factors of production such as algorithm allocation, traffic tilting, and data resources.
Other variant types use the interweaving of domestic and overseas activities and the commingling of legitimate and illegitimate income to conceal corrupt acts. The first is handling matters domestically and collecting money overseas, exploiting the weak links in cross-border regulatory cooperation to evade investigation. The second is the renovation of "elegant bribes," using calligraphy, painting, and hobbies as pretexts, giving rise to bribery forms such as ghostwritten books with one's name attached, high-priced "ink treasures," antiques and jade, and competition prize money. The third is "discounts," "preferential offers," and nominal employment with salaries, using commercial promotions and employee incentives as pretexts to channel economic benefits to corrupt elements that do not conform to market laws.
Essential Characteristics of New-Type Corruption and Hidden Corruption
The structural separation of exercising power and profiting. Traditional corruption presents an immediate quid pro quo structure of "one hand handing over money, the other hand handing over power," while new-type corruption inserts multiple layers of intermediaries between power and interests: at the subject level, the exerciser of power and the profiteer are separated, with specific related persons receiving on their behalf; at the time level, the exercise of power and profiting are separated, with "optionized" arrangements deferring realization until after leaving office; at the spatial level, matters are handled domestically and realized overseas. The superimposition of these threefold separations makes it difficult for routine supervision to infer abuse of power from the benefit end.
The deep concealment of substantive illegality by formal legality. Corrupt elements exploit the apparent independence of civil and commercial acts to encapsulate power rent-seeking within the shell of legitimate transactions, blurring the boundary between corruption and normal economic activity.
The capitalization and expectationization of corrupt benefits. New-type corruption upgrades the carrier of benefits from "ready-made property" to capital rights and expected returns, whose value depends on future market conditions, making the determination of amounts highly complex and posing a brand-new subject for the application of discipline and law.
The circle-ization of political-business relations and the interweaving of politics and economics. Traditional bribe-giving and bribe-taking relationships are open, temporary, and scattered, while new-type corruption exhibits strong closure and long-term binding. Corrupt elements carefully select a small number of fixed "insiders" to build stable communities of shared interests. Power and capital are deeply integrated: power provides protection for capital, and capital penetrates into the political sphere, forming a closed loop of political-business collusion. Its harm is not limited to the corruption of individual cadres, but constitutes a systematic erosion of the political ecosystem and market order.
Measures to Prevent and Combat New-Type Corruption and Hidden Corruption
Preventing and combating new-type corruption and hidden corruption is an era-defining subject that the Party's self-revolution must answer well. The key to answering this question well lies in adhering to the integrated advancement of the "three noes" — not daring to be corrupt, being unable to be corrupt, and not wanting to be corrupt — and setting up defenses layer by layer, leaving corruption nowhere to hide.
At the institutional level, optimize the structure of power allocation and compress the space for rent-seeking and rent-setting. Opportunities for corruption mostly arise when power allocation is overly dense while the radius of supervision is insufficient; the first procedure of prevention is to dismantle tradable units of power, implement the separation of matters in exercising power, the separation of posts in assigning authority, and tiered authorization, refine the discretionary power in examination and approval, law enforcement, and resource allocation into quantifiable benchmarks, implement power lists and open operation, and use institutional division of power to break up closed communities of shared interests.
At the discipline and law level, penetrate form with substance, and use full-cycle supply of discipline and law and whole-chain supervision empowerment to ensure that investigation and accountability have no dead corners and no blind spots. Improve legal provisions, plug the gaps through which new-type corruption grows, pierce the "legalization" cloak of hidden corruption, use professional law enforcement means to dig deep and investigate thoroughly, achieving characterization not confined to contract texts, accountability not limited to the period of tenure, and evidence collection not trapped by gaps in funds, so that no matter how cleverly corruption is disguised, how long it is delayed, or how deeply it is concealed, it can be precisely punished. It is necessary to see through the shell of civil and commercial transactions to identify the substance of deviation from market consideration, establish systems for reporting major transaction matters and reviewing conflicts of interest, and for abnormal situations such as large transactions obviously deviating from fair market prices and risk-free high-return investments, introduce market price comparison and third-party evaluation mechanisms to correct subjective disguise with objective standards. Empower with digital supervision, embedding big data comparison and penetrating fund verification into routine supervision, so that abnormal transactions are revealed in data profiling. Enhance the capacity for monitoring, evidence preservation, and cross-border collaborative investigation of on-chain assets such as virtual currencies and digital collectibles.
At the cultural level, cultivate the self-awareness of not wanting to be corrupt and consolidate the ideological foundation of advocating integrity and rejecting corruption. Institutions constrain through heteronomy; culture shapes through self-discipline. Build a new type of pro-clean and clear political-business relations, delineate the boundaries of political-business interaction with positive and negative lists, clean up "red-top intermediaries" that cling to power, and shift the focus from post-hoc punishment to pre-emptively blocking political-business collusion. Improve the mechanisms for dynamic monitoring, assessment, and governance of the political ecosystem, strengthen routine supervision of the social and life circles of the "key minority," and use integrity culture to permeate cadres' value choices, making honesty and integrity internalized as a political character.
The three levels are closely linked and interconnected (环环相扣, huan huan xiang kou - "ring, ring, interlock"), and only when the deterrence of punishment, the mechanisms of prevention, and the nourishment of education exert force in the same direction can we use the "clarity" of governance to crack the "hiddenness" of corruption.
Return to TopBy: 詹鹏扬
Case Examples
The CPC Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and the National Supervisory Commission website reported that Liu Xianmei (刘显梅), then a member of the "two committees" of Xipanjiatuan Village, Fengtai Subdistrict Office, Pingdu City, Qingdao City, Shandong Province, and director of family planning, driven by personal gain, privately misappropriated 2 million yuan of village collective land compensation funds to purchase bank wealth-management products, engaging in profit-making activities and embezzling the investment returns, and also took for herself the bank interest of 10,221 yuan generated by the village's land compensation funds of 5,987,520 yuan. On August 26, 2014, Liu Xianmei was sentenced to six years' imprisonment by the Pingdu City People's Court for the crimes of misappropriating public funds and embezzlement. The CPC Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and the National Supervisory Commission website reported that He Xiaofeng (何孝凤), while serving as accountant of the Jiangsu Province Liyang City Shangxing Town Industrial Park Development Co., Ltd. and the town's Levy Collection Service Center, misappropriated public funds to purchase wealth-management and fund products. From October 2013 to March 2021, He Xiaofeng used her position's convenience to misappropriate public funds a total of 837 times, with a cumulative amount of 177 million yuan. Audit findings determined that He Xiaofeng misappropriated a total of 12,966,100 yuan of public funds for personal purchase of bank wealth-management products, bank call-deposit products, funds, and stocks, as well as lending to others to collect interest. On May 19, 2021, He Xiaofeng was given the disciplinary sanction of expulsion from the Party and dismissal from public office. On October 14 of the same year, He Xiaofeng was sentenced to five years and six months' imprisonment for the crime of misappropriating public funds.
From the above specific cases of using public funds for wealth management in violation of discipline and law, it can be seen that some Party members and cadres disregard disciplinary and legal norms and the boundaries of their power, use the convenience of their positions to arbitrarily use public funds for wealth management for themselves or their close relatives, and seek private gain therefrom, seriously violating Party discipline and national law. This not only damages the interests of the state and the collective economy, but also damages the image of Party members and cadres, bringing serious negative impact to society. The improper use of public funds by Party members and cadres for wealth management is mainly manifested in the following aspects: First, from the perspective of the subject and its subjective characteristics, it is usually manifested in some Party members and cadres who hold public power, treating the financial assets of state-owned units as private property in order to seek private gain. Second, from the perspective of the means of conduct, the means are diverse, the forms are changeable, and the methods and approaches are constantly being renewed. Third, from the perspective of the disciplinary and legal norms violated, there are situations where disciplinary violations, illegal acts, and crimes coexist.
With regard to the problems of discipline and law violations in using public funds for wealth management, Article 103 of the Regulations of the Communist Party of China on Disciplinary Actions stipulates that where one engages in profit-making activities in violation of relevant regulations, committing any of the acts such as "running businesses or enterprises," if the circumstances are relatively minor, a warning or a serious warning shall be given; if the circumstances are relatively serious, removal from Party posts or probation within the Party shall be given; if the circumstances are serious, expulsion from the Party shall be given. Article 36 of the Law of the People's Republic of China on Administrative Sanctions for Public Officials stipulates that where one engages in or participates in profit-making activities in violation of regulations, a warning, a demerit, or a serious demerit shall be given; if the circumstances are relatively serious, demotion or removal from office shall be given; if the circumstances are serious, dismissal shall be given. Article 384 of the Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China criminalizes the conduct of state functionaries who, taking advantage of their positions, misappropriate public funds for personal use to engage in illegal activities, or misappropriate public funds in relatively large amounts for profit-making activities, or misappropriate public funds in relatively large amounts and fail to return them for more than three months, and clearly stipulates that where funds or materials allocated for disaster relief, emergency rescue, flood prevention, special care for disabled servicemen and family members of revolutionary martyrs, poverty alleviation, resettlement, and relief are misappropriated for personal use, heavier punishment shall be imposed. The Interpretation by the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress on Paragraph 1 of Article 384 of the Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China provides a legislative interpretation of the three circumstances that constitute "for personal use" in the misappropriation of public funds. These Party disciplines and national laws make specific provisions on the conduct of Party members and cadres who arbitrarily use public funds for wealth management and its handling, providing disciplinary and legal normative basis for handling matters in accordance with regulations, discipline, and law.
The causes of Party members and cadres arbitrarily misappropriating public funds for wealth management are diverse. First, ideals and convictions waver. Some Party members and cadres have problems with their ideals and convictions and their original aspiration and founding mission, and their views on political achievements become distorted. They want both to be officials and to get rich, ultimately bringing suffering upon oneself (自酿苦果, zi niang ku gu - "self, brew, bitter, fruit"). Second, discipline and legal awareness is weak. Some Party members and cadres have weak discipline and legal awareness, and do not study Party discipline and national law enough or abide by them well. Some Party members and cadres forget their identity and use the power in their hands to seek private gain, thus falling into the abyss of violating regulations, discipline, and law. Third, the means are upgraded and renewed. Some Party members and cadres are familiar with intra-Party regulations, national laws, and the rules of market operations, use new technological means to profit illegally, and ultimately head toward the abyss of violating discipline and law. Fourth, supervision, management, and education are lacking. There are weak links in daily supervision, management, and education, specifically manifested in the failure to promptly remind and correct problems of a budding nature discovered in daily supervision; in the management process, the failure to discover in a timely manner or at all the situations where Party members and cadres misappropriate public funds for wealth management, and the inadequate accountability and handling of problems of illegal use of public funds for wealth management, giving them an opportunity to arbitrarily use public funds for wealth management.
It is extremely important for Party members and cadres to exercise strict self-discipline and firmly hold the disciplinary red line and legal bottom line for using public funds in accordance with regulations, discipline, and law. This requires both strict self-restraint and the Party organization's strengthening of education in ideals and convictions, reinforcement of disciplinary and legal constraints, and building of a coordinated supervision, punishment, and prevention mechanism. Adhere to combining regular education and centralized education in ideals and convictions, discipline education and rule-of-law education, theoretical arming and practical application, and strengthening Party spirit and enhancing abilities; actively publicize the concept of integrity and models of integrity, and pay attention to the building of family traditions; focus on young cadres, newly recruited cadres, and leading cadres; guide Party members and cadres to connect strengthening Party spirit, strictly observing discipline and law, and honing their work style, and to build a solid foundation of ideals and convictions for holding the line against corruption and preventing degeneration. Deepen warning education of the same level and same type, adhere to using cases from one's own surroundings to educate and alert the people around, and deepen warning education such as explaining virtue through cases, explaining discipline through cases, explaining law through cases, and explaining responsibility through cases, so as to promote the formation of a social atmosphere in which integrity is honored and corruption is disgraced. Intensify investigation and punishment efforts to form a high-pressure posture that curbs illegal and disciplinary-violating use of public funds for wealth management. Establish a declaration and traceability mechanism for wealth-management transactions, and strengthen supervision over the declaration of wealth-management products by Party members and cadres, especially leading cadres and their close relatives; strengthen penetrating audit supervision over the returns of wealth-management products, focusing on illegal agreements such as "guaranteed minimum returns" and "dry-share dividends," to prevent and guard against hidden operational problems such as "holding on behalf of others" and "hidden shares" in the use of public funds for wealth management; strengthen big-data supervision methods, through multi-dimensional big-data sorting and analysis at various levels, strengthen full coverage of monitoring over relevant bank accounts, and technically block the operational space for "holding on behalf of others" and "hidden shares." By advancing in depth the goal of not daring to be corrupt, maintaining the high-pressure posture of "punishment," and forming a strong deterrent effect, so that illegal and disciplinary-violating use of public funds for wealth management stops and knows when to cease. Adhere to a systematic approach and implement "full-lifecycle management" over illegal and disciplinary-violating activities of using public funds for wealth management. Apply measures and methods such as whole-process management, tiered governance, and cross-regional coordination; strengthen element-based thinking and list-based thinking; strengthen research on cases related to illegal and disciplinary-violating activities of using public funds for wealth management; establish a whole-process monitoring and supervision mechanism covering element analysis, refined management standards, institutional regulation, and prevention and control measures for illegal and disciplinary-violating activities of using public funds for wealth management; build governance mechanisms for corruption such as regional coordination and cross-regional coordination; coordinate the application of governance strategies and methods such as grading, tiering, and diversion; promote the establishment of a linked mechanism for corruption early warning and punishment; strengthen dynamic monitoring of integrity risk hazards; and improve the quality and effectiveness of preventing and combating illegal and disciplinary-violating use of public funds for wealth management.
Return to TopBy: 李瀚
To govern the country, one must first govern the Party; only when the Party thrives can the country be strong. The Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Party deliberated and adopted the "Decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Several Major Issues Concerning Persistently Advancing Full and Rigorous Self-Governance of the Party," making strategic arrangements for persistently advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party. Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has incorporated full and rigorous self-governance of the Party into the strategic layout of the Four-Pronged Comprehensive Strategy (四个全面), and, centering on the major era-specific question of what kind of long-term governing Marxist party to build and how to build it, has put forward a series of new concepts, new ideas, and new strategies, exploring a path of Party governance and self-discipline that has progressed from breaking new ground to expansion, and from the partial to the systematic.
Facing the severe reality of a period in which the Party's leadership was weakened, hollowed out, and diluted, Party governance and self-discipline were not strict, solid, or effective, and some problems within the Party were shocking and appalling (触目惊心, chu mu jing xin - "touch, eye, startle, heart"), the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core began by formulating and implementing the Eight-Point Regulation (八项规定) to break new ground, and gradually formed a system of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party with the Party's political construction as the lead and all other constructions advancing in concert. The lax, weak, and soft state of Party governance and self-discipline has been fundamentally reversed; unhealthy tendencies that had long gone unchecked have been halted; some deep-seated and difficult-to-cure problems (顽瘴痼疾, wan zhang gu ji - "persistent, miasma, old, disease") that had persisted for years have been corrected; serious hidden dangers within the Party, the state, and the military have been eliminated; and the conduct of the Party and the government has taken on a new look. Xi Jinping's thought on Party building systematically summarizes the theoretical, practical, and institutional innovations achieved in Party building since the new era through the Fourteen Commitments (十四个坚持); it is the crystallization of the practical experience and collective wisdom of the Party and the people, and provides the fundamental guidance and action guide for deepening the great new project of Party building in the new era.
This year marks the opening year of the 15th Five-Year Plan. At present, the once-in-a-century transformation of the world is accelerating, and the speed of change in the domestic and international environment, the weight of the tasks of reform, development, and stability, the number of contradictions, risks, and challenges, and the magnitude of the tasks of national governance are all unprecedented (前所未有, qian suo wei you - "before, what, not, have"). The new situation and new problems pose new tests for full and rigorous self-governance of the Party. At the same time, our century-old major party has both great advantages and great difficulties. It must be clearly recognized that problems within the Party such as impurity in thought, impurity in organization, and impurity in conduct have not yet been fundamentally resolved, the situation in the fight against corruption remains severe and complex, and the task of eradicating the soil and conditions that breed corruption remains arduous and heavy. The "six hows and always" urgently require us to continuously explore answers. Full and rigorous self-governance of the Party is always on the way; we must uphold and apply the valuable experience of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party in the new era with higher standards and more concrete measures.
To uphold and apply the valuable experience of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party in the new era, we must take Xi Jinping's thought on Party building as the guide, firmly grasp the basic principles of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, and unswervingly and thoroughly (不折不扣, bu zhe bu kou - "not, bend, not, deduct") implement and carry out all the arrangements of the "Decision." We must adhere to serving the mission and tasks, always bear in mind the original aspiration and founding mission of seeking happiness for the people and rejuvenation for the nation, keep in mind the "greatest concerns of the country," persistently advance full and rigorous self-governance of the Party within the overall strategic context of comprehensively advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through Chinese modernization, and translate the new achievements in Party governance and self-discipline into a strong guarantee for economic and social development. We must adhere to taking the Party's political construction as the lead, carry political standards and political requirements through all aspects of Party building, give full play to the role of political construction as a clear, well-organized plan that brings everything else into place (壹引其纲，万目皆张, yi yin qi gang, wan mu jie zhang - "one, lead, its, net; ten thousand, eye, all, open"), and, with political firmness, promote the deepening of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party and lead and drive the overall improvement of the quality of Party building. We must adhere to being comprehensive and strict; only by insisting on full coverage of content, full coverage of objects, a complete chain of responsibility, and full connectivity of institutions, and by adhering unwaveringly to the strict tone, truly managing strictly, daring to manage strictly, and managing strictly over the long term, can we halt unhealthy tendencies and evil practices and cultivate a clean and upright political atmosphere (风清气正, feng qing qi zheng - "wind, clear, air, upright"). We must adhere to a problem-oriented approach, forever maintain the sobriety and firmness of those taking the examination, always maintain the courage and determination to face problems directly and turn the blade inward, and resolutely eliminate all viruses that erode the Party's healthy body. We must adhere to upholding fundamental principles and break new ground; we must not only uphold and carry forward the Party's century-old valuable experience in Party governance and self-discipline, especially the fresh experience of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party since the new era, but also continuously innovate the methods of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party in light of new situations and new problems. We must adhere to leading by example from the top down (以上率下, yi shang lü xia - "above, lead, below"), give prominence to the exemplary role of leading cadres, especially senior cadres, give play to the "head goose effect," and transmit and consolidate the responsibility for full and rigorous self-governance of the Party layer by layer. We must adhere to governing the Party through institutions and governing the Party in accordance with rules and regulations; we must not only strengthen the supply of institutions according to the practical needs of Party governance and self-discipline, making the institutions dense but not cumbersome, effective and useful, and preventing ineffective measures that fail to address the real problem (牛栏关猫, niu lan guan mao - "cow, pen, close, cat"), but also strengthen the enforcement of institutions, vigorously eliminate hidden rules, and put an end to feeble restrictions that cannot restrain powerful forces (纸笼禁虎, zhi long jin hu - "paper, cage, prohibit, tiger").
Return to TopBy: 王乃岳
The Yellow River is the mother river of the Chinese nation, and the history of the Chinese nation's governance of the Yellow River is, in a sense, also a history of state governance. For thousands of years, constrained by the level of productive forces and social systems, the situation in which the Yellow River was repeatedly harnessed yet repeatedly breached never fundamentally improved. In 1946, the people's Yellow River governance cause led by the Communist Party of China started amid the smoke of gunfire. From then until 1955 was the pioneering period of the people's Yellow River governance cause under the Party's leadership, moving from zero to one — a crucial stage in which the Yellow River shifted from chaos to order and from harm to benefit.
"Return of the Yellow River to Its Old Course" Gives Rise to the Establishment of People's Yellow River Governance Institutions
In 1938, Chiang Kai-shek ordered the dikes of the Yellow River at Huayuankou to be blown up, using the river's waters to block the westward advance of Japanese troops, causing the Yellow River to burst out of its old course and form a thousand-li flooded zone spanning 44 counties across the three provinces of Henan, Anhui, and Jiangsu. Some 12.5 million people were affected and 890,000 drowned, leaving a wound in the memory of the Chinese nation that can never heal.
After the Yellow River was diverted southward, the people along the old course opened up farmland in the riverbed and built their homes. The Communist Party of China led the broad masses of the people in establishing two anti-Japanese base areas on both banks of the old course — the Hebei-Shandong-Henan and Bohai base areas — which became important strategic regions for the Party's persistent resistance behind enemy lines. In 1945, when Japan surrendered, Chiang Kai-shek decided to seal the breach and return the Yellow River to its old course. On the surface this was to relieve the suffering of the people in the flooded zone, but in reality it was another attempt to "use water as a substitute for troops" to split the liberated areas downstream of the Yellow River. At that time, the dikes along the old course downstream had been abandoned for eight years and, further damaged by war, were extremely damaged or in a state of disrepair (残破不堪, can po bu kan - "broken, dilapidated"). If the Yellow River were hastily returned to its old course, the downstream liberated areas would become a second flooded zone.
The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, coordinating the overall situation, issued instructions: "The return of the Yellow River to its old course has different benefits and harms for North China and Central China, but the opinion in favor of return prevails nationwide, and we cannot oppose it. This matter is of great importance to our liberated areas. We propose to participate in the Water Conservancy Commission, the Yellow River Conservancy Commission, and the River Control Engineering Bureau, so as to understand the true situation, actively participate in the work, and protect the people's interests!" The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, placing the fundamental interests of the entire people first, agreed to the return of the Yellow River to its old course, advocating that the work of rebuilding the dikes, dredging the river, and relocating residents from the riverbed downstream be completed before the breach was sealed, so as to prevent downstream flooding.
While the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China was deliberating, coordinating, and determining its position on the "return of the Yellow River to its old course," the Kuomintang authorities, disregarding the Communist Party's reasonable proposals, decided to seal the breach first without rebuilding the dikes. While exposing and opposing Chiang Kai-shek's plot to flood the liberated areas and negotiating and struggling with the Kuomintang, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China also came to a profound realization: it was necessary to establish a Yellow River governance institution belonging to the people themselves to carry out the struggle to rebuild the dikes. To this end, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, with a long-term vision in planning the people's Yellow River governance cause, established the Yellow River Old Course Management Committee in the Hebei-Shandong-Henan liberated area in February 1946, renamed the Hebei-Shandong-Henan Regional Yellow River Water Conservancy Commission at the end of May. In June 1949, the three liberated areas of North China, Central Plains, and East China held an inaugural meeting of the Yellow River Water Conservancy Commission in Jinan; in November, the Yellow River Water Conservancy Commission was placed under the leadership of the Ministry of Water Resources of the People's Republic of China.
"Holding a Gun in One Hand and a Shovel in the Other" — Opposing Chiang and Governing the Yellow River
From the very beginning of its establishment, the people's Yellow River governance institution, under the Party's leadership, led the people of the liberated areas in throwing themselves into the vast and grand in scale (浩浩荡荡, hao hao dang dang - "vast, surging") struggle to rebuild the dikes. From May to June 1946, the Bohai and Hebei-Shandong-Henan liberated areas respectively organized hundreds of thousands of people to carry out dike reconstruction projects. However, the Nationalist government repeatedly tore up agreements, unilaterally began the breach-sealing project at Huayuankou in June, and at the same time destroyed river defense facilities and shelled and strafed the soldiers and civilians engaged in dike reconstruction. According to archival records held in the Yellow River Archives, residents along the river rushed day and night to repair the dikes in emergencies, and 430 people were killed and 156 wounded by the Jiang Army's shelling and strafing. In March 1947, the breach at Huayuankou was sealed and completed, and the Yellow River returned to its old course. The soldiers and civilians of the Hebei-Shandong-Henan and Bohai liberated areas, "holding a gun in one hand and a shovel in the other," raced against time and for speed, repairing the downstream dikes before the flood season of July 1947, minimizing to the greatest extent the impact of flooding on both banks of the old course after the "return of the Yellow River to its old course."
After the Yellow River returned to its old course, the people's Yellow River governance institution led the soldiers and civilians of the liberated areas in carrying out work such as repairing dikes and rectifying dangerous sections, flood prevention and disaster relief, and supporting the army and serving the front. In 1947, supporting the Liu-Deng Army in crossing the Yellow River became a sacred mission of the Hebei-Shandong-Henan Regional Yellow River Water Conservancy Commission at that time. The Yellow River River Defense Command was formally established, mainly responsible for building and managing boats and ensuring wartime water transport passage. In June of the same year, Liu Bocheng and Deng Xiaoping led the main force of the Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan Field Army in breaking through the Kuomintang army's Yellow River defense line in one stroke, advancing a thousand li into the Dabie Mountains, completely declaring the bankruptcy of Chiang Kai-shek's "Yellow River strategy." After the army crossed the river, Commanders Liu and Deng commended the employees at the various Yellow River ferry crossings, praising them for having "rendered great service for the independence of the motherland and the liberation of the people."
The fundamental reason why the rulers of feudal dynasties and the Nationalist government were unable to fundamentally harness the Yellow River was the fundamental conflict between the interests of the ruling class and the principal position of the people. The Party's leadership of the people in governing the Yellow River achieved the unity of the people's interests and their principal position, stimulating the people's creative enthusiasm and spirit of being masters of their own affairs. On the eve of the Yellow River's return to its old course in 1947, the Hebei-Shandong-Henan Regional Yellow River Water Conservancy Commission put forward the policy of "ensure the dikes along the Yellow River, firmly hold the Jindi levee, and permit no breaches," igniting the enthusiasm of the people in the liberated areas for "opposing Chiang and governing the Yellow River," with hundreds of thousands of civilian laborers participating in dike construction. The liberated areas launched a movement to donate bricks and stones to prepare stone materials for Yellow River governance, and the people of the Hebei-Shandong-Henan liberated area enthusiastically made donations, with the dike reconstruction project completed in less than three months. The Record of the 1947 Yellow River Peace Conference pointed out that this victory in Yellow River governance stemmed from the leadership of the Communist Party and the unity of the people.
Opening a New Era of No More Breaches and Harnessing the Suspended River for Benefit
From 1919, when measured hydrological data for the Yellow River began, to the Huayuankou breach in 1938, over a period of 20 years, the Yellow River breached and flooded 14 times. Among these, from 1938 to 1947, a period of 9 years, there were 6 years of breaches and overflow at 59 locations. During the flood seasons from 1947 to 1949, after the Party led the people in taking over the river affairs of the lower Yellow River, relying on firm conviction, tenacious fighting will, and overcoming difficulties such as material scarcity, historic victories were achieved every year, with not a single breach causing disaster. From then on, the historical situation of "two breaches in three years" was fundamentally changed, and a miracle of year-after-year tranquility began. In particular, during the 1949 flood season, the Yellow River experienced successive flood peaks, and the first major flood since the "return of the Yellow River to its old course" occurred. The peak flow at the Huayuankou hydrological station reached 12,300 cubic meters per second. The Party, government, and military of the three provinces of Pingyuan, Henan, and Shandong were quickly mobilized, forming a flood-fighting and emergency rescue force of 400,000 soldiers and civilians, who fought working day and night without rest (夜以继日, ye yi ji ri - "night, follow, day") on the dike defense line, finally overcoming this flood and presenting a gift to the new China.
After the founding of the People's Republic of China, the State Planning Commission approved the construction of flood detention projects in the downstream areas and the opening up of flood diversion and detention zones to defend against extraordinary floods. Through long-term practice and improvement, this measure later became an important component of the "retain upstream, discharge downstream, divert and detain on both banks" flood control engineering system for the lower Yellow River. In 1950, the first large-scale dike maintenance on the lower Yellow River was carried out. Through construction, the flood control capacity of the dikes was improved year by year; over the 8 years from 1950 to 1957, a total of 140.9 million cubic meters of earthwork was completed. In 1952, the first phase of the Yellow River Diversion for Irrigation and Weihui Water Supply Project (People's Victory Canal) was completed, pioneering the practice of building sluice gates on the dikes of the lower Yellow River for diversion irrigation, and opening a new era of diverting water from the lower Yellow River for benefit for the first time in thousands of years. In October 1952, Mao Zedong made his first inspection of the Yellow River, personally determining an inspection route that went upstream along the lower Yellow River and selecting areas that had historically suffered from Yellow River floods. During the inspection, Mao Zedong issued the great call to "do the Yellow River's affairs well." In the subsequent years of 1953 to 1955, Mao Zedong three more times listened to reports on Yellow River governance in Zhengzhou, conducted research and investigations, and gained an understanding of the situation of Yellow River governance, greatly promoting the steady advance of the people's Yellow River governance cause in the direction of eliminating harm and promoting benefit. A batch of flood control and irrigation projects were successively implemented, and Yellow River governance gradually shifted from simply responding to flood disasters to coordinating disaster control and benefit promotion.
In January 1950, the Yellow River Water Conservancy Commission was adjusted to become a river basin institution, breaking the limitation of governance by province and coordinating the deployment of human and material resources across the entire basin for joint river governance. The Party led the people in giving play to the superiority of socialism in concentrating forces to accomplish major undertakings. The Party Central Committee and Mao Zedong attached importance to flood disaster control and, even during economic difficulties, insisted on concentrating human and material resources to build water conservancy projects, with particular emphasis on Yellow River governance, achieving an initial transformation from passive to active governance. The Yellow River flood prevention command system and management mechanisms were continuously improved, and the basic flood prevention system of "combining professional emergency rescue teams with the masses' flood prevention teams and implementing joint defense by the military and the people" was established, turning the Yellow River governance cause from the work of a few people into a great cause jointly participated in by tens of millions of people, laying the foundation for the subsequent formation of a complete flood prevention working mechanism.
Realizing a Profound Transformation from Scattered Governance to Overall Planning
After the founding of the People's Republic of China, as the Yellow River governance cause was gradually explored and advanced, the Party led the people in continuously deepening their understanding of the laws of Yellow River governance. Based on governance goals such as ecological protection of the entire basin, flood disaster prevention and control, and rational allocation of water resources, and coordinating upstream and downstream, main streams and tributaries, and left and right banks in joint governance, a complete and systematic Yellow River governance work system was gradually constructed, promoting the shift of Yellow River governance from a scattered model of passively responding to flood disasters to a new stage of systematic governance with whole-basin coordination and treatment of both symptoms and root causes, laying a solid foundation for the long-term stability and security of the Yellow River.
Exploring the leap from governance by sub-region to overall basin coordination. The complexity of Yellow River governance determined that only by taking the pulse of the entire river could the overall direction be set. From 1950 to 1954, the Yellow River Water Conservancy Commission successively organized 32 survey teams to conduct comprehensive surveys of the Yellow River basin, providing a reliable basis for determining the goals of comprehensive Yellow River governance and development. In the first half of 1952, the Yellow River Water Conservancy Commission drafted an outline plan for a 10-year Yellow River governance and development program to start in 1953, and at the end of October 1954 completed the Technical and Economic Report on the Comprehensive Utilization Plan for the Yellow River. In July 1955, the Second Session of the First National People's Congress adopted the Resolution on the Comprehensive Plan for Fundamentally Harnessing the Yellow River's Floods and Developing Its Water Conservancy. This comprehensive plan was the first comprehensive, systematic, and complete Yellow River comprehensive plan in Chinese history, marking the entry of the people's Yellow River governance cause into a new historical stage of comprehensive and integrated development.
Exploring the deepening from treating symptoms to treating both symptoms and root causes. The water-sediment relationship is the key to Yellow River governance. With the implementation of the comprehensive basin plan, the thinking on Yellow River governance gradually adjusted toward coordinated efforts between downstream flood control and midstream sediment control. In 1953, the Yellow River Water Conservancy Commission, through a special report, proposed that the goal of river governance should be to turn a harmful river into a beneficial one, with the general policy of "storing water and retaining sediment," that is, intercepting sediment in the countless gullies and valleys (千沟万壑, qian gou wan he - "thousand, gullies, ten thousand, valleys") and vast lands of the northwest. The State Council endorsed the report, holding that this was "a method for treating the symptoms of the Yellow River" and "also part of the plan for treating its root causes." At the same time, the construction site for the "storing water and retaining sediment" project was determined to be the Sanmenxia reach. Since the Sanmenxia Project was completed and put into operation in September 1960, through more than half a century of tortuous development, the series of major issues concerning Yellow River governance and development involved have long since transcended the scope of the project itself, greatly deepening people's understanding of the objective laws of the Yellow River and even of sediment-laden rivers in China and abroad.
Exploring the expansion from governance and development to protection and restoration. In the practice of Yellow River governance, the concept of Yellow River governance gradually shifted from emphasizing engineering construction, disaster prevention and control, and resource development to placing equal emphasis on ecological protection and natural restoration. From 1950 onward, the state successively expanded and newly built soil and water conservation experimental stations in Tianshui, Suide, Xifeng, and other places, carrying out scientific experiments and extension. In 1953, the Ministry of Water Resources, together with the Ministry of Agriculture, the Ministry of Forestry, the Chinese Academy of Sciences, and others, formed an inspection team to conduct a comprehensive survey of the Loess Plateau and study soil and water conservation measures and governance directions. From 1954, soil and water conservation measures for different types of areas began to be formulated. In downstream dike construction and river channel regulation, increasing attention was also paid to riparian ecology and environmental protection in the floodplain areas. This leap broke out of the narrow mindset of simply "competing with the river for land and demanding benefit from the river," and began to comprehensively consider the relationship between water resource conservation, wetland protection, biodiversity conservation, and water-sediment regulation. This was not only an enrichment of the means of protecting and governing the Yellow River, but also an elevation of the understanding of the Yellow River's value.
In the initial stage of the Party's leadership of the people in governing the Yellow River, faced with extremely severe and complex situations and challenges, the cause adhered to the people-centered nature of its fundamental position, always maintained the authority of the Party's leadership, upheld the spirit of struggle of "holding a gun in one hand and a shovel in the other," and insisted on the systematic nature of unified basin management. It quickly turned danger into safety, eliminated harm and promoted benefit, established an initial framework, and developed steadily, demonstrating the Party's role in steering and leading the way. Its experience still holds important lessons to this day.
Return to TopBy: 杨代云
June 28, 1935, "Decision of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee — On the Strategic Policy After the Joining of Forces of the First and Fourth Front Armies" (held in the Central Archives)
Lianghekou is located in the northern part of Maogong County and is the only route from Maogong to Barkam. It derives its name from the convergence of the Mengbi River and the Hongqiao River there, and is even more renowned for the fact that, after the joining of forces of the Red First Front Army and the Red Fourth Front Army at Maogong in 1935, the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee held a meeting there to determine strategic policy, thereby inscribing it in the annals of history. The Lianghekou Meeting was a very important meeting during the Long March of the Red Army. It established the correct strategy of advancing north to create the Sichuan-Shaanxi-Gansu Soviet Area, negated at the political level Zhang Guotao's line of advancing west and moving south, safeguarded the unity of the two main Red Army forces, clarified the principle of unified command over the entire army, and laid a solid foundation for the Red Army to push into the Northwest and devote itself to the nationwide movement of resistance against Japan and national salvation.
"The Joining of the Two Main Forces of China's Soviet Movement"
In mid-June 1935, the Red First Front Army and the Red Fourth Front Army triumphantly joined forces at Maogong in Sichuan (today's Xiaojin), and all commanders and fighters were cheering in great numbers (万众欢腾, wan zhong huan teng - "ten thousand, people, joy, leap") with high morale (士气高昂, shi qi gao ang - "soldier, spirit, high, lofty"). On the streets of Maogong rang out the "Song of the Joining of the Two Main Forces": "Over ten thousand li of the Long March, through the perils and mountains and rivers of eight provinces, with iron will and blood sacrifice, we have won the great joining." On June 15, Zhang Guotao, Chen Changhao, Xu Xiangqian, and all commanders and fighters of the Red Fourth Front Army sent a telegram to Mao Zedong, Zhu De, Zhou Enlai, and all commanders and fighters of the Central Red Army, saying, "Under the unified command of the Chinese Communist Party, we and you will together strive for the victory of the revolution in the Northwest, until the victory of the new Soviet China." On June 16, Zhu De, Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Zhang Wentian, and all commanders and fighters of the Central Red Army replied by telegram: "The joining of the two main forces of China's Soviet movement creates a new record in the history of the Chinese revolution and opens a new stage of the Chinese revolution," and "From now on, we will march hand in hand with you and win great battles."
However, after the two armies joined forces, obvious differences emerged within the Red Army over the subsequent development strategy — whether to advance north to open up new areas, or to move south or retreat west to remote regions — a matter bearing on the future and fate of the Red Army. On June 16, Zhu De, Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, and Zhang Wentian sent a telegram to Zhang Guotao, Xu Xiangqian, and Chen Changhao, proposing that the overall policy from now on "should be to occupy the three provinces of Sichuan, Shaanxi, and Gansu and establish Soviet political power in the three provinces." At the same time, their analysis pointed out that the area centered on Maogong, the west bank of the Dadu River, and Xikang were mountainous with deep valleys, barren and sparsely populated, and did not possess the conditions for establishing a stable base area. The next day, Zhang Guotao and others replied by telegram, unwilling to develop northward. On June 18, Zhang Wentian, Zhu De, Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, and others again replied by telegram, explaining: "If we advance south out of Ya'an, Mingshan, Qionglai, and Dayi, even if we succeed temporarily, there will be little prospect for further progress. Therefore, making a determined attack on Pingwu and Songpan is the key move at this time; we hope you will make up your minds immediately." On June 20, Zhang Wentian, Zhu De, Mao Zedong, and Zhou Enlai sent a telegram to Zhang Guotao, assessing that "viewing the overall strategic situation, breaking through any point of the defense lines of Hu Zongnan or Tian Songyao would be more advantageous than shifting west for operations." They also asked him to "come to Maogong immediately so that everything can be discussed and decided." Clearly, the Red Army's strategic direction remained unresolved, and convening a meeting to unify understanding and finalize a plan of action had become extremely urgent and imminent (迫在眉睫, po zai mei jie - "push, at, eyebrow, eyelashes").
According to the contents of two telegrams sent on June 20 — one from Zhu De to the commanders of the First, Third, Fifth, and Ninth Army Corps and the Military Commission Column, and one from Zhu De to Xu Xiangqian and Chen Changhao — the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee had originally planned "to hold a meeting at Lianghekou on the 22nd to decide on strategy." However, Zhang Guotao did not arrive at Lianghekou until June 25, having traveled from Mao County via Wenchuan and Lifan, and the Political Bureau meeting was therefore postponed until June 26.
"The Urgent Task of Our Workers' and Peasants' Red Army at Present"
At that time, the Red Army's situation was extremely difficult, and logistical supply had fallen into severe straits. On June 20, Zhu De, Zhou Enlai, and Wang Jiaxiang had no choice but to issue urgent directives to all army corps and the Military Commission Column, stipulating methods for procuring, economizing, and carrying grain, and adjusting food standards — "changed to two meals a day, one thin and one dry."
On June 23, Zhang Wentian arrived at Lianghekou. In order to unify understanding and hold this meeting well, on June 24 he wrote "Seize Songpan, Redden Sichuan-Shaanxi-Gansu!", which explained the possibility and necessity of creating the Sichuan-Shaanxi-Gansu Soviet Area, made clear that seizing Songpan and controlling the areas north of Songpan and annihilating Hu Zongnan's troops were "the urgent task of our Workers' and Peasants' Red Army at present," and criticized Zhang Guotao's erroneous proposition of retreating to the southwest. This article was one of the earliest documents in the Long March to systematically elaborate the Central Committee's policy of advancing north and to explicitly criticize Zhang Guotao's flightism, and the Political Department of the Red First Army Corps printed and distributed it as a pamphlet on June 25.
On June 25, Zhang Guotao arrived at Lianghekou, and Mao Zedong, Zhang Wentian, Zhou Enlai, Zhu De, and others went out of their quarters to welcome him from afar. The rally for the joining of forces of the Red First and Red Fourth Front Armies was held in heavy rain. Mao Zedong delivered a welcome speech, Zhang Guotao delivered a speech of reply, and the atmosphere was warm and joyful. Zhu De said in his speech at the rally: "At the joining of the two main forces, it is not only we ourselves who rejoice and celebrate — the people of all China and the oppressed of the whole world are there celebrating and cheering!"
Having come to Lianghekou, Zhang Guotao remained stubbornly clinging to his own opinion (固执己见, gu zhi ji jian - "solid, hold, self, view") and did not agree to advance north. When he asked about the strength of the Red First Front Army, Zhou Enlai told him it was about thirty thousand men. Zhang Guotao, confident in his own eighty thousand men, immediately adopted a tough attitude toward the CPC Central Committee and said that the Red Fourth Front Army planned to go west. Zhu De had a long talk with Zhang Guotao through the night, reminding him that although Chiang Kai-shek had sent one hundred thousand men to attack us, we too had approximately one hundred thousand troops, and the Red Fourth Front Army could first seize Songpan by taking the initiative, capture the strategic key point, and thereby open the road for advancing north. Zhang Guotao flatly refused, on the grounds that the enemy's defensive fortifications were too strong.
"All Unanimously Passed Enlai's Strategic Policy"
On June 26, the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee held an enlarged meeting in a Guandi Temple at Lianghekou to discuss the question of strategic policy after the joining of forces of the Red First and Red Fourth Front Armies. Those present included Zhang Wentian, Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Zhu De, Bo Gu, Wang Jiaxiang, Zhang Guotao, Liu Shaoqi, Deng Fa, and Kai Feng, as well as Liu Bocheng, Li Fuchun, Lin Biao, Nie Rongzhen, Peng Dehuai, Lin Boqu, and others. Zhang Wentian presided over the meeting.
Zhou Enlai, on behalf of the CPC Central Committee and the Central Revolutionary Military Commission, delivered a report at the meeting, proposing that the strategic policy from now on should be to develop northward, establish a Sichuan-Shaanxi-Gansu base area north of the Minshan Mountains, and require that command of the troops be concentrated in the Central Revolutionary Military Commission. After Zhou Enlai delivered his report, the meeting conducted full discussion.
Mao Zedong agreed with Zhou Enlai's report and put forward five points of opinion: (1) Establishing a base area in Sichuan-Shaanxi-Gansu is a forward-looking policy. After the joining of the First and Fourth Front Armies, there is the possibility of realizing development northward. (2) A base area is developed by relying on offensives. We should cross the mountains to defeat Hu Zongnan, occupy southern Gansu, and rapidly develop northward so as to establish a new base area. (3) We should see which places are where Chiang Kai-shek intends to destroy us and break them first. We must be highly mobile, choose well the route for developing northward, and seize the initiative from the enemy. (4) Concentrate our forces on the main direction of attack, such as attacking Songpan. What is decided today must be acted upon tomorrow. Here the population is sparse, the weather is cold, and food and clothing are difficult; we should strive to break through in June and pass through Songpan to the decided area. (5) Charge the Standing Committee and the Military Commission with resolving the question of unified command.
The other speakers also agreed with Zhou Enlai's report. Zhu De pointed out that after the joining of the two front armies, our strength had greatly increased. The two front armies should unify command and act in concert to strike the enemy, and should guarantee the victory of the war politically. We should rapidly advance north, fight our way out through Songpan, occupy southern Gansu, and establish a revolutionary base area in Sichuan-Shaanxi-Gansu. Although Zhang Guotao stressed the difficulties, he still expressed verbal agreement with the strategic policy proposed in Zhou Enlai's report. Zhang Wentian finally made a concluding speech, emphasizing that the strategic policy in Zhou Enlai's report was forward-looking and the only correct one. To realize this strategic policy, one must first attack and control Songpan; abandoning this policy would be erroneous.
In the end, the meeting unanimously passed the strategic policy proposed in Zhou Enlai's report, endorsed the northward offensive to establish the Sichuan-Shaanxi-Gansu Soviet Area, and entrusted Zhang Wentian with writing a decision. At the end of the record of the Lianghekou Meeting preserved in the Central Archives is recorded the resolution item of this meeting: "All unanimously passed Enlai's strategic policy; the Political Department to issue a training order (Bo Gu); the Political Bureau to write a decision (Luo Fu)."
"Our Strategic Policy Is to Concentrate the Main Forces for a Northward Offensive"
On June 28, in accordance with the spirit of the Lianghekou Meeting, the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee issued the "Decision of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee — On the Strategic Policy After the Joining of Forces of the First and Fourth Front Armies," which pointed out: "After the joining of the First and Fourth Front Armies, our strategic policy is to concentrate the main forces for a northward offensive, annihilate large numbers of the enemy in mobile warfare, first gain southern Gansu, so as to create the Sichuan-Shaanxi-Gansu Soviet Area as a base, place China's Soviet movement on a firmer and broader foundation, and strive for victory in the northwestern provinces of China and even in all of China." To this end, "in campaigns, we must first concentrate the main forces to annihilate and strike Hu Zongnan's army, seize Songpan and control the areas north of Songpan, so that the main forces can successfully advance toward southern Gansu." The Central Revolutionary Military Commission immediately formulated the Songpan Campaign Plan and deployed troops to attack and take Songpan.
The above decision explicitly issued a warning: "To realize this strategic policy, we must resolutely oppose the tendencies of avoiding war, retreating, and fleeing, as well as of being conservative, coveting ease, and stopping without moving; these vacillations of right opportunism are at present the main danger in the struggle to create a new Soviet area." Although Zhang Guotao voted in favor of the Party Central Committee's decision at the Lianghekou Meeting, in his heart he still did not agree with the Red Army's advance north. It was precisely because of his delaying, avoidance of battle, and splittist activities that the Red Army lost the favorable opportunity to annihilate Hu Zongnan's troops and seize Songpan, and had no choice but to abandon the Songpan Campaign Plan and instead advance north through the grasslands, where the natural environment was extremely harsh. Otherwise, the goal of the Lianghekou Meeting to create the Sichuan-Shaanxi-Gansu Soviet Area would have been entirely possible to realize.
Return to TopBy: 王衡
Party cadres are the backbone force of the Party and the nation's cause, and a correct political line must be guaranteed by a correct organizational line. "Building a High-Caliber Cadre Contingent That Is Loyal, Clean, and Responsible" is a portion of an important speech delivered by General Secretary Xi Jinping at the tenth collective study session of the Political Bureau of the 19th CPC Central Committee on November 26, 2018, and is included in Volume II of Selected Works of Xi Jinping on Party Building. This important document profoundly elucidates the great significance of implementing the Party's organizational line for the new era and focusing on cultivating a high-caliber cadre contingent that is loyal, clean, and responsible, and puts forward clear requirements in four aspects: strictly upholding the standards of virtue and ability, adhering to fair appointment of personnel, broadening the vision for selecting personnel, and motivating the enthusiasm of cadres. Rereading this important document is of great significance for running the requirements of loyalty, cleanliness, and responsibility through the entire process of cadre contingent building and for transforming the Party's organizational advantages into a powerful force for advancing Chinese modernization.
Forging a high-caliber cadre contingent is an important guarantee for building the Party well and building it strong
The key to governance lies in obtaining the right people. Whether a political party or a country can continuously cultivate outstanding leading talents largely determines the rise or fall and survival or extinction of that party or country. A very important reason why the Communist Party of China has been able to maintain strong creativity, cohesion, and combat effectiveness and to unite and lead the people in overcoming various difficulties and obstacles lies in its high regard for cultivating and forging a cadre contingent capable of shouldering the heavy task of national rejuvenation. In this important document, General Secretary Xi Jinping links cadre contingent building with the Party's organizational line for the new era, grasping the key factor of "people" in the cause of governing and managing the Party, revitalizing and strengthening the Party, and the cause of strengthening the country and rejuvenating the nation.
Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, the Party's organizational line for the new era has been implemented effectively, the functions of Party organizations at all levels and the overall quality of Party members and cadres have improved, and the Party's organizational advantages have been fully demonstrated. At the same time, as the conditions of the world, the country, and the Party undergo profound changes, the tasks of the Party uniting and leading the people to safeguard national sovereignty, security, and development interests have become more arduous, the tasks of promoting reform and development and maintaining social harmony and stability have become more arduous, and the tasks of maintaining progressiveness and purity have become more arduous. This places higher demands on cadres' political competence, professional quality, fighting spirit, and work style image, and cadre contingent building faces new situations and new tasks. The longer the Party remains in power, the longer the period of peace and stability (承平日久, cheng ping ri jiu - "peaceful, long"), and the more complex the environment, the more Party members and cadres are required to uphold principles, take on responsibilities, and exercise power with integrity.
At the same time, it must be recognized that the mainstream of the Party's contingent is good, but the problems of impure thinking, impure organization, and impure work style have not yet been fundamentally resolved. The quality and ability of some Party members and cadres do not meet the requirements of the development of the times; a small number of Party members and cadres, including senior cadres, have weak Party spirit, wavering or even missing ideals and convictions, weak feelings for the people, deviations in their view of political achievements, serious formalism, bureaucratism, hedonism, and extravagance, insufficient fighting spirit, failure to take on responsibilities and act, failure to observe discipline and rules, and even using their positions to seek personal gain (以权谋私, yi quan mou si - "use, power, seek, private") and becoming corrupt and degenerate. To solve these problems, strict governance of officials must be placed in a more prominent position.
The "Decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Persevering in Advancing Full and Rigorous Self-Governance of the Party on Major Issues" (hereinafter referred to as the "Decision") adopted at the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Committee makes systematic arrangements for "forging a high-caliber cadre contingent capable of shouldering the heavy task of national rejuvenation," emphasizes that "the key to full and rigorous self-governance of the Party lies in strict governance of officials," and takes "leading by example from the top" as a principle to follow, requiring that we start from the Party Central Committee, be strict with leading organs and leading cadres first, with each level setting an example for the next and each level leading the next in work, and using the "key minority" to demonstrate and drive the "vast majority." Only when leading cadres at all levels set higher standards and stricter requirements in loyalty, cleanliness, and responsibility can we build a high-caliber cadre contingent that is politically sound, highly capable, with excellent work style, and strict discipline.
Loyalty, cleanliness, and responsibility are the political character that cadres in the new era must possess
Loyalty, cleanliness, and responsibility are the distinctive political character of Communists and the inherent requirement of the standard for good cadres in the new era. In October 2016, at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized, "truly let cadres who are loyal, clean, and responsible, serve the people, are pragmatic and honest, are energetic and promising, are keen on reform, and have outstanding practical achievements be commended and given important positions." In October 2017, the report of the 19th National Congress of the Party, when discussing adhering to the correct orientation for selecting and appointing people, clearly made "loyalty, cleanliness, and responsibility" the key criterion for promoting and reusing cadres. In July 2018, the National Conference on Organizational Work put forward the Party's organizational line for the new era and made "focusing on cultivating high-caliber cadres who are loyal, clean, and responsible" an important part of it. On this basis, this important document also makes a systematic exposition on how to forge such a cadre contingent, further integrating the requirements of loyalty, cleanliness, and responsibility into the practice of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party.
Loyalty to the Party is the primary political quality of Communists. Loyalty is concrete and unconditional; one must be loyal to the Party's beliefs, the Party organization, the Party's theories, line, principles, and policies, strengthen the Four Consciousnesses (四个意识), firm up the Four Confidences (四个自信), and achieve the Two Upholds (两个维护), strictly observe the Party's political discipline and political rules, love the Party while in the Party, speak for the Party while in the Party, worry about the Party while in the Party, and work for the Party while in the Party, trust the organization, rely on the organization, and obey the organization, maintain consistency between outward appearance and inner reality (表里如一, biao li ru yi - "surface, inside, like, one"), be consistent in words and deeds, speak honest words, do honest things, and be honest people.
Honesty and integrity are the political essence and basic bottom line of Communists. To maintain cleanliness, one must remember that power belongs to the public and not to the private, adhere to fair exercise of power, exercise of power according to law, and clean exercise of power, consciously accept supervision, strengthen the cultivation of political virtue, understand great virtue, uphold public virtue, and be strict in private virtue, properly handle the relationships between public and private, righteousness and benefit, and emotion and law, be strict in family education and family traditions, never engage in privilege-seeking or use one's position to seek personal gain at any time, be an upright person and do clean things, and achieve self-restraint and devotion to public service (克己奉公, ke ji feng gong - "restrain, self, serve, public") and cultivate oneself through frugality.
Undertaking work and taking responsibility is both the duty and the value of cadres. Power is responsibility, and responsibility requires taking on burdens. One must, with the political responsibility of being loyal to the Party, sharing the Party's concerns, fulfilling one's duties for the Party, and seeking well-being for the people, and with the responsibility of being accountable for the territory one guards, being responsible for the territory one guards, and fulfilling one's duties to the fullest for the territory one guards, dare to draw one's sword in the face of major issues of right and wrong, dare to bravely tackle difficulties head-on (迎难而上, ying nan er shang - "face, difficulty, and, rise") in the face of contradictions, dare to step forward in the face of crises, dare to take responsibility in the face of mistakes, and dare to resolutely struggle against unhealthy tendencies and evil practices. To dare to take on responsibilities and act, one must also establish and practice a correct view of political achievements, adhere to establishing the party for the public good (立党为公, li dang wei gong - "establish, party, for, public"), seeking well-being for the people, making scientific decisions, and taking real action and working earnestly (真抓实干, zhen zhua shi gan - "truly, grasp, real, do"), and create practical achievements that can stand the test of practice, the people, and history.
Loyalty, cleanliness, and responsibility are interconnected and inseparable. Loyalty is the political prerequisite for cleanliness and responsibility, cleanliness is the bottom-line requirement for loyalty and responsibility, and responsibility is the practical test of loyalty and cleanliness. The three are organically unified and together constitute the political, character, work style, and integrity checks that must be strictly applied in selecting and appointing people.
Run the requirements of loyalty, cleanliness, and responsibility through the entire process of selecting, educating, managing, and using cadres
Good cadres are selected, but even more so, they are managed. Forging a high-caliber cadre contingent that is loyal, clean, and responsible requires both cadres' strengthening of Party spirit cultivation and tempering of excellent abilities, and the Party organization's strict education, cultivation, selection, appointment, management, and supervision. The four aspects of requirements put forward in this important document provide methodological guidance for transforming political character requirements into institutional mechanisms.
Strictly upholding the standards of virtue and ability first means passing the political check. Putting virtue first, the most important thing is solid political character. When selecting and appointing cadres, one must see whether they are loyal to the Party and the people, whether they have firm ideals and convictions, whether they resolutely uphold the authority of the Party Central Committee and its centralized, unified leadership, and whether they unswervingly and thoroughly (不折不扣, bu zhe bu kou - "not, bend, not, deduct") implement the decisions and arrangements of the Party Central Committee; those who fail the political character check should be vetoed. To know a person, one must not only listen to their words but also observe their actions, and not only examine their appearance but also analyze their inner self. The Decision proposes strengthening the identification of Party spirit and conducting comprehensive analysis and research on the Party spirit of leading group members, cadres to be promoted, and young cadres, which is precisely an important measure to improve the precision of political checks. At the same time, putting virtue first does not mean that virtue alone is enough; one must also see whether cadres have excellent abilities, and examine political quality, professional competence, and work performance in a unified manner.
Adhering to fair appointment of personnel fundamentally lies in acting with public spirit, serving the cause, and cultivating healthy tendencies. Fair appointment of personnel is the embodiment of our Party's principle of establishing the party for the public good and governing for the people in the organizational line. One must not make choices based on personal closeness or distance, likes or dislikes, must not engage in ranking people based on seniority (论资排辈, lun zi pai bei - "discuss, seniority, arrange, rank") or balanced favoritism, and must never treat positions as personal resources to be privately given and received. One must adhere to putting the cause first, selecting people according to the matter, and matching people to positions, so that cadres have the intention to devote themselves wholeheartedly to their work without the worry of scheming for personal advancement. The Decision requires adhering to organizational selection of personnel, fair appointment of personnel, and selection of people according to the matter, giving play to the leadership and gatekeeping role of Party organizations, adhering to the systems of reviewing cadre archives for every promotion, verifying personal matters reports for every promotion, listening to the opinions of discipline inspection and supervision organs for every promotion, and investigating relevant letters and visits and reports for every promotion, and improving the accountability mechanism for cadres being "promoted with illnesses." Only by using institutions to ensure fairness and using fairness to promote responsibility can the atmosphere for selecting and appointing personnel become cleaner.
Broadening the vision for selecting personnel means proceeding from the needs of the development of the Party and the nation's cause, and discovering, using, and allocating talent without being constrained by convention. One must pay attention to selecting outstanding cadres from all fronts, all fields, and all industries, and optimize the knowledge structure, ability structure, and professional structure of leading groups and the cadre contingent. Practice is the best classroom for cadre growth. One must pay attention to discovering cadres from the grassroots frontline and difficult and impoverished places, select more cadres who have been tempered in major struggles, and promote cadres lacking practical experience to undergo training in urgent, difficult, dangerous, and heavy tasks. For young cadres, one must both strengthen political cultivation and political training, and adhere to the equal emphasis on cultivation and management, guiding them to temper their character, improve their work style, and grow their abilities in the exercise of "seedling nurturing," preventing spoiling things through undue haste (拔苗助长, ba miao zhu zhang - "pull, seedling, help, grow").
To motivate the enthusiasm of cadres, one must adhere to combining strict management with care and support, and equal emphasis on incentives and constraints. Strict management does not mean managing cadres to death, but rather prompting cadres to correctly perform their duties and take on responsibilities and act. As General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out, "One must unify cleanliness and responsibility, diligence and integrity, and dare to shoulder heavy burdens, gnaw at hard bones, and take on hot potatoes." One must run strict education, strict management, and strict supervision through the entire process of cadre contingent building, and strengthen all-round management and regular supervision. At the same time, only when the organization dares to take responsibility will cadres have confidence. One must seriously investigate and deal with false accusations and frame-ups, and promptly carry out clarification and rehabilitation of reputations. One must also rectify formalism to reduce burdens at the grassroots level, so that cadres can devote more time and energy to implementation and practical work. By linking leading by example from the top, institutional norms, and care and support, and promoting the broad masses of cadres to reform, innovate, and start businesses while observing rules and discipline, we can provide a strong organizational guarantee for comprehensively advancing the building of a strong country and the great cause of national rejuvenation through Chinese modernization.
Return to TopBy: 赵慧
Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has, around the major epochal subject of "what kind of long-term governing Marxist party to build and how to build a long-term governing Marxist party," put forward a series of new concepts, new ideas, and new strategies for governing and strengthening the Party, giving shape to Xi Jinping's thought on Party building. Xi Jinping's thought on Party building is an important component of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, has made major original contributions to developing the Marxist theory of Party building, and has major practical significance and long-term guiding significance for strengthening the Party and the country. In order to guide cadres at all levels to study and thoroughly comprehend Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, and to better promote Xi Jinping's thought on Party building into textbooks, into classrooms, and into minds, the 2026 issue No. 5 of Cadre Education Research focuses on "Studying and Implementing Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building," inviting relevant experts and scholars to expound on it from different angles and multiple aspects.
Since its founding, the Communist Party of China has attached great importance to Party building. Wang Binglin, Dean of the Institute of CPC History and Party Building at Beijing Normal University, points out in "Comprehending the Formation of Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building from the Party Building Course of More Than One Hundred Years" that over the past hundred-plus years, our Party has adhered to combining the Marxist theory of Party building with China's specific realities and with the fine traditional culture of China, and in unremitting struggle has summarized the experience of Party building, advanced theoretical innovation, and formed and developed a Sinicized Marxist theory of Party building. Grasping Xi Jinping's thought on Party building from the Party building course of more than one hundred years helps to understand its profound historical foundations and theoretical origins, and to deepen understanding of its scientific system and original contributions.
Xi Jinping's thought on Party building possesses a far-reaching view and commanding perspective (高屋建瓴, gao wu jian ling - "high, roof, build, grasp") and is broad and profound in scope and depth (博大精深, bo da jing shen - "wide, big, exquisite, profound"), and is concentratedly embodied in the scientific system of the Fourteen Commitments (十四个坚持), providing ideological guidance and fundamental principles for advancing all aspects of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party. He Husheng, Professor at the School of Marxism and the School of Discipline Inspection and Supervision of Renmin University of China, points out in "The Scientific Connotation, Logical System, and Original Contributions of Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building" that correctly understanding the scientific connotation, logical system, and original contributions of Xi Jinping's thought on Party building helps to deeply appreciate the theoretical character and practical power contained therein, and to enhance the theoretical and practical consciousness of the whole Party in advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party with the spirit of self-revolution and in leading the rejuvenation of the country through strengthening the Party.
"Persisting in tempering strong Party character," as one of the connotations and essential points of the Fourteen Commitments of Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, is an inevitable requirement for advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party in the new era and forever preserving the Party's advanced nature and purity. Zhang Rongchen, Professor at the Department of Party Building Teaching and Research of the Party School of the CPC Central Committee (National Academy of Governance), in "Persisting in Tempering Strong Party Character Is a Lifelong Subject for Party Members and Cadres," deeply analyzes that tempering strong Party character has been a consistent requirement of Chinese Communists for more than one hundred years, and from the five aspects of firming up ideals and convictions, forging loyalty to the Party, deepening the sentiment of serving the people, purifying moral character, and maintaining integrity and honesty, puts forward the key tasks for accurately grasping the tempering of strong Party character. It is necessary to take the integration of learning, thinking, and application and the unity of knowledge and belief as fundamental requirements, nourish Party character cultivation with the Party's innovative theory, temper Party character and conduct on the front line of work and entrepreneurship, rely on strict intra-Party political life to refine Party character, build an institutional guarantee system for lifelong tempering of Party character, and in the unity of knowledge and action (知行合一, zhi xing he yi - "know, act, combine, one") truly establish and strengthen strong Party character.
Party character education is a required course for Communists to cultivate their moral character. Tempering strong Party character requires not only the strict refinement of intra-Party political life, the political tempering of practical work, and the constraint and guarantee of disciplinary supervision, but also the infiltration and nourishment of the Party's innovative theory and the sustained effect of Party character education. Zhang Peng, Executive Vice President in Charge of Daily Work of China Executive Leadership Academy Jinggangshan, points out in "Building a Scientific and Systematic Party Character Education System" that Party character education is the primary responsibility and core business of Party schools and cadre academies, that Xi Jinping's thought on Party building must be taken as the fundamental principle and important content for carrying out Party character education, and from the aspects of building a systematic and complete goal system for Party character education, a scientific and standardized content system for Party character education, an effective and practical system of methods and approaches for Party character education, and a comprehensive and rigorous training management system for Party character education, expounds on how to further enhance the pertinence and effectiveness of Party character education, so as to play its due role in helping Party members and cadres temper strong Party character and cultivate the "study of the mind" of Communists.
Return to TopBy: 商志晓
General Secretary Xi Jinping has pointed out: "Party spirit, Party conduct, and Party discipline form an organic whole; Party spirit is the foundation, Party conduct is the manifestation, and Party discipline is the guarantee." The Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Party deeply grasped the laws governing the building of a Marxist governing party, clearly designated strengthening Party spirit as the fundamental task of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, and required all Party members and cadres to uphold the Party's nature and purpose, making the enhancement of Party spirit cultivation a lifelong subject. On the new journey, to persistently advance full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, we must firmly grasp the fundamental task of strengthening Party spirit, educate and guide the broad ranks of Party members and cadres to firmly establish ideals and convictions, forge unwavering loyalty to the Party, cultivate deep feelings for the people, adhere to seeking truth from facts, purify moral character, and maintain integrity and honesty, so as to be loyal, clean, and responsible, and forever preserve the political character of Communists.
Party spirit is the foundation of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party and the root of a Communist's standing in the world
Party spirit is the essential attribute and inner character of a Marxist political party, centrally embodying the Party's class foundation, political stance, fundamental purpose, and value pursuit; it is the fundamental marker distinguishing it from other political parties. For Party members and cadres, Party spirit is manifested in the conscious identification with and firm practice of the Party's nature and purpose, ideals and convictions, original aspiration and founding mission, and discipline and rules. Grasping the building of Party spirit means grasping the foundation of Party governance and Party management.
Party spirit is the cornerstone of a Party member or cadre's standing in the world. General Secretary Xi Jinping has emphasized, "Party spirit is the cornerstone of a Party member or cadre's standing, career, speech, and moral conduct." Our Party is a Marxist political party, the vanguard of the working class, and the vanguard of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation. The Party's vanguard nature determines that every Party member must temper strong Party spirit and play a vanguard and exemplary role. The Party's vanguard nature is not abstract; it must ultimately be embodied through the concrete actions of every Party member. Only when every Party member possesses strong Party spirit can the Party's overall vanguard nature be guaranteed. When Party spirit is strong, "righteousness resides within, and evil cannot intrude," forging an "indestructible body"; when Party spirit is weak, one is easily contaminated by negative and erroneous things, and over time "when qi and blood are insufficient, a hundred illnesses arise"; once Party spirit is lost, one inevitably degenerates and changes in nature, moving to the opposite side of the Party and the people. For the Party's cause, when Party members have strong Party spirit, the Party's body can be unbreakable; when Party members' Party spirit weakens, the Party's cause will lose its foundation.
Strengthening Party spirit is the fundamental strategy for governing and managing the Party. Full and rigorous self-governance of the Party has at its core the strengthening of the Party's leadership, with comprehensiveness as its foundation, strictness as its key, and governance as its crux. The foundation, key, and crux of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party all require firmly grasping Party spirit as the internal factor and the essence of governance. Party discipline and institutions are the "external factors," which constrain Party members' behavior by establishing rules and clarifying bottom lines; Party spirit cultivation is the "internal factor," which, by consolidating the foundation and nourishing the source, and rectifying the root and clearing the source, stimulates Party members' endogenous motivation for self-purification, self-improvement, self-innovation, and self-enhancement. Full and rigorous self-governance of the Party requires not only iron discipline and rigid institutions, but also strong Party spirit to consolidate the foundation and nourish the source. Discipline and institutions solve the problems of "not daring" and "not being able," while Party spirit cultivation solves the problem of "not wanting"; the two complement each other, treating both the symptoms and the root causes (标本兼治, biao ben jian zhi - "symptom, root, both, treat"). Taking the strengthening of Party spirit as the fundamental task of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party reflects our Party's profound grasp of the laws of Party governance and Party management, embodies the Party governance strategy of "combining punishment and prevention, with emphasis on prevention," and is the fundamental strategy for preventing and resolving political risks at the source.
Facing the "four major challenges," "four major tests," and "four dangers" head-on, strengthening Party spirit has practical necessity and urgency. The new situations and new problems facing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party pose major challenges to the Party's governing capacity, leadership level, quality of the ranks, and resistance to corruption and degeneration under the new circumstances; the tests of governance, reform and opening up, the market economy, and the external environment facing our Party, as well as the dangers of mental slackness, insufficient capability, detachment from the masses, and passive corruption, are long-term, complex, and severe; the prominent problems of impurity in thought, organization, and conduct within the Party have not yet been fundamentally resolved. We must clearly recognize that there are still a small number of Party members and cadres who have problems of "weakening, diluting, and hollowing out" of Party spirit to varying degrees: some are confused in faith and lost in spirit, with wavering ideals and convictions; some have weak political consciousness and are disloyal and dishonest to the Party; some have degenerated in their concept of purpose, detached from the masses and condescending; some are lax in discipline, being hypocritical or insincere (阳奉阴违, yang feng yin wei - "yang, obey; yin, disobey") and acting on their own; some have distorted views of power, abusing power for personal gain and becoming corrupt and degenerate. These problems warn us that the tempering of Party spirit cannot be accomplished once and for all, let alone trying to accomplish everything in one single effort (毕其功于一役, bi qi gong yu yi yi - "finish, all, work, at, one, battle"). The more complex the situation and the more arduous the tasks, the more necessary it is to strengthen Party spirit cultivation, continuously enhance Party consciousness, Party member consciousness, and vanguard consciousness, and achieve political sobriety and firmness, ideological purity and cleanliness, and action-oriented responsibility.
Precisely grasp the focal points for strengthening Party spirit and continue to work hard on six key aspects
Strengthening Party spirit is not an abstract slogan; it must be implemented in the process of cultivating specific behaviors and excellent qualities. Party spirit cultivation is not a matter of a short period but a lifelong matter; one must live, learn, and cultivate until old age. To enhance Party consciousness, Party member consciousness, and vanguard consciousness, we must align with the Plenary Session's deployment, grasp it comprehensively, focus on key points, advance it in an integrated manner with sustained, long-term effort, and push Party spirit cultivation deeper, more practical, and more into the heart.
Firmly establish ideals and convictions and forge the soul of Party spirit. Ideals and convictions are the "calcium" in the spirit of Communists; without ideals and convictions, or with unsteady ideals and convictions, one will suffer "calcium deficiency" in spirit and contract "rickets." The lofty ideal of communism and the common ideal of socialism with Chinese characteristics are the spiritual pillar and political soul of Chinese Communists. In strengthening Party spirit cultivation, the first priority is to unswervingly use Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era to guide practice and promote work, consolidate the foundation of faith, replenish the calcium of the spirit, and steady the rudder of thought, solving the "master switch" problem of worldview, outlook on life, and values. Educate and guide Party members and cadres to take the firm establishment of ideals and convictions as a lifelong subject, always ensuring that political direction does not deviate and ideals and convictions do not waver, and withstand the tests of various storms.
Forge unwavering loyalty to the Party and keep the direction of Party spirit on course. Loyalty to the Party is the primary political quality of Communists and the core content of Party spirit cultivation. To forge unwavering loyalty to the Party, the most fundamental thing is to deeply comprehend the decisive significance of the Two Establishments (两个确立), enhance the Four Consciousnesses (四个意识), strengthen the Four Confidences (四个自信), and achieve the Two Upholds (两个维护), consciously maintaining a high degree of consistency with the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core in thought, politics, and action. Loyalty to the Party is concrete and practical; it must be reflected in concrete actions to implement the Party Central Committee's decisions and deployments, in resolute implementation of the Party's theories, lines, principles, and policies, and in firm positions on major principled issues. Educate and guide Party members and cadres to achieve the "five musts" and strictly guard against the "seven have-beens," never allowing discounts, choices, or alterations in the implementation of the Party Central Committee's decisions and deployments, and truly loving the Party, speaking for the Party, worrying about the Party, and working for the Party, implementing love for the Party, concern for the Party, revitalization of the Party, and protection of the Party in every link and level of work and life.
Cultivate deep feelings for the people and firmly establish the Party spirit stance. Party spirit and people's nature are unified and consistent. Our Party comes from the people, is rooted in the people, and serves the people; the people's stance is the fundamental political stance of the Chinese Communist Party. We must uphold the fundamental purpose of serving the people wholeheartedly, always place the people in the highest position in our hearts, take the people's aspiration for a better life as our goal of struggle, effectively solve the people's urgent, difficult, and anxious problems, and continuously enhance the people's sense of gain, happiness, and security. Adhere to the Party's mass line, maintain close ties with the masses, learn from the people and take the people as teachers, breathe the same air, share the same fate, and be heart-to-heart with the people, resolutely oppose formalism and bureaucratism, ensure that power is used for the people, feelings are tied to the people, and interests are sought for the people, and manifest the Party spirit character of Communists in bringing well-being to the people.
Adhere to seeking truth from facts and abide by the principles of Party spirit. Seeking truth from facts is the fundamental viewpoint of Marxism, the fundamental requirement for our Party to understand and transform the world, and the basic method of thinking and working of our Party. Adhering to seeking truth from facts means adhering to proceeding from reality in everything, linking theory with practice, and testing and developing truth in practice. Educate and guide Party members and cadres to consciously uphold truth-seeking and pragmatism, speak truth, offer practical measures, do practical things, and seek practical results, and resolutely guard against formalism and bureaucratism; dare to uphold truth and dare to correct errors, have the courage to face problems and confront contradictions head-on, and be clear-cut and uncompromising on major principled issues. Especially in investigation and research, we must adhere to a problem-oriented approach, go deep into reality, go deep into the grassroots, and go deep among the masses, get a clear picture of the situation, identify problems accurately, and put forward practical countermeasures, making all work more in line with objective reality and more in line with the will of the people, and manifest the scientific attitude and pragmatic character of Communists with an excellent style of seeking truth from facts.
Purify moral character and cultivate the character of Party spirit. The moral character of Party members and cadres is an important manifestation of Party spirit; all comrades in the Party must understand great virtue, uphold public virtue, and strictly observe private virtue. Take moral cultivation as an important content, consciously practice the core socialist values, and promote values such as loyalty and honesty, fairness and uprightness, seeking truth from facts, and integrity and honesty. Cultivate healthy life interests, maintain noble spiritual pursuits, pay attention to the building of family, family education, and family conduct, strictly require family members and staff around them, and nourish the advanced nature and purity of Communists with good moral conduct. Consciously accept supervision, be cautious when alone and in small matters, be cautious from beginning to end, be the same on stage and off stage, the same in front of others and behind their backs, the same inside and outside working hours, and inspire the masses and unite people's hearts with the noble character and moral strength of Communists.
Maintain integrity and honesty and hold the bottom line of Party spirit. Integrity and honesty are the foundation of a Communist's standing in the world and the background color that must not be discarded. In full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, we must always maintain a "zero tolerance" attitude toward corruption, and advance in an integrated manner the goals of not daring to be corrupt, not being able to be corrupt, and not wanting to be corrupt. Educate and guide Party members and cadres to establish a correct view of power, status, and interests, adhere to fair use of power, lawful use of power, use of power for the people, and clean use of power, and achieve reverence, caution, and adherence to bottom lines. Revere the Party, revere the people, and revere laws and discipline, strictly abide by the spirit of the Central Committee's Eight-Point Regulation, consciously resist hedonism and extravagance, and resolutely fight against all kinds of passive and corrupt phenomena. Bear in mind that "do not stretch out your hand, for if you do, you will surely be caught," calculate well the political, economic, reputational, family, kinship, freedom, and health accounts, and always maintain the political character of Communists of integrity and honesty and being incorruptible and having a clean lifestyle (两袖清风, liang xiu qing feng - "two, sleeves, clear, wind").
Adhere to unifying knowledge and action and achieve the organic unity of Party spirit tempering and responsible action
Party spirit cultivation emphasizes practice and values implementation. Party spirit is not a slogan hung on the lips but a responsibility implemented in action; the quality of Party spirit ultimately depends on whether one can withstand tests, shoulder responsibilities, and accomplish practical things in undertaking work and starting businesses. We must adhere to unifying knowledge and action (知行合一, zhi xing he yi - "know, act, combine, one"), adhere to the organic unity of Party spirit tempering and responsible action, and transform strong Party spirit into practical results in advancing the great cause of building a strong country and national rejuvenation.
Adhere to constant cultivation and repeated tempering, making Party spirit tempering a lifelong practice. The Party spirit cultivation of leading cadres will not naturally improve with the growth of Party membership years or the promotion of positions; it requires lifelong effort. There are no "inspection-free" Party members within the Party, and there is no "graduation" from Party spirit tempering. We must educate and guide Party members and cadres to break the "passing the test" mentality and overcome the "resting" mindset, take the strengthening of Party spirit cultivation as a lifelong subject, achieve living to old age, learning to old age, and reforming to old age, and continuously strengthen it through self-purification, self-improvement, self-innovation, and self-enhancement. Take strict Party member education and management as a regular task, adhere to building the Party through ideology and strengthening the Party through theory, promote the institutionalization and regularization of theoretical study, nourish Party spirit in continuous learning, examine Party spirit in repeated self-comparison, and temper Party spirit in long-term practice, making strong Party spirit the most reliable "political ID card" of Communists.
Dare to take responsibility and act, and temper strong Party spirit in practical struggle. Practice produces true knowledge, and struggle tempers Party spirit. The strength or weakness of Party spirit can only be fully tested in practice, in struggle, and at critical moments. We must guide the broad ranks of Party members and cadres to throw themselves into the main battlefield of reform and development, the front line of maintaining security and stability, and the forefront of serving the masses, undergoing tempering in urgent, difficult, dangerous, and heavy tasks, forging character in major tests, and growing abilities in complex environments. The more difficult and contradictory the places, the more they are examination halls for testing and tempering Party spirit. The broad ranks of Party members and cadres must dare to take responsibility and be good at acting in work such as promoting high-quality development, safeguarding and improving people's livelihood, and preventing and resolving major risks, charging forward at critical moments and stepping up in times of crisis, fully playing the vanguard and exemplary role of Communists, and interpreting the vanguard character of Communists with concrete actions and practical results.
Strengthen institutional constraints and consolidate the political responsibility of Party organizations for governing and managing the Party. Strengthening Party spirit depends on both Party members' self-discipline and organizational heteronomy. Party organizations at all levels must earnestly shoulder the primary responsibility for full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, integrate Party spirit education into the entire process of Party member education, management, and supervision, adhere to the strict tone, strict measures, and strict atmosphere, and implement strict standards in all links of Party member development, education and training, daily management, and democratic appraisal. Make good use of the "four forms" of supervision and discipline enforcement, adhere to grasping early and small matters and preventing problems before they arise, promptly remind and correct tendencies and problems of a budding nature among Party members and cadres, and prevent small problems from becoming big problems and small seepages from becoming major collapses. Improve the system of Party regulations and rules, promote the transformation of Party spirit requirements into institutional constraints and daily norms, so that strengthening Party spirit has both ideological consciousness and institutional guarantees, forming a work pattern of joint management and coordinated advancement.
Closely link to the development of the cause and practice loyalty, cleanliness, and responsibility with strong Party spirit. Strengthening Party spirit must ultimately fall on loyalty, cleanliness, and responsibility, and on fulfilling duties and shouldering the heavy responsibilities of the times. The broad ranks of Party members and cadres must transform strong Party spirit into powerful motivation for undertaking work and starting businesses, based on their own positions, working hard and doing solid work, with a sense of urgency that time waits for no one and the spirit of seizing the day, leaving marks in grasping iron and footprints in stepping on stone, and implementing the Party Central Committee's decisions and deployments step by step. Integrate personal pursuits into the cause of the Party and the people, correctly handle the relationships between the small self and the big self, the partial and the whole, and the current and the long-term, contribute wisdom and strength to the great cause of building a strong country and national rejuvenation, demonstrate responsibility and action, be visible in ordinary times, stand up at critical moments, and step forward in times of crisis, and win the trust and support of the people with excellent Party spirit.
(The author is a professor at Shandong Normal University and director of the Research Institute of Contemporary Chinese Marxism at Shandong Province universities)
Return to TopBy: 姜泽廷 卢春龙
The Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Party made systematic arrangements for persistently and continuously (持之以恒, chi zhi yi heng - "hold, continue, with, constant") advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party. The deepening of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party in depth is the systematic deepening of the Party's self-revolution at the levels of institutional construction and institutional implementation. Institutions are the foundation; talent is the key. Governing the Party through institutions and governing the Party through rules requires not only improving a scientific and effective institutional system with intra-Party regulations as its backbone, but also forging a professional work force loyal to the Party, loyal to the country, loyal to the people, and loyal to the law, so as to enhance the quality and effectiveness of institutional implementation. The two are organically unified (有机统一, you ji tong yi - "organic, unity"), jointly constituting the key support for improving the system of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party. Colleges and universities stand on the front line of transforming the Party's innovative theories into disciplinary knowledge and transforming institutional requirements into educational standards, bearing the important mission of converting disciplinary advantages and talent advantages into governance effectiveness that serves full and rigorous self-governance of the Party.
Persistently and continuously advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party places systematic requirements on political science and law colleges and universities
The deepening of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party in depth is a profound leap in the governance form from breakthrough on key points to systematic integration, and from centralized governance to normal and long-term effectiveness, placing more enduring and more systematic demands on the quality of institutional supply, the professional competence of the work force, and the operational effectiveness of governance.
From the perspective of institutional development, the construction of the intra-Party regulations system has entered the stage of improving quality and enhancing effectiveness. After comparatively systematically resolving the basic issue of "having rules to follow," the current need is to respond to the quality topic of "implementing rules effectively," promoting a shift in the focus of institutional development from the accumulation of the quantity of enacted rules to enhancing systemic coordination and implementation effectiveness, and coordinating normative attributes, effectiveness hierarchies, procedural linkages, and implementation evaluation in the enactment, amendment, repeal, and interpretation of rules, so that the institutions become more scientific and rigorous, more complete in supporting facilities, and more effective in operation. Standing in the new stage, it is necessary to respond to the deep-seated issues in institutional development and operation with solid theoretical support.
From the perspective of work force development, the standardized, law-based, and regularized development of discipline inspection and supervision work is advancing in depth, and the governance of the Party places higher demands on the political literacy, disciplinary and legal literacy, and professional competence of the discipline inspection and supervision work force. Facing the new trends of increasingly complex supervision scenarios and more concealed forms of corruption, short-term rotational training can meet stage-by-stage operational needs, but the deep-seated demand of discipline inspection and supervision work for composite professional competence must rely on the complete academic education system and systematic professional training of colleges and universities to achieve stable and sustainable supply of the talent work force.
As full and rigorous self-governance of the Party advances in depth, the mission positioning of political science and law colleges and universities becomes more prominent and their functional coordinates become clearer. Party and government organs are the main bodies of institutional implementation and governance practice; cadre training colleges and universities focus on policy publicity and short-term rotational training; research institutes focus on special-topic theory and policy research. Political science and law colleges and universities, however, possess the distinctive characteristics of complete disciplinary establishment, systematic academic education, large-scale talent cultivation, and sustainable academic accumulation, and are able to advance in an integrated manner the construction of an independent knowledge system, the delivery of professional talent, and whole-chain intellectual services, possessing the unique function of providing foundational and long-term support for full and rigorous self-governance of the Party.
Deepen disciplinary collaborative development and consolidate the theoretical foundation for governing the Party through institutions
The disciplinary system is the core carrier of knowledge production. As full and rigorous self-governance of the Party enters the in-depth stage of systematic integration and quality and effectiveness improvement, there is an urgent need for a mature independent knowledge system to provide strong support. Political science and law colleges and universities should promote the collaborative development of the disciplines of law and discipline inspection and supervision, distill the practical experience of governing the Party, form systematic disciplinary achievements, and consolidate the academic foundation for governing the Party according to rules.
Deepen research on intra-Party regulations and promote the high-quality development of the institutional system. The development of the intra-Party regulations system moving from "system formation" to "quality improvement" is essentially the deepening of normative supply from quantitative completeness to scientific precision. Improving the quality of institutional development requires both grasping the political direction and clarifying normative hierarchies, optimizing procedural design, and improving evaluation mechanisms from a theoretical perspective, so as to resolve issues such as institutional coordination, implementation costs, and grassroots adaptation, ensuring that institutions stand firm and work. Political science and law colleges and universities should systematically carry out research in directions such as basic theory, filing and review, and the linkage between discipline and law, providing theoretical support for the enactment, amendment, repeal, and interpretation of intra-Party regulations; promote the development of intra-Party regulations research from the cultivation of a disciplinary direction toward an independent disciplinary establishment; effectively link scientific research with education and teaching; and continuously promote the improvement of the intra-Party regulations system in a more scientific, rigorous, practical, and effective direction.
Improve the disciplinary system of discipline inspection and supervision and serve the enhancement of the level of supervision, discipline enforcement, and law enforcement. The standardization, law-based governance, and regularization of discipline inspection and supervision work lie in bringing supervision, discipline enforcement, and law enforcement into the institutional track, ensuring the regulated operation of power through stable rules, procedures, and methods. Discipline inspection and supervision work is highly political and highly practical. To achieve high-quality development, it is necessary to complete the leap from scattered practical experience to systematic disciplinary knowledge, forming a theoretical system, methodological system, and technical system that can be inherited, replicated, and promoted.
Advance the integration and interconnection of discipline and law and release the synergistic effectiveness of disciplines. The key to adhering to the organic unity of law-based governance and governing the Party according to rules lies in opening up the linkage channels between intra-Party regulations and national laws, and between discipline enforcement and law enforcement, which, when implemented at the specific level of disciplinary development, is reflected in the deep integration of the study of intra-Party regulations and the study of discipline inspection and supervision. Discipline is stricter than law, and discipline precedes law. Party discipline and national law have both differences in normative hierarchy and a connected value core, which necessarily requires the integrated application of the discipline yardstick and the legal yardstick, achieving the organic integration of normative identification, procedural linkage, evidentiary standards, and responsibility determination. Political science and law colleges and universities should, based on their disciplinary synergy advantages, take the interconnection of discipline and law and the linkage of law with law as the main direction of interdisciplinary research, carry out systematic research around core propositions such as the demarcation of boundaries between discipline and law, procedural linkage, evidence transformation, and responsibility aggregation, integrate the higher standards of intra-Party regulations with the bottom-line norms of national laws into theoretical construction, continuously provide theoretical support for improving the mechanism for the articulation and coordination of intra-Party regulations with national laws and regulations, and transform institutional advantages into actual governance effectiveness for governing the Party and governing the country.
Improve the talent cultivation system and forge an excellent professional work force
The deepening of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party in depth ultimately depends on a high-quality and professional cadre work force for its implementation. The professional competence of the work force in the field of discipline inspection and supervision determines the quality and effectiveness of institutional operation and the level of Party governance. To resolve the structural contradiction of a shortage of professional talent, it is necessary to rely on the academic education system of colleges and universities, build a sustainable talent supply mechanism, and inject a source of living water into the cause of Party governance.
Improve the integrated and interconnected talent cultivation system. The talent capability demands in the field of Party governance have distinct hierarchical characteristics. From grassroots practical operations to meso-level overall coordination, and then to theoretical research and policy innovation, different positions have different emphases in their requirements for knowledge structure and capability literacy. Correspondingly, talent cultivation must build a complete system with layered classification and echeloned articulation, achieving precise matching between talent supply and position demand.
Deepen the practical-oriented education model of "combining theory and practice." The work of discipline inspection and supervision and intra-Party regulations is highly practical, and professional competence cannot be separated from practical tempering. The core of practical-oriented education is to establish a collaborative education mechanism between academia and the practical field, transform practical resources into teaching resources, and focus on resolving the problem of the disconnect between learning and application. Political science and law colleges and universities should promote the joint construction of collaborative cultivation mechanisms, achieve coordinated linkage of plans, mentors, courses, and practical training, and form demonstration models of inter-school cooperation; link with discipline inspection and supervision organs at all levels and the discipline inspection bodies of state-owned enterprises and central enterprises to jointly build high-level research and practice bases, organize students to participate in practical training, and temper political competence, disciplinary and legal literacy, and practical skills in an integrated manner in positions such as supervision and inspection and review and investigation; explore teaching mechanism reforms such as "practical mentors entering the classroom," promote the integration of frontline experience into teaching, and build an education pattern of two-way linkage between the classroom and practice.
Lay out the cultivation of composite talent in frontier interdisciplinary fields. In the digital era, the characteristics of concealment, digitalization, and cross-border nature of corruption forms are becoming prominent, and supervision, discipline enforcement, and law enforcement scenarios continue to iterate, placing higher demands on the composite competence of talent. Political science and law colleges and universities should prospectively lay out interdisciplinary cultivation directions, promote the empowerment of discipline inspection and supervision practice by digital technology, cultivate composite talent with both disciplinary and legal literacy and data capability, and support the construction of a smart supervision system; simultaneously expand cultivation directions such as overseas integrity and compliance and international cooperation against corruption, rely on the disciplinary advantages of foreign-related rule of law, serve the country's international cooperation against corruption and the overseas integrity and compliance needs of enterprises, and reserve strategic talent strength for the long-term development of Party governance.
Strengthen think tank support and practical coordination and enhance the effectiveness of Party governance
The effectiveness of disciplinary development and talent cultivation must ultimately be realized in governance practice. Political science and law colleges and universities should give play to their comprehensive disciplinary advantages, open up the channel for transforming theory into practice, and continuously promote the transformation of disciplinary advantages and talent advantages into governance effectiveness.
Serve institutional construction and policy advice with high-end think tanks. The deepening of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party in depth cannot be separated from professional theoretical support and decision-making consulting services. Relying on the interdisciplinary accumulation of law, intra-Party regulations, and discipline inspection and supervision, political science and law colleges and universities possess both the depth of normative research and the breadth of practical research, and are able to provide systematic intellectual support in areas such as the enactment, amendment, repeal, and interpretation of institutions, the mechanism for the linkage of discipline and law, and the evaluation of governance effectiveness. They are an important advisory force for serving scientific decision-making and enhancing the scientific level of Party governance.
Empower national governance and the cultivation of integrity culture through coordinated practice. To advance the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity, full and rigorous self-governance of the Party is an important guarantee. Political science and law colleges and universities, based on their disciplinary characteristics, strengthen supervision effectiveness with theoretical support and gather social consensus with the cultivation of integrity culture, and are an important force serving national governance. Political science and law colleges and universities should actively align with national regional development strategies, jointly build high-level research bases with local discipline inspection commissions and supervision commissions, jointly tackle overall topics such as digital supervision empowerment, integrity risk prevention and control in key areas, and the construction of a regional integrity-friendly business environment, promote the transformation of results into governance practice plans, and help the Party and state supervision system extend its coverage in depth; build an integrity culture communication matrix and promote the in-depth dissemination of integrity culture in the new era; carry out regular professional competence training for discipline inspection and supervision cadres, consolidate the foundation for the performance of duties by the supervision work force, and cultivate a clean and upright political atmosphere (风清气正, feng qing qi zheng - "wind, clear, air, upright") for advancing the modernization of national governance.
(The authors are respectively the Party Secretary of China University of Political Science and Law and the President of China University of Political Science and Law)
Return to TopBy: 张宜春
In July 2026, at the opening ceremony of the 2026 World Artificial Intelligence Conference and the High-Level Meeting on Global AI Governance, President Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out in his keynote speech: "The development and application of artificial intelligence should not erode or damage the diversity of world civilizations and the cultural uniqueness of various countries." This important assertion raises a major cultural proposition for the intelligent era: when artificial intelligence deeply intervenes in human cognition, how can the subjectivity of Chinese culture be consolidated?
At present, artificial intelligence represented by large models is becoming a new vehicle for carrying the Way (dao). People are increasingly accustomed to acquiring knowledge, forming judgments, and understanding the world through dialogue with models. The output of large models is increasingly becoming the first source from which the masses accept "facts." Data, computing power, and algorithms are the three major elements of AI development. Computing power can be purchased, and algorithms can be iterated; only data, to a large extent, defines the model's knowledge genealogy and, together with alignment training, shapes its value orientation. The competition over data is, at a deep level, a competition over the right of cultural interpretation. The consolidation and development of Chinese cultural subjectivity is manifested not only in the content output by large models, but also in the cultural lineage foundation constructed by large models. In the era of artificial intelligence, the roots of cultural lineage have already extended deep into the training data. Whether data can carry the Way is directly related to the consolidation and development of cultural subjectivity in the era of artificial intelligence.
Cultural data is fundamentally different from data in other fields, which means it cannot be directly "fed" to large models without processing. In fields such as industry, healthcare, and general imagery, the boundaries of annotated objects are relatively clear, and disagreements can be adjudicated within technical standards. Cultural data is different. First, cultural data is mostly multimodal data: ancient paintings are images, guqin music is sound, intangible cultural heritage is video, and ancient architecture is three-dimensional point clouds. The cultural semantics behind the data are not self-evident. Without annotation, models find it difficult to learn the era and subject matter behind pixels, the qupai and vocal styles behind sound waves, or the form and provenance behind point clouds. Second, cultural content is complex and varied, a mixture of good and bad elements (良莠不齐, liang you bu qi - "good, bad, not, equal"), with polysemy shifting across eras, divergent editions of the same classic, polarized evaluations of the same figure, and the best and the worst parts of something (精华与糟粕, jing hua yu zao bo - "essence, and, dregs, refuse") coexisting, with no clear definitions or boundaries. If annotation is correct, what the model learns is cultural facts; if annotation is wrong or absent, what it learns is only error and confusion. Therefore, selecting the essence from all kinds of cultural data, giving it clear definitions and explanations through annotation, and forging high-quality cultural corpora with legal sources, traceable provenance, credible content, and standardized annotation—referred to in this article as "credible historical data"—is precisely the achievement passed down through generations and the foundation for standing in the world in the era of artificial intelligence.
So, this matter concerning the roots of cultural lineage requires drawing on the practice of historiography. In Chinese cultural cognition, historiography has always carried immense weight; what history preserves is a civilization's memory of and attitude toward itself. Since the establishment of the Historiography Bureau in the Tang Dynasty, compiling history gradually became a state institution, and once a historical work was written, it became the basis for later generations' understanding. Throughout the ages, historiography has involved selecting and verifying historical materials, establishing definitive texts and correct interpretations based on facts, and exercising extreme caution in transmitting them to posterity, forming a complete cognitive institution for preserving credibility for later generations. Forging data into credible historical data has three principles.
The first is selection and credibility: first determine what enters the repository. Faced with a vast ocean of mixed data, one must answer: what content is qualified to be transmitted to posterity—only content that is important, certain, and of value for the continuation of cultural lineage, whether it comes from transmitted classics, museum collections, intangible cultural heritage records, or internet-native data. The way of selection and credibility: the repository may be broad in its collection, but what is admitted must be rigorously vetted. Just as selected readings in elementary education shape children and the calligraphic style of the Spring and Autumn Annals shapes later generations, the aim is not quantity or completeness, but to establish what is correct, fix what is accurate, and transmit what is essential. In the past, when Sima Guang compiled the Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Governance, he first wrote the thirty-volume Textual Research on the Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Governance, explicitly stating the reasons for inclusion and exclusion and preserving divergent accounts: any corpus material selected must likewise undergo multi-source verification and distinguishing the fake from the real (辨伪存真, bian wei cun zhen - "distinguish, fake, preserve, true") before it can enter the repository.
The second is establishing definitive texts: using annotation to create correct interpretations. For corpus materials entering the repository, annotation achieves "four determinations": determining the name, standardizing its title and attribution; determining the nature, standardizing its era, authenticity, category, and provenance; determining the meaning, standardizing its original sense, context, and cultural connotation, explained thoroughly and accurately; determining the value, indicating its value context and evaluative coordinates. Once the four determinations are complete, the definitive text is established; divergent accounts that cannot be settled for the time being are preserved in annotations. The Guliang Commentary states the principle of the Spring and Autumn Annals: "transmit what is credible as credible, transmit what is doubtful as doubtful": the main label establishes what is "transmitted as credible," and the annotations preserve what is "transmitted as doubtful," establishing a unified standard while also preserving an outlet for controversy. Annotation is the soul process of forging credible historical data: through it, data is transformed from raw material into correct interpretation.
The third is transmission to posterity: putting it to use. Credible historical data should be openly supplied in a public-interest form, and through mechanisms such as high-quality dataset catalogs, model filing, and safety evaluation, guide the industry to adopt it preferentially, making it the foundational corpus for large models' cultural cognition; at the same time, evaluation benchmarks should be formed on the basis of credible historical data to promptly discover and correct models' cultural cognitive biases, forming a closed loop of "training injecting it within, evaluation guarding it without, and alignment threading through it," guiding models to embody socialist core values. Only in this way can the subjectivity of Chinese culture enter the cognitive systems of hundreds of millions of people through model services.
The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China proposed building a system of symbols for Chinese civilization, and the "four determinations" annotation is precisely the machine-readable form of this symbol system; the State Council's Opinions on Deeply Implementing the "AI+" Action explicitly requires strengthening innovation in data supply and continuously strengthening the construction of high-quality AI datasets; the National Data Administration issued the Implementation Plan for Promoting the Construction of High-Quality Datasets in Industries, which for the first time systematically deploys data to empower AI development at the national level and specifically establishes an "annotation offensive" action. The cultural field urgently needs to produce its own high-quality datasets, and credible historical data is precisely the right task. At a deeper level, forging data into credible historical data is the implementation lever and concrete measure for the construction of the three major systems of philosophy and social sciences with Chinese characteristics in the era of artificial intelligence: only when the achievements of the three major systems enter the training process in the form of credible historical data can they appear in the cognitive production of the intelligent era; transforming the independent knowledge system into machine-readable data is precisely the key leap of the three major systems from "on paper" to "in data." Gathering the nation's finest talents to forge data into credible historical data is a foundational project for eliminating confusion and returning to the original source (正本清源, zheng ben qing yuan - "correct, root, clear, source") in the era of artificial intelligence, bearing on the consolidation of cultural subjectivity and on the very foundation of the inheritance and development of Chinese civilization.
Chinese civilization has long had the tradition of compiling history in times of prosperity. The high-quality cultural data used by artificial intelligence is, in a sense, the "history" of the new era. Forging data into credible historical data is our generation's work of historiography. Our predecessors used brush and ink to preserve credible history for ten thousand generations; our generation uses data to establish the correct source for a thousand autumns. This mission now falls on the shoulders of researchers of the new era.
(The author is Director of the Digital Art Department of the China Institute of Arts Science and Technology)
Return to TopBy: 王占一
"Making loyalty and trustworthiness the foundation" (主忠信) comes from the Analects, chapter "Xue Er." When Confucius discussed the cultivation of the exemplary person (junzi), he emphasized that loyalty and trustworthiness serve as the foundation. Zhu Xi interpreted their meaning as "exhausting oneself is called loyalty; being truthful in substance is called trustworthiness." Loyalty centers on devoting one's full effort; trustworthiness centers on honesty. The two run through a person's words and deeds. The single character "zhu" (主, "to make the foundation") indicates that loyalty and trustworthiness should become the root of one's standing in the world, from which one must never deviate even for a moment. Whether one takes seriously the matters others entrust to one, whether one treats one's own promises with solemnity, and how one weighs choices between human sentiment and moral duty — all reveal the depth of one's cultivation.
Exhausting oneself with loyalty, bearing responsibility in handling affairs
"In counseling others, have I been disloyal?" Zengzi listed devoting one's full effort to others as a key matter for daily self-examination. When undertaking matters on another's behalf, one should understand their circumstances and carefully weigh the pros and cons. Once a matter is placed in one's hands, one must bear the corresponding responsibility. Devoting effort when it benefits oneself but going through the motions when it brings no advantage to oneself loses the meaning of loyalty and sincerity. To exhaust oneself is to keep other people's affairs at heart and to put one's own due duty into actual practice.
The value of loyalty and sincerity lies in carrying a task through to completion. When Prime Minister Ziwen left office, he still informed his successor of government affairs, and Confucius praised him, saying he was "loyal indeed." Positions may change, but responsibilities already undertaken should be accounted for. The same applies in everyday collaboration: when encountering difficulties, one should take the initiative to consult others; when problems are discovered, one should offer timely reminders; matters handled should be properly concluded. Being willing to think one step further and do one step more is what makes another person's entrustment something they can rely upon.
Devoting one's full effort also requires seeking practical results. In planning for others, one must have both sincerity and a willingness to put in the work. When the situation is unclear, one should investigate deeply; when one's abilities are insufficient, one should study diligently and seek instruction; when opinions differ, one should communicate patiently. If one is satisfied with mere verbal expressions of attitude, matters will remain remaining unresolved or undecided (悬而未决, xuan er wei jue - "suspend, and, not, decided"). Sincerity must be tested through practical affairs. One should ask both whether one has done one's utmost and whether the other person's problems have been resolved, so that devoting one's full effort becomes conduct that benefits others. Teachers conscientiously responding to students' questions, and leading cadres patiently resolving the difficulties of the masses — both are ways of practicing loyalty and sincerity within specific duties. Wherever responsibility is carried to its full extent, there the devotion of one's full effort is manifested.
Fulfilling one's words with trustworthiness, treating others with sincerity
"A person without trustworthiness — I do not know what can be done with him." Trustworthiness first requires that one's speech be truthful. Whatever one knows, one states truthfully to that extent; what one is not yet certain of, one candidly explains. Speech influences the judgments of others, and inaccurate expression may cause people to pay an unnecessary price. Exaggerating to please others, or concealing to protect oneself, both harm trust. Being willing to respect the facts is what makes communication have a reliable foundation. Verifying the source before spreading information, and distinguishing facts from inference when expressing opinions, are also part of the proper meaning of "words that have substance." The more convenient communication becomes, the more one must take responsibility for what one says.
Trustworthiness is also seen in the fulfillment of promises. Ji Bu was valued for the weight of a single promise, and Zengzi taught his son by killing a pig — both put trustworthiness into practice through action. Before making a promise, one should act according to one's ability (量力而行, liang li er xing - "measure, strength, and, act"), and not agree casually for the sake of a moment's pleasure. Once one has agreed, one must keep it in mind and do one's best to carry it out. Whether one is punctual for appointments, whether one returns borrowed items, whether one responds to commissions — these may seem trivial, but they are the direct basis on which others come to know a person. Trust accumulates in these exchanges. Taking one's own words seriously is also respecting the arrangements others have made on the basis of those words. When promises are treated lightly, what is damaged includes the other party's time and effort as well.
Keeping one's word sometimes requires paying a price. When things turn out harder than anticipated, still being willing to work to completion is what reveals the weight of a promise. When genuine difficulties arise, one should also explain in a timely manner, take the initiative to discuss solutions, and conscientiously make up for one's own oversights. Leaving the other party waiting indefinitely, or fobbing them off with vague words, only deepens the estrangement. For people to be able to cooperate with confidence, it depends on each side's words being credible and conduct being reliable. Cherishing one's credibility is also cherishing the trust that others have placed in one.
Taking righteousness as the standard, having principles in interactions
Youzi said, "When trustworthiness is close to righteousness, one's words can be fulfilled." When an agreement accords with moral duty, what has been said can then be properly carried out. Loyalty and trustworthiness require that words and deeds have substance, and also require clear discernment of right and wrong. Before making a promise, one should think clearly about whether the matter is proper, whether it harms others, and whether it violates the rules commonly observed. Casually agreeing to improper requests often leaves one caught in a dilemma later. Being cautious at the outset is precisely how one takes responsibility for a promise. Righteousness gives a promise its proper basis. Only by being able to refuse what should not be agreed to can one take responsibility to the end for what should be undertaken.
In friendship, one should encourage one another along the path of goodness. "Admonish loyally and guide them well" includes the duty of sincere remonstrance. When one sees a friend's words or conduct going astray, being able to speak up frankly and help them recognize the stakes counts as fulfilling one's duty as a friend. Where the choice between public and private interests is involved, one should be even more clear in one's position. However deep a personal friendship may be, it cannot be allowed to infringe upon the public interest. For requests that do not accord with moral duty, explaining candidly and clearly discouraging them both preserves one's own integrity and spares the other party from going astray.
Taking righteousness as the standard also requires guarding against simply accommodating one's own interests. One must not emphasize keeping one's word when it is advantageous and then use excuses to adapt when it is not. All proper promises should be conscientiously fulfilled, and when faults occur one should take the initiative to bear responsibility. Righteousness enables one to know what ought to be done; trustworthiness enables what ought to be done to be carried out. The two supporting each other is what makes interactions have both sincerity and standards, and maintain fairness across degrees of closeness and distance.
Practicing steadfastly with constancy, accumulating over time into virtue
"Making loyalty and trustworthiness the foundation" values persistence in holding fast. Devoting one's full effort occasionally is easy; sustaining responsibility over the long term requires patience. Keeping a promise for a moment is easy; remaining unchanged in the face of gains and losses reveals one's integrity all the more. Whether one handles a matter conscientiously when no one is watching over it, and whether one still keeps a promise in mind long after it was made, are both real tests. For loyalty and trustworthiness to become a habit, one must work at it through choice after choice, gradually developing a stable character. If one always first calculates whether one can profit or whether one will be praised, loyalty and trustworthiness will easily shift with self-interest. Regarding them as one's due duty is what gives them enduring strength.
Holding fast begins with not deceiving oneself. Yang Zhen refused gold in the night, responding to "no one knows in the dark of night" with "Heaven knows, the spirits know, I know, and you know," revealing that there are standards within one's own heart. Whether others can see cannot become the measure that determines one's conduct. Examining one's words and deeds when alone, and conscientiously fulfilling one's duties when no one is supervising, is what makes one's sincerity consistent whether before others or in private. Keeping the standards within one's heart firmly in place is what prevents loyalty and trustworthiness from changing with external circumstances.
Self-examination is what makes one's holding fast increasingly solid. Zengzi repeatedly asked himself about loyalty and trustworthiness, enlightening people to the need to apply cultivation to concrete matters. Whether one has been negligent in planning for others, whether one's words have been exaggerated, whether one has overlooked promises made — all deserve serious reflection. When deviations are discovered, correct them promptly; when there are deficiencies, make them up as best one can. Examining oneself daily and advancing in conduct daily is how one thickens one's virtue through continuous correction of faults, making loyalty and trustworthiness a cultivation that serves one for life.
The exemplary person makes loyalty and trustworthiness the foundation, undertaking tasks with a heart that exhausts itself, treating others with truthful words, weighing choices by moral duty, and achieving integrity through steadfast practice. Starting from every entrustment and every promise, loyalty and trustworthiness take on an everyday form, and the virtue of the exemplary person gains a solid support.
Return to TopBy: 黄柏权
The Rongmei Tusi was the most influential chieftain regime in southwestern Hubei during the Ming Dynasty. Although secluded deep within the Wuling mountains, it held vast territory and formidable strength, connecting eastward to the Jianghan Plain and westward to Chongqing and Guizhou. Situated at the core of the eastern Wuling mountain range, its jurisdiction at its peak spanned 7,000 square kilometers. Yet it was precisely such a chieftain regime, nestled deep in the southwestern mountains, that produced several chieftains with profound feelings for family and country, with Tian Shijue being the quintessential representative.
Passing Down Poetry and Prose Through the Family, Transforming Through Culture
In his childhood, Tian Shijue experienced an internal dispute over chieftain succession within his clan. Tian Shijue's elder brother Bai Libi, resentful that the eldest legitimate son Tian Shizong had inherited the position, seized an opportunity to murder Shizong along with Shizu, Shigui, and other sons. Tian Shijue, with the help of his wet nurse and her husband, fled to seek refuge with the Sangzhi Tusi. Later, following reports from subordinate officials and the Sangzhi Tusi, the Ming court dispatched officials to investigate, and only then was Bai Libi brought to justice. Many years later, Tian Shijue finally returned to the Rongmei Tusi to assume the hereditary position.
The hardships of his early years led Tian Shijue to deeply recognize that the bloody succession struggles within the clan stemmed from a failure to study poetry and books, ignorance of loyalty and filial piety, and unfamiliarity with ritual and law. After inheriting the chieftainship, he first of all led by example (以身作则, yi shen zuo ze - "take, body, act, rule"), diligently studying poetry and classics, learning ritual propriety, and mastering the arts of governance. Tian Shijue frequently socialized with literati and officials from outside the region, "valuing friendships, maintaining close ties with the princely establishments, circuits, and prefectures of Jingzhou, never a year passing without travel, and each journey lasting months or even years before his return." Under the influence of his personal example and instruction, the Rongmei Tusi gradually developed an excellent family tradition of farming and scholarship passed down through generations.
To ensure that his own children and the younger members of the clan received a good education, Tian Shijue either hired renowned teachers from the interior to instruct them or sent his descendants to study outside Rongmei territory, encouraging them to befriend famous scholars and great Confucians to broaden their horizons. Tian Shijue's strict education of his children yielded excellent results, and all eight of his sons achieved distinction. Among them, Tian Jiuxiao was "learned and profound, of extraordinary bearing, possessing both civil and martial talents"; Tian Jiulong was fond of the classics and poetry, treating people of talent with respect (礼贤下士, li xian xia shi - "ritual, worthy, descend, scholar"), and was "generous, bright, and perceptive, remembering everything at a single glance (一览不忘, yi lan bu wang - "one, glance, not, forget") from the books he read." The highest literary achievement belonged to Tian Jiuling, who "with great talent and deep learning, was ranked alongside the Seven Talents for his poetry and prose," and who widely befriended Han Chinese literati and celebrities such as Wu Guolun and Wang Shizhen. Tian Jiuling produced a large body of poetry throughout his life, and his works expressed strong patriotic sentiments. For instance, his "Song of the White Horse" declares: "A mighty name for a thousand ages, forever inscribed at the Jade Gate Pass. Ashamed to be of the Ju Meng sort, killing people within the lanes. I should devote my body to the state, my portrait hung in the halls of office," extolling the frontier soldiers who defended the borders and dedicated themselves to the country. After Tian Shijue and his sons, the Rongmei Tusi continued the family tradition of passing down poetry and prose, producing many poets such as Tian Zongwen, Tian Chuchan, Tian Xuan, Tian Ganlin, and Tian Peilin, many of whose works likewise expressed concern for the common people and anxiety for the state, manifesting profound feelings for family and country.
Tian Shijue's emphasis on educating his descendants and governing the chieftain's internal affairs through moral transformation coincided with the Ming central government's policy requiring chieftains to "all establish Confucian schools, selecting the most promising of their sons, younger brothers, and nephews to be educated," and that "henceforth, sons of native officials eligible for succession must all enter school, gradually absorbing civilized influence to reform their uncultivated natures. Those who do not attend school will not be permitted to inherit." This also indirectly demonstrates Tian Shijue's foresight and his compliance with the central dynasty. Tian Shijue's practice of passing down poetry and prose through the family, imbuing excellent family traditions with Chinese culture, and encouraging his descendants to serve the state loyally and fulfill their duties diligently, on the one hand strengthened internal rule within the chieftainship and avoided internal strife over succession; on the other hand, through the study of Confucian culture and ritual, it enhanced the chieftainship's high degree of identification with Chinese culture and with the great unity.
Turning Toward Civilization, Submitting to the Center
The Tusi system was a special institution through which the central dynasties of the Yuan, Ming, and Qing periods effectively governed the ethnic regions of the southwest, administering chieftains according to the principle of "aligning governance and cultivating education, ruling according to local customs." The appointment of chieftains, their tribute missions and the bestowal of imperial gifts, and their mobilization for military service were important means by which the central dynasty managed and maintained ties with the chieftains. Therefore, tribute was always a significant obligation of the southwestern chieftains toward the central dynasty. Paying tribute on schedule and presenting local products signified the chieftains' political recognition of and allegiance to the central dynasty.
According to incomplete statistics, among the chieftains of southwestern Hubei in the Ming Dynasty, the Rongmei Tusi made the most tribute missions, as many as 55, uninterrupted from the Hongwu reign of the early Ming through the Jiajing reign of the later period. According to the "Veritable Records of the Ming," Tian Shijue and his sons made nearly ten tribute missions, with tribute items mostly consisting of local incense, horses, and large timber. Seven tribute missions were directly connected to Tian Shijue himself. The first was in the eighth year of Zhengde (1513), when Tian Shijue dispatched the interpreter Tian Guang and others to present horses. The second was in the first month of the first year of Jiajing (1522), when Tian Shijue sent envoys to present incense. The third was in the seventh month of the first year of Jiajing (1522), when Tian Shijue dispatched a bailiff to present tribute and incense. The fourth was in the second year of Jiajing (1523), when he again sent envoys to present tribute. The fifth was in the fifth year of Jiajing (1526), when he presented local products to congratulate the emperor's birthday. The sixth was in the sixteenth year of Jiajing (1537), when he dispatched the bailiffs Xiang Shou and Zhang Xin to present incense. The last was in the thirty-fourth year of Jiajing (1555), when he presented fifty large timber logs for use in building the mausoleum for Emperor Jiajing's birth parents. These seven tribute missions were both a reflection of Tian Shijue assessing the situation and timing to act appropriately (审时度势, shen shi du shi - "examine, time, measure, situation") and striving with every ounce of strength (不遗余力, bu yi yu li - "not, leave, surplus, strength") to express loyalty to the court, and a manifestation of the Rongmei Tusi's submission to the central dynasty's rule and adherence to the great unity.
The Rongmei Tusi's identification with the central dynasty was also reflected in their ideological understanding and expressed in their literary creations. For example, Tian Xuan's "Poem of Reflections on New Year's Eve in the Year Jiashen" states, "I received the late emperor's favor and gifts, truly a rare encounter for a frontier minister; the Red Eyebrows wreak havoc, and I am deeply ashamed of the vermilion court robes; grieving over past events, I sob and compose this poem." Tian Xuan referred to Chongzhen as "the late emperor," used "Red Eyebrows" to allude to Li Zicheng, and used "vermilion court robes" to represent the Ming imperial regalia and the attire of court officials. Phrases such as "received the late emperor's favor and gifts" and "a rare encounter for a frontier minister" indicate that although he was a chieftain secluded in the mountainous southwest of Hubei, he voluntarily incorporated himself into the Ming dynasty's order of ruler and minister, expressing his utmost sincerity toward the central dynasty. The poems composed by Tian Xuan's sons Tian Peilin and Tian Jilin likewise contained sentiments of identification with the central dynasty. For instance, Tian Peilin wrote, "Solemn and grand, yet I mourn for myself; the pain lies in losing the sovereign's time; past events are dreams of the third watch, fleeting fame a game of chess," and Tian Jilin wrote, "The seasons are about to divide the days, lingering together at this moment; before the wine cup I repeatedly gaze at my sword, beneath the lamp I lazily move the chess pieces." These are all poetic expressions of their identification with the state.
Sacrificing Themselves to Resist the Japanese Pirates, Protecting Home and Country
Tian Shijue and his sons not only paid tribute on schedule but also actively complied with the central dynasty's mobilization orders, garrisoning frontiers and suppressing rebellions, making important contributions to maintaining social stability and national security. During the Jiajing reign, Japanese pirates (wokou) harassed China's southeastern coast. At that time, the military preparedness of the southeastern guard posts had fallen into disrepair, and the court had no choice but to dispatch generals to recruit troops to resist the pirates, and the recruited forces included the Rongmei native soldiers. The historian Chen Mengheng, in his book "A Study of the Japanese Pirate Incursions in the Ming Dynasty," divided the anti-pirate forces into four categories: garrison troops, transferred troops, recruited troops, and trained troops. "When garrison troops were insufficient, troops were transferred from various regions; among the documented transferred troops... the Rongmei and other chieftaincy troops numbered ten thousand." Hu Zongxian, the Grand Coordinator of Zhejiang who was then in overall command of southeastern military affairs, stated in his "Illustrated Compendium of Maritime Defense": "The guards of Jiuxi and other places in Huguang, the Rongmei Pacification Commission and other offices, the Sangzhi Pacification and Chief's offices, the Maliao and other battalions, and the Shangdongmao and other caves each possess brave and skilled native soldiers, well-versed in battle formations; suitable commanders of proven resourcefulness and valor should be selected from the various guards to lead them." In the anti-pirate campaigns along the southeastern coast, the presence of Rongmei native soldiers could be seen on many occasions.
In the thirty-fourth year of Jiajing (1555), Tian Jiuxiao led native soldiers to a great victory over Japanese pirates at Houmei in Shaoxing, achieving the "Great Victory at Houmei." Subsequently, leading Tian Jiuzhang and coordinating with government troops, he ambushed the pirates at Qingfeng Ridge in Sheng County, beheading and capturing over 170 enemies, achieving the "Great Victory at Qingfeng Ridge." This great victory caused the pirates to "fear the Zhejiang troops so much they dared not go south, and fear the native troops so much they dared not go north." Hu Zongxian highly praised this campaign, stating that "the Rongmei troops are the most elite and formidable among all the units; having marched ten thousand li to join the campaign, their morale is at its peak."
In the thirty-fifth year of Jiajing (1556), Japanese pirates who had drifted into Zhejiang from Fujian joined forces with the pirates at Qiancang. Tian Jiuxiao led his native troops, under the unified deployment of the court, to block the enemy at the Cao'e River, pursuing the pirates to Huangjia Mountain and annihilating them all. The Rongmei Tusi's achievements in resisting the pirates were recognized by the court: Tian Jiuxiao was bestowed a suit of red ramie clothing by the court, and Tian Jiuzhang was granted a cap and belt. Thereafter, the Rongmei native troops also participated in the "Battle of Xu Hai" to suppress the pirates, achieving the Great Victory at Shenjiazhuang, and Tian Jiuxiao was again granted silver rewards and inherited his ancestral position.
In the thirty-seventh year of Jiajing (1558), the Rongmei native troops were mobilized once again. Tian Shijue led troops under the command of the Regional Commander Yu Dayou to besiege the Japanese pirates at Zhoushan, achieving the "Victory at Zhoushan." This anti-pirate campaign fully demonstrated the formidable strength of the Rongmei native troops. Some commented that "although the two offices (Yongshun and Sangzhi) were also in the campaign and each had their merits, the Rongmei's achievement alone stood out the highest."
Tian Shijue, despite his advanced age, led his sons into battle, joining his sons Tian Jiuxiao, Tian Jiulong, and Tian Jiuzhang in leading over ten thousand native soldiers far from home to the southeastern anti-pirate front. The Rongmei native troops were strictly disciplined, employed hooked spears and crossbows, attacked the enemy unprepared and taking someone by surprise (出其不意, chu qi bu yi - "exit, its, not, intention"), fought bravely, and feared no sacrifice, successively achieving victories at Houmei, Qingfeng Ridge, the Cao'e River, Huangjia Mountain, Shenjiazhuang, and Zhoushan. The Rongmei officers and soldiers went to the nation's peril without regard for reward. Tian Jiuxiao deposited the court's reward of seventeen thousand taels of silver in the treasury of Jiaxing Prefecture and firmly declined to accept it, fully demonstrating his patriotic sentiment of serving the country not for profit and facing danger not for merit. In the forty-first year of Jiajing (1562), Tian Shijue, over eighty years old, died of illness in the military camp at Wuhu, fulfilling with his life the Tian family precept of "I should devote my body to the state." The Ming dynasty, commending his loyalty, posthumously conferred upon him the title of General Who Proclaims Military Virtue.
Although Tian Shijue lived on the frontier, he always cherished the world in his heart, held the state in his thoughts, and cared for the peaceful livelihood of the people. This spirit of dedication transcended the parochial interests of the chieftainship, embodying the Rongmei Tusi's political allegiance to the central dynasty, its identification with Chinese culture, and its conscious commitment to national unity. Tian Shijue and his descendants, passing down poetry and prose through the family, serving the country with loyalty and righteousness, and submitting to the great unity through their actions, left a glorious chapter in the history of the formation and development of the unified multi-ethnic state.
(The author is Dean of the School of History and Culture at Hubei University and a researcher at the Hubei University branch center of the Hubei Provincial Research Center for the Theoretical System of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics.)
Return to TopBy: 牛志奇
On October 14, 2026, the Changtai Longjin Ancient Weir Irrigation Project was successfully inscribed on the World Heritage Irrigation Structures list. Located in Changtai District, Zhangzhou City, Fujian Province, the Changtai Longjin Ancient Weir Irrigation Project comprises two irrigation structures, the Yanfu Weir and the Fifteen-Household Weir. First built during the Song Dynasty, it has a history of more than 800 years. It is a typical model of "low weir + long vine bearing melons (weir—canal—pond—ditch—field)" on mountain-stream-type rivers along the southeastern coast, and it still delivers comprehensive benefits in irrigation, drainage, and flood control today.
An engineering philosophy of guiding things according to circumstances (因势利导, yin shi li dao - "cause, follow, advantage, guide") and acting in accordance with the natural trend (顺势而为, shun shi er wei - "follow, trend, and, act")
The terrain of Changtai is high in the north and low in the south, surrounded by mountains on the east, west, and north, forming a "folding-fan-shaped" topography. The Longjin Stream winds from north to south through the area. Although the water system is well developed, this region has since ancient times been one where "in spring and summer there is much rain and frequent flooding, while in autumn and winter there is little rain and frequent drought." According to the Changtai County Gazetteer, during the Qingyuan reign of Emperor Ningzong of the Song Dynasty, Changtai "suffered frequent banditry and successive droughts and floods," and "the land did not yield equal harvests, and the registered households did not reach ten thousand," making it a poor and remote place where droughts and floods occurred frequently and people lived in extreme misery (民不聊生, min bu liao sheng - "people, not, can, live"). In the first year of the Chongning reign (1102), a great drought occurred and all springs and streams dried up. In the eleventh year of the Chunxi reign of the Song Dynasty (1184), there was no rain from the fourth month until the eighth month, causing a great famine. The Wanli-era Zhangzhou Prefecture Gazetteer records: "In the ninth month of the tenth year of the Chunxi reign, on the day yichou, a great wind arose and rain fell violently; half of the prefectural city was submerged, inundating more than 890 households. In the fifth month of the ninth year of the Jiading reign, great floods washed away fields and houses and damaged crops. In the autumn of the sixteenth year, great floods destroyed fifteen or sixteen parts out of ten of the fields and crops." Such hardships stirred in the people of Changtai a strong desire to seek solutions from water and to govern water according to circumstances, and the Longjin Ancient Weir, centered on the Yanfu Weir and the Fifteen-Household Weir, emerged at the opportune moment (应运而生, ying yun er sheng - "respond, luck, and, arise").
In the first year of the Jiaxi reign of the Song Dynasty (1237), Chen Qigong, a local squire of Zhangxin Village, Chenxiang Town, Changtai County, witnessed year after year of drought afflicting the fine fields of his hometown and poor harvests for the common people, and resolved to build water conservancy works to eliminate water disasters. Together with his wife, née Yan, he gave money generously to help others (慷慨解囊, kang kai jie nang - "generous, unconstrained, loosen, bag"), donating more than 240 mu of his own fields to construct an irrigation project. Chen Qigong sought out and engaged renowned folk water conservancy masters, personally accompanied them in surveying the terrain, and carried out a scientific site selection, building the weir on the section from the foot of Gui Mountain in Jingxiao Village to the Daxi reach of Shangyuan. At this location the river channel is relatively wide and the current relatively gentle, making it suitable for building a weir to hold back water, while the natural drop of the terrain could also be used for gravity irrigation. According to the Stele Record of the Dredging of the Double Ditch Weirs, the Double Ditch Weirs originated at the foot of Gui Mountain in Jingxiao Village and ran to the south bank of the Daxi River at Shangyuan, where they divided into the East Ditch and the West Ditch, with weirs and sluice gates set up according to the terrain. Chen Qigong designed sluice gates along the route to regulate the flow and flexibly distribute water according to the water needs of different areas. Leading the common people in quarrying stone from the mountains and carrying earth with shoulder poles and tampers, Chen Qigong worked for several years and finally completed the "Double Ditch Weirs" project, in which the East Ditch and the West Ditch each had eight weirs built, sixteen in all. Later, because the Shanchong Weir collapsed, the number became fifteen, hence the name "Fifteen-Household Weir." With its precisely laid-out canal network, the Fifteen-Household Weir irrigated more than 10,000 mu of fine fields after completion, making it the largest irrigation project built in Changtai in ancient times and completely transforming the drought-stricken, barren farming landscape of the area.
Behind the Longjin Ancient Weir lies the scientific philosophy of following the nature of water and guiding things according to circumstances. Relying on the natural terrain of the river channel, the project selected gentle river sections on which to build low weirs to divert water, constructed a "weir—canal—pond—ditch—field" water conservancy irrigation and drainage system, and was equipped with distribution sluices, distribution outlets, storage ponds, and flood discharge outlets, so that in times of drought stream and pond water could be drawn for irrigation, and in times of flood water could be rapidly discharged and diverted, achieving the goal of "storing in drought and draining in flood." This demonstrates the scientific wisdom and ecological thinking of the ancestors of Changtai.
Governance wisdom of official-civilian coordination and institutional safeguards
The long-term preservation of an engineering project depends on management and institutions. Successive dynastic governments of Changtai treated the construction of water conservancy works and the safeguarding of people's livelihoods as core administrative affairs, using official authority to guarantee the long-term operation of water conservancy projects. During the twenty-seventh to thirtieth years of the Wanli reign of the Ming Dynasty (1599–1602), when Guan Ju served as magistrate of Changtai County, the Stele Record of Magistrate Guan's Management of the Yanxi Weirs and Canals records that after receiving the people's proposal to "open canals to aid the fields," he "issued an order for two parts of industry to one part of tenancy, weighed the appropriate timing, surveyed the terrain, purchased low-lying fields to dredge the streams, and opened abandoned ditches to clear the channels." He responded to the people's requests, actively dredged the canals, and opened channels to aid agriculture. When other regions suffered drought and poor harvests, the several li of area irrigated by the Yanxi Canal enjoyed a bumper harvest of all crops (五谷丰登, wu gu feng deng - "five, grains, abundant, arrive").
The group of local worthies was also a backbone force in water management and the promotion of benefits. The Stele Record of the Dredging of the Double Ditch Weirs records that in the thirteenth year of the Qianlong reign of the Qing Dynasty, during the dredging of the Double Ditch Weirs, "those who donated fields and funds to restore the free flow of water conservancy included the gentry Dai Zhisheng, Yang Weihan, Lu Canran, Yang Yuanrang, and the village elder Yang Languan." Many local worthies generously donated fields and funds and vigorously supported repairs, ensuring the restoration of the "prosperity of the Double Ditches." With their prestige, the local worthies united the people's hearts, and with their assets they accomplished practical matters, becoming the core link connecting the government and the common people. Under the leadership of the local gentry, the villagers voluntarily contributed labor, participated in dredging and repairs, consciously observed the water distribution regulations, and safeguarded the public water conservancy works, becoming the foundation of grassroots water conservancy self-governance.
The "weir-chief system" was the institutional safeguard for the operation of the ancient weirs. As early as the Song Dynasty, Changtai established the "weir-chief system." The Wanli-era Zhangzhou Prefecture Gazetteer records the selection criteria for "weir chiefs": "Each year, capable and talented persons are selected to serve as weir chiefs, who organize laborers for construction and repair; wherever more than 10,000 mu of fields are irrigated, a stone tablet is erected to record the achievements, and the benefits endure to this day." Weir chiefs carried out closed-loop management work including canal inspection, dredging, collection of water fees, and weir body repair, preventing the works from falling into disuse. They were also responsible for water distribution management, quantifying water distribution in accordance with the ancient system of "erecting stone tablets to record measurements" and "calculating by mu and rotating management by day," using stone tablets to fix the water use quotas and irrigation durations of each village and each household, thereby eliminating water disputes at their root. The Changtai County Gazetteer records: "The Yanfu Weir was created during the Jiading reign of the Song Dynasty... Whenever continuous rain brought great floods it would breach and collapse, and it was repaired as soon as it was damaged, with weir chiefs appointed to supervise the work—truly a difficult task." Weir chiefs also undertook the repair of flood damage to the weirs and ponds and their routine maintenance, enhancing the capacity of water conservancy to guarantee agricultural irrigation.
The government setting regulations, local worthies shouldering heavy responsibilities, the people participating together, and the weir-chief system safeguarding operation constitute the powerful guarantee for the 800-year living heritage of the Longjin Ancient Weir. This simple model of collaborative water governance is a vivid epitome of the ancient grassroots governance wisdom of Changtai and also provides historical reference for modern water conservancy construction and management.
The far-reaching influence of water nourishing fertile land and a long cultural lineage
For eight hundred years, living water has flowed on, nurturing fine fields, promoting culture and education, forging a cultural lineage, and benefiting past and present alike. The value of the Longjin Ancient Weir lies not only in its practical merit of irrigating vast expanses of fine fields, but also in its far-reaching power to nourish the cultural lineage of a region and to pass on the spirit of upholding righteousness and benefiting the people.
The ancient weir laid the foundation for agricultural development. The formerly barren "poor and remote place" was transformed into the prosperous and abundant "granary of southern Fujian." The Changtai County Gazetteer records that Changtai possessed 76 granaries, including the Li Granary, the Yue Granary, the She Granary, and the Yu Granary. This abundant and stable agricultural foundation gave rise to Changtai's fine folk tradition of farming and studying passed down through the generations.
The ancient weir shaped the roots of upholding righteousness and pursuing goodness. The people, mindful of the water management merits of their forebears, formed a spiritual faith of striving for virtue and goodness (崇德向善, chong de xiang shan - "respect, virtue, toward, goodness") and a unique culture of water conservancy sacrifice, making the spirit of righteousness—centered on devoting one's entire family fortune to water management and selflessly benefiting the people—the spiritual foundation passed down from generation to generation in Changtai.
The ancient weir is a carrier of kinship between Fujian and Taiwan. Changtai is a renowned hometown of overseas Chinese. Through the ages, emigrants traveled far to Taiwan to make a living, spreading outward the water conservancy technology and governance model of the ancient weirs—low-weir water diversion, the long vine bearing melons, and joint governance by weir chiefs. Zheng Hongzhang, a native of Changtai, once served as director-general of the Water Conservancy Engineering Department of Sichuan Province, and in 1948 was transferred to Taiwan to participate in the construction of Sun Moon Lake and the Dajia River. Many descendants of Changtai natives in Taiwan still preserve the traditions of offering sacrifices to the weir god and Mazu and attaching importance to water conservancy public welfare. The Longjin Ancient Weir has become a spiritual bond uniting the cultural identity of Fujian and Taiwan.
The Longjin Ancient Weir is not a static relic on display, but a living irrigation heritage of endless and continuous growth or life (生生不息, sheng sheng bu xi - "birth, birth, not, cease") that benefits the present day. A weir of clear water carries the scientific wisdom of following nature, engraves the governance philosophy of co-governance and shared benefit, and nourishes the cultural character of revering culture and upholding righteousness. Today, the ancient weir has taken on new life and embarked on a new journey, continuing to nourish the land, empower rural revitalization, and pass on the cultural lineage of water management, writing a new chapter in which ancient water conservancy heritage is transmitted as a living legacy and antiquity and the present coexist.
Return to TopBy: 李君如
The Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Party reviewed and adopted the "Decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Several Major Issues Concerning Persistently Advancing Full and Rigorous Self-Governance of the Party." This is a major decision made by the Party Central Committee after assessing the historical juncture of the development of the Party and the country's cause, focusing on the overall situation of Chinese modernization, sizing up the situation, and making comprehensive considerations. The Plenary Session emphasized that full and rigorous self-governance of the Party enjoys many favorable conditions, yet also faces many new situations and new problems. As the conditions of the world, the country, and the Party undergo profound changes, the task of the Party uniting and leading the people in safeguarding national sovereignty, security, and development interests has become more arduous; the task of the Party uniting and leading the people in advancing reform and development and maintaining social harmony and stability has become more arduous; and the task of the Party maintaining its advanced nature and purity has become more arduous. The major judgment of the "three more arduous tasks" profoundly discerns the changes and trends in the conditions of the world, the country, and the Party, providing a fundamental basis for planning and advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party from an overall and strategic perspective. We must clearly understand the new situations and new problems facing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, closely link full and rigorous self-governance of the Party with the Party's missions and tasks, coordinate their advancement and common development, and enhance the consciousness and resolve to persistently advance full and rigorous self-governance of the Party.
The task of the Party uniting and leading the people in safeguarding national sovereignty, security, and development interests has become more arduous
Today's China is not only a major Eastern country with a long history and a large population, but also the world's second-largest economy, a builder of world peace, a contributor to global development, and a defender of the international order. Since the advent of the new era, China has put forward the concept of building a community with a shared future for mankind and the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative, the Global Civilization Initiative, and the Global Governance Initiative, profoundly answering the question of the times—"What is wrong with the world, and what should we do about it?"—and gaining broad endorsement from countries that love peace, especially countries of the Global South. At the same time, we also clearly see that in this international society full of challenges, changes of the world, changes of the times, and changes of history are unfolding in unprecedented ways. For China, the world's largest developing country, the multiple risks and challenges on the road ahead are extremely severe; for the ruling Communist Party of China, the test of both safeguarding national sovereignty and properly handling international relations is even more severe.
Judging from the current development of the world, changes unseen in a century are accelerating, a new round of scientific and technological revolution and industrial transformation is accelerating breakthroughs, the Global South is rising as a group, the international balance of power is undergoing profound adjustment, unilateralism and protectionism are intensifying, the threat of hegemonism and power politics is rising, geopolitical conflicts and local wars continue unabated, the momentum of world economic growth is insufficient, global challenges are arriving one after another, the world has entered a new period of turbulence and transformation, and factors of uncertainty and unpredictability in the external environment are increasing. The Communist Party of China clearly recognizes that all these profound changes and the risks and challenges they bring require sizing up the situation and responding calmly. Our country has repeatedly reiterated that it will unswervingly follow the path of peaceful development, firmly pursue an independent foreign policy of peace, adhere to the mutual reinforcement of domestic and international dual circulation, coordinate development and security, and build a new type of international relations centered on win-win cooperation. After deeply analyzing these problems existing in the conditions of the world, the Plenary Session reached an important conclusion: "The task of the Party uniting and leading the people in safeguarding national sovereignty, security, and development interests has become more arduous." Therefore, we must clearly understand the international environment in which the Party finds itself and its profound changes, and consciously and firmly follow the path of persistently advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party.
The task of the Party uniting and leading the people in advancing reform and development and maintaining social harmony and stability has become more arduous
The Communist Party of China is a Marxist political party born for the people and thriving because of the people. It was founded at a time of crisis for the Chinese nation and has grown and strengthened in the historical process of striving for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Centering on the theme of building a strong country and national rejuvenation, the Communist Party of China has created one miracle after another recorded in the annals of history. As socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered the new era, under the guidance of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, the Communist Party of China has united and led the people of all ethnic groups across the country in striving to solve three major issues of the times: first, what kind of socialism with Chinese characteristics to uphold and develop, and how to uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics; second, what kind of great modern socialist country to build, and how to build a great modern socialist country; third, what kind of long-term governing Marxist political party to build, and how to build a long-term governing Marxist political party. These three major issues of the times are closely interrelated. To uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics and build a great modern socialist country, the key is to solve the problem of building the ruling party. If the ruling party is not built well, the socialist red river and mountains will be difficult to safeguard, and socialist modernization will be difficult to achieve. This has been fully demonstrated in the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, and the Communist Party of China must never repeat such subversive mistakes. Persistently advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party requires not only managing and governing the Party well, but also completing the missions and tasks the Party bears in the process of revitalizing and strengthening the Party, so that the people will support, endorse, and love the Communist Party of China from the bottom of their hearts.
The missions and tasks of the Communist Party of China are to continuously create new glories in the development of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and to comprehensively advance the great cause of building a strong country and national rejuvenation through Chinese modernization. The Decision of the Plenary Session clearly puts forward the major principle of "seven adherences" to be followed in persistently advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, and the first is to adhere to serving the missions and tasks. In the dictionary of Chinese Communists, Party building is not building for the sake of building; strengthening Party building is to strengthen the Party's overall leadership over all work and to strengthen the centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee; strengthening Party leadership is also not leading for the sake of leading; strengthening the Party's overall leadership and the centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee is to fulfill the missions and tasks shouldered by the Party, to advance the development of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics and the development of Chinese modernization, thereby realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Emphasizing adherence to serving the missions and tasks means staying true to the Party's original aspiration and founding mission, planning and advancing from the overall situation of upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics, closely integrating Party building with the cause of the Party and the country, and ensuring that it always centers on the central task and serves the overall situation.
Since socialism with Chinese characteristics entered the new era, under the strong leadership of the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, and through the tenacious struggle of the entire Party and the people of all ethnic groups across the country, the cause of the Party and the country has achieved historic accomplishments and undergone historic changes, and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation has entered an irreversible historical process. At the same time, we must clearly recognize that our country is still in the primary stage of socialism, is still the world's largest developing country, that per capita GDP still has a considerable gap from developed countries, and that there is still a long way to go in solidly advancing common prosperity. When deeply analyzing our country's conditions, the Plenary Session pointed out that our country's development has entered a critical period of consolidating the foundation and making comprehensive efforts to basically realize socialist modernization, that the problem of unbalanced and inadequate development remains prominent, that the population structure, social groups, and interest patterns continue to change, that digitalization, networking, and intelligence are developing rapidly, that social production and lifestyle and organizational forms are becoming more diverse, that various thoughts and values are interweaving and colliding, and that further comprehensively deepening reform, promoting high-quality development, strengthening social construction and governance, coordinating development and security, and stimulating and enhancing social vitality are encountering many new issues. These risks and challenges all require further strengthening the Party's overall leadership and uniting and leading the people of all ethnic groups across the country to work together to address them. After deeply analyzing these problems existing in our country's conditions, the Plenary Session reached an important conclusion: "The task of the Party uniting and leading the people in advancing reform and development and maintaining social harmony and stability has become more arduous." We must clearly understand the arduousness and complexity of the missions and tasks shouldered by the Party, and consciously and firmly follow the path of persistently advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party.
The task of the Party maintaining its advanced nature and purity has become more arduous
Full and rigorous self-governance of the Party is a long-term strategic task that must be persistently advanced. How to always maintain the "Marxist political party" nature of the Communist Party of China and its advanced nature and purity under the conditions of "long-term governance" is an important part of solving the major issue of the times of what kind of long-term governing Marxist political party to build and how to build a long-term governing Marxist political party.
Governing means holding state power. For a Marxist political party, the challenge of governance is a dual test: it must both govern well and wield power well for the people, and it must not become divorced from the masses because it holds power. Marx and Engels believed that a proletarian political party holding state power must prevent power from tempting us to transform from "public servants" into "masters of society." The challenges we face today are far more complex than the problems raised by Marx and Engels. First, our Party is not only a ruling party, but a ruling party that must govern long-term; it must all the more stay true to the Party's original aspiration and founding mission, unswervingly serve the people wholeheartedly, do everything possible to enable the people to live happy and fulfilling lives, and accept long-term supervision by the people. Second, for the Party to govern long-term, it inevitably must deal with "power," must withstand the temptation of "power" over the long term, and must prevent public power from being used for private purposes and prevent the abuse of power for personal gain. Third, in long-term governance, the Party must develop the economy, develop the socialist market economy, and open up to the outside world to meet the people's ever-growing needs for a better life, which inevitably means dealing with "interests," withstanding the temptation of "interests" over the long term, and preventing Party members and cadres from failing to put the interests of the people and the country first, and preventing individuals from being blinded by greed and having swelling desires. Fourth, governing long-term in China's acquaintance society inevitably means passing the test of "personal relationships," withstanding the temptation of "private feelings" over the long term, and preventing the disregard of principles, abuse of power, appointment of people by favoritism, and private giving and receiving of favors. Fifth, for the Party to govern long-term, it must withstand the test of the long-term inheritance of the red gene as Party members and cadres are replaced by successive generations; batches upon batches of Communist Party members born and raised after the reform and opening up are stepping into leadership positions at various levels, and they have not experienced the life-and-death tests and the tempering of difficult environments that their predecessors experienced; it is necessary to prevent the red gene from fading, changing color, or being lost. "Long-term governance" means "long-term testing," and "long-term testing" requires "persistently advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party." This is the significance of the Plenary Session's emphasis on "persistence."
Since the reform and opening up, the issue of Party building has become increasingly important because what we face is the more complex issue of "ruling party building" than Party building during the war years. Deng Xiaoping said in his Southern Talks: "If problems arise in China, they will still arise from within the Communist Party." Jiang Zemin proposed at the 15th National Congress of the Party to create a "new great project of Party building," emphasizing that "to govern the country well, the Party must first be governed well, and governing the Party must be strict," and that "the Party must manage the Party, and the Party must be governed strictly." Hu Jintao proposed that the Party faces "four major tests" and "four dangers," emphasizing that "a political party's past advanced nature does not mean its present advanced nature, and its present advanced nature does not mean it will be advanced forever." General Secretary Xi Jinping further pointed out that "as the world's largest political party, no external force can defeat us; only we ourselves can defeat ourselves," and put forward the strategic policy of "full and rigorous self-governance of the Party." All of this boils down to answering one major question: how can we escape the historical cycle of rise and fall, order and chaos?
On this question, Mao Zedong gave the first answer in the cave dwellings of Yan'an back then—"letting the people supervise the government"—and since the 18th National Congress of the Party, General Secretary Xi Jinping has found the second answer—"self-revolution"—in the practice of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized that the Party's self-revolution has a strict definition, namely turning the blade inward, practicing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, maintaining the Party's advanced nature and purity, and realizing the Party's self-purification, self-improvement, self-renewal, and self-enhancement. The Decision of the Plenary Session points out: finding the two answers of "letting the people supervise the government" and "self-revolution" to escape the historical cycle of rise and fall, order and chaos is the unique creation of the Communist Party of China and will forever be recorded in the annals of Marxist political party building. Persistently advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party means always adhering to grasping both ends—on the one hand grasping "letting the people supervise the government," and on the other hand grasping "self-revolution"—to consolidate the Party's long-term ruling position.
When deeply analyzing the current conditions of the Party, the Plenary Session pointed out that the Party's ranks have undergone structural changes, with the proportion of Party members and cadres born after the reform and opening up growing larger and larger, placing new demands on education and management. The mainstream of the Party's ranks is good, but the problems of impurity in thought, impurity in organization, and impurity in style have not yet been fundamentally resolved. Some Party members and cadres have qualities and capabilities that do not meet the requirements of the development of the times. A small number of Party members and cadres, including senior cadres, have weak Party spirit, wavering or even missing ideals and convictions, weak feelings for the masses, deviations in their views on political achievements, serious formalism, bureaucratism, hedonism, and extravagance, insufficient fighting spirit, failure to take responsibility or act, failure to observe discipline and rules, and even abuse of power for personal gain and corruption and degeneration. Some primary-level Party organizations have weak political and organizational functions, or are even lax and disorganized, and in some fields, especially emerging fields, the Party's organizational coverage and work coverage are not comprehensive or effective enough. Some Party organizations and leading cadres have inadequate understanding of Party management and governance, fail to implement responsibilities, fail to work effectively, and fail to strictly enforce systems, cannot promptly discover and effectively solve prominent problems, and even allow unhealthy tendencies to breed and spread. After deeply analyzing these problems existing in the conditions of the Party, the Plenary Session reached an important conclusion: "The task of the Party maintaining its advanced nature and purity has become more arduous." We must clearly understand the new situations and new problems facing the Party's long-term governance, and consciously and firmly follow the path of persistently advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party.
Examining the new situations and new problems facing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party from the perspective of the "three more arduous tasks," one can deeply appreciate the important considerations behind the Plenary Session's proposal to "persistently advance full and rigorous self-governance of the Party." General Secretary Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out: this is an inevitable requirement for maintaining the Party's advanced nature and purity and consolidating the Party's long-term ruling position; this is an inevitable requirement for consolidating and developing the sound political situation of the entire Party's high unity and solidarity and the high cohesion of the Party's heart, the military's heart, and the people's heart; this is an inevitable requirement for fulfilling the Party's historical mission and promoting the steady and long-term progress of the cause of the Party and the country. We must build the Party better and stronger, providing a strong guarantee for comprehensively building a great modern socialist country and comprehensively advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through Chinese modernization.
(The author is a former vice president of the Central Party School)
Return to TopBy: 中国航空工业集团有限公司党组
Upholding the Party's leadership is the most essential attribute of socialism with Chinese characteristics. 2026 marks the 105th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China and the opening year of the 15th Five-Year Plan. Under the cordial care and strong leadership of the Party Central Committee, China's aviation industry has achieved a major leap from nothing to something, from small to large, and from weak to strong. Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has attached great importance to the development of the aviation industry. General Secretary Xi Jinping has on many occasions gone deep into the front lines of aviation industry scientific research and production for inspections and has made a series of important instructions and directives. Aviation Industry Corporation of China, Ltd. (AVIC) unambiguously and clearly (旗帜鲜明, qí zhì xiān míng - "flag, bright") upholds political principles, confidently and legitimately strengthens Party building, and continuously advances the high-quality Party building project, leading and ensuring that the aviation industry always advances along the correct direction charted by the Party, achieving new major victories in building a strong aviation nation.
Hold high the great banner and take the lead and set an example in implementing the decisions and deployments of the Party Central Committee. AVIC resolutely upholds the authority and centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee, resolutely implements the major decisions and deployments of the Party Central Committee, and upholds and strengthens the Party's overall leadership over the aviation industry, ensuring that development does not deviate from course or lose its proper form.
Keep the political direction accurate and always regard the Two Upholds (两个维护) as the highest political principle and fundamental political rule. Improve the implementation of the "first agenda item" system, improve closed-loop working mechanisms, regularly carry out the series of activities of "following in the footsteps of General Secretary Xi Jinping," and build demonstration sites for implementation. Focus on major national strategic deployments, strengthen policy interpretation and on-the-ground transformation, and enhance Party members' and cadres' political judgment, political comprehension, and political execution. Persist in tempering strong Party spirit, strengthen education in loyalty to the Party, and guide cadres and employees to deeply understand the decisive significance of the Two Establishments (两个确立), strengthen the Four Consciousnesses (四个意识), firm up the Four Confidences (四个自信), and achieve the Two Upholds, so as to better serve the overall work of the Party and the state, serve high-quality development of the economy and society, and serve the safeguarding and improvement of people's livelihoods.
Build a solid ideological foundation and use the Party's innovative theories to unify thought, unify will, and unify action. Thoroughly study and implement Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, carry out tiered and categorized learning and training, and organize Party members and cadres to read original works, study original texts, and comprehend underlying principles. Persist in integrating theory with practice; members of the Party group, with those in leadership setting an example for subordinates (以上率下, yǐ shàng shuài xià - "above, lead; below, follow"), pool wisdom and strength to continuously transform the results of learning and discussion into ideas and measures for implementing the decisions and deployments of the Party Central Committee, and formulate the Group's "1336" development strategy. Persist in guiding work and entrepreneurship with a correct view of political achievements, prominently grasp tasks that lay foundations, increase momentum, and benefit the long term, such as model development, scientific and technological innovation, digital-intelligent transformation, and quality rectification, and establish a clear orientation that values practical work and practical results.
Optimize institutional mechanisms and promote the integration of the Party's leadership into all aspects of corporate governance. Uphold the "two persistences," dynamically optimize the list of matters for pre-discussion and research by Party committees (Party groups), and revise the rules of procedure, lists of powers and responsibilities, and authorization measures for Party committees (Party groups), boards of directors, and general managers. Strictly implement democratic centralism (民主集中制, mín zhǔ jí zhōng zhì - "democracy, concentrate, system"), with Party group meetings adhering to collective leadership, democratic centralism, individual deliberation, and decision by meeting, avoiding one-man rule (一言堂, yī yán táng - "one, speech, hall") and "patriarchal style," ensuring scientific, democratic, and law-based decision-making. Give play to the leadership role of Party committees (Party groups) in setting direction, managing the overall situation, and ensuring implementation, focus on primary responsibilities and main businesses, accelerate the adjustment and optimization of the aviation industry layout, seize new fields and new tracks such as the low-altitude economy and new materials, expand international cooperation, integrate into regional development, promote the smooth circulation of the industrial chain, and build a new pattern of aviation industry development featuring joint contribution and shared benefits.
Focus on the "great affairs of the nation" and shoulder the main responsibility and play the leading role in promoting high-quality development of the aviation industry. AVIC effectively plays the "three roles," serves well as the "three pacesetters," and achieves the "three services," effectively ensuring that the development of major aviation equipment is completed on schedule as required, and that the great instruments of the nation achieve leapfrog development.
Keep in mind the primary responsibility of strengthening the military and build an advanced aviation equipment system. Resolutely fulfill the primary responsibility of equipping the military and strengthening the armed forces, be committed to building aviation weapons and equipment that are easy to use, reliable, effective, and durable, and intensify efforts to promote the continuous cross-generational upgrading of main battle equipment and its comprehensive upgrading and leapfrogging toward an equipment system. The large-scale deployment of the "20 series" cross-generational equipment marks that China's aviation military strength has entered the forefront of the world; the deployment of the J-35A helps the People's Air Force upgrade from the "three swordsmen" to the "four swordsmen," building a powerful "air iron fist." The J-35, KJ-600, J-15 and other series of carrier-based aircraft provide key support for the People's Navy's transformation from coastal defense to far-sea defense. The deployment of the Z-20T fills the gap in China's helicopter spectrum in terms of combined attack and transport capabilities, greatly promoting the transformation and upgrading of the People's Army's combat forces. The Y-20U flew more than 6,000 kilometers and nearly 9 hours to appear at the China-Egypt "Eagle of Civilization-2026" joint air force training, becoming a memory of the era of a major country with a strong military.
Implement national strategies and enhance the competitiveness of the aviation industry. Firmly assume the primary responsibility for the development of the civil aircraft industry and fully support COMAC's C909 turbofan regional airliner and C919 trunk-line airliner in successful development, production and delivery, and operational support. Bravely undertake the important task of building national emergency rescue aviation equipment; the AG600 has achieved stationing in the northern frontier, the "MA" series aircraft continue to expand application scenarios such as firefighting, rain enhancement, and search and rescue, and the "Wing Loong" UAVs have completed emergency rescue missions such as supporting disaster relief after the mudslide at Gyirong Port in Tibet. Continue to improve the AG series general aircraft, AC series civil helicopters, and UAV spectrum, give play to advantages to accelerate the construction of a new low-altitude industry ecosystem, and achieve positive results.
Firmly pursue self-reliance and self-strengthening and overcome key core technologies. Accurately grasp the trends of the new round of scientific and technological revolution and industrial transformation, issue guiding opinions on the development of strategic emerging industries, and promote the deep integration of scientific and technological innovation and industrial innovation and the efficient coordination of new quality productive forces and combat effectiveness. Make forward-looking arrangements for a full-chain scientific and technological innovation system, increase efforts in basic research and tackling key core technologies, build a number of national key laboratories, achieve high-quality innovation results in quantum precision technology, hydrogen-energy aircraft, tilt-rotor aircraft, and other fields, greatly improve the level and security of the aviation industry chain and innovation chain, significantly strengthen the national strategic strength of aviation science and technology, and be rated as a central enterprise with notable scientific and technological innovation results and an outstanding central enterprise for industrial renewal.
Implement the high-quality Party building project and seek practical results and pool joint efforts in persistently advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party. Centering on the realization of the Party's missions and tasks, AVIC implements the general requirements for Party building in the new era, systematically implements the high-quality Party building project, and persistently advances full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, providing a strong guarantee for fulfilling the major missions entrusted by the Party and the state.
Tighten the organizational system and build strong frontline fighting fortresses. Strengthen the clear orientation of grasping the grassroots level, carry out the special action of "dual improvement" in the building of grassroots Party organizations and the building of the Party member contingent, and build grassroots Party organizations into strong fighting fortresses that effectively realize the Party's leadership. Focus on key links of major projects, break conventional thinking, innovatively create new paradigms of "Party building + project," "talent + project," "culture + project," and "supervision + project," deepen the Party building along the chain and the joint meeting mechanism, provide extraordinary guarantees for major projects, and stimulate endogenous momentum. Centering on the research and development of major models, nearly 5,000 Luo Yang Party member commando teams have been formed, and more than 7,000 Party member demonstration posts have been set up, encouraging Party members to show their identity and take on responsibility. The "Digital-Intelligent Party Building 2.0" system has been built, promoting Party building work to advance toward process-oriented and digital-intelligent stages.
Forge an excellent team and stimulate the innovative vitality of talent. With those in leadership setting an example for subordinates, formulate and implement the "Several Provisions on Strengthening the Self-Building of the Leading Group of the Party Group of AVIC," and drive the overall excellence of the team through the excellence of the leading group itself. Adhere to the correct orientation for selecting and employing people, select and appoint people accurately and scientifically, focus on what projects need and what talent expects, coordinate material and spiritual incentives, inspect, identify, and use talent in project construction, and ensure that those who act have positions, those who are capable can advance, and those who are excellent are prioritized. Implement talent cultivation programs such as the "Elite Talent Project," the "Seedling Nurturing Plan," and the "Eagle Cultivation Plan," and solidly advance the building of the contingent of academicians, group-level technical experts, young talent, outstanding engineers, and highly skilled personnel. Lay out and build "1+2+3+N" talent centers and innovation highlands in Beijing, Shanghai, the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area, Shenyang, Chengdu, Xi'an, and other places, creating new advantages in aviation science and technology talent.
Rectify conduct, enforce discipline, and combat corruption, and consolidate and develop a sound political ecosystem. Improve the list of primary responsibilities for full and rigorous self-governance of the Party and the list of performance of "dual responsibilities for one post" by members of the leading group, and layer by layer consolidate the political responsibility for full and rigorous self-governance of the Party. Consolidate and expand the results of learning and education on thoroughly implementing the spirit of the Eight-Point Regulation (八项规定) of the Central Committee, unremittingly rectify the Four Malfeasances (四风), and promote the normalization and long-term effectiveness of work style improvement. Strictly enforce discipline and rules, normalize discipline education and warning education, and guide Party members and cadres to know reverence, maintain vigilance, and hold the bottom line. Integrate the promotion of not daring to be corrupt, not being able to be corrupt, and not wanting to be corrupt, substantively carry out comprehensive supervision by Party committees (Party groups), penetrating supervision of key areas, inspections and patrols, and audit supervision, and carry out rectification, governance, and deepening governance of key issues in procurement, project construction, and other fields. Fully support the dispatched discipline inspection and supervision group in performing its duties of supervision, discipline enforcement, accountability, and supervision and investigation and handling in accordance with regulations, discipline, and law, and continuously strengthen force support and work coordination.
Bear in mind the earnest instructions and bravely shoulder the mission of the era of building a strong nation. The Party Group of AVIC has always adhered to taking the Party's banner as its banner, the Party's will as its will, and the Party's mission as its mission, uniting and leading more than 5,000 grassroots Party organizations, more than 110,000 Party members, and 400,000 aviation personnel across the Group to unite more closely around the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, thoroughly study and implement the spirit of the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Party, persistently advance full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, test the quality and effectiveness of Party building work with the results of high-quality development of the aviation industry, contribute aviation practice and aviation strength to the new great project of Party building in the new era, and make new and greater contributions to comprehensively advancing the building of a strong country and the great cause of national rejuvenation through Chinese modernization.
Return to TopBy: 范宇新
Geological work is the foundational, pioneering, and strategic support for economic and social development, connecting on one end to energy and resource security, and on the other to the overall situation of ecological security and disaster prevention and reduction. Entering the new era, Chinese modernization has placed higher demands on geological work, requiring both holding steady the "energy rice bowl" and safeguarding the "background color" of the ecological environment, as well as enhancing the capacity to respond to major risks. The Shandong Provincial Coal Geology Bureau has deeply implemented General Secretary Xi Jinping's earnest entrustment to Shandong to "strive to be at the forefront and shoulder the heavy burden," proactively integrating geological work into the national major strategic layout, taking the lead in the new round of strategic actions for mineral exploration breakthroughs, ecological protection and high-quality development of the Yellow River Basin, green and low-carbon transformation, emergency rescue, and other fields, outlining a transformation and upgrading path driven by national strategy, with scientific and technological innovation as its core, green transformation as its background, and public safety as its responsibility, striving to become a geological vanguard in serving Chinese modernization.
Acting as the main force in the new round of strategic actions for mineral exploration breakthroughs. Energy and resource security is an important component of the holistic approach to national security. Currently, the global geopolitical landscape is undergoing profound adjustments, uncertainty in the supply of critical minerals is rising, and domestic industrialization and urbanization continue to advance, creating rigid demand for strategic minerals such as coal, iron, gold, and rare metals. The Shandong Provincial Coal Geology Bureau regards mineral exploration breakthroughs as an important task, adhering to the "three-in-one" advancement of innovation-driven development, layout optimization, and equipment upgrading, innovatively forming the "coal-iron co-basin" metallogenic theory and the "six-in-one" exploration technology system for coal-series minerals, significantly improving the hit rate and comprehensive evaluation capability of deep mineral exploration.
In promoting the increase of reserves and production, during the 14th Five-Year Plan period, a total of over 13 billion tons of coal resources and 13.1 billion cubic meters of coalbed methane were discovered, effectively consolidating the resource foundation for energy supply security. A total of 83.05 million tons of high-grade iron ore resources were submitted, promoting the Qihe-Yucheng area to become the country's first billion-ton-class high-grade iron ore resource base since the new round of mineral exploration, being selected among the country's top ten geological prospecting achievements, providing key support for the autonomous and controllable supply of raw materials for the national steel industry, and being rated as a unit with remarkable achievements in national geological survey work.
In expanding the space for mineral exploration, the Bureau proactively promoted the expansion of traditional coalfield exploration into multiple mineral types and the marine field, discovering more than 10 gold ore bodies and delineating more than 20 target areas; for the first time, strategic resources such as zircon and rare earths were discovered in the Rizhao sea area, among which the associated monazite and ilmenite met the standards for large and medium-sized deposits respectively, opening a new situation in marine mineral exploration; the Bureau newly implemented the first global rutile-type titanium ore and fluorite ore survey projects and regional mineral geological survey projects, achieving new breakthroughs in mineral types and exploration fields.
Demonstrating achievements in serving the major national strategy for the Yellow River. Ecological protection and high-quality development of the Yellow River Basin is a long-term plan of great significance (千秋大计, qian qiu da ji - "thousand, autumn, great, plan") concerning the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and its sustainable development. Shandong is located at the mouth of the Yellow River, possessing the unique location of "convergence of blue and yellow, possessing both land and sea," with heavy ecological protection tasks and great pressure for development transformation. The Shandong Provincial Coal Geology Bureau regards serving the major national strategy for the Yellow River as its main battlefield, coordinating the two main lines of "green" ecological restoration and "blue" land-sea coordination, promoting the transformation of geological work from single resource supply to "resource-ecology" synergy.
In terms of ecological protection, the Bureau provided full-process support for the national-level integrated protection and restoration project of mountains, rivers, forests, farmlands, lakes, grasslands, and deserts in the Mount Tai and Yimeng Mountain areas, forming the systematic governance paradigm of the "Mount Tai Model" and the "Yimeng Plan": using geological survey as the guide, accurately identifying the mechanisms of ecosystem movement and change, matching engineering measures such as vegetation restoration, water and soil conservation, and mine ecological restoration, taking into account both the integrity of the ecosystem and the sustainability of the economy and society, providing a demonstration for ecological protection and restoration in key regions across the country. The Bureau innovated the green exploration technology system for plain areas, proposed the standardized path of "five stages and forty links," strengthened the whole-process management of "six simultaneous actions," minimized the disturbance of exploration work to the surface to the greatest extent, was rated as multiple national-level demonstration projects, and provided a low-impact model for similar exploration activities. In 2025, the Bureau assisted 3 cities in being approved for national-level ecological restoration demonstration projects for abandoned historical mines, accounting for 3/4 of the province's total, with central government funding support of 900 million yuan.
In terms of land-sea coordination, the Bureau continuously tracked land use changes, shoreline erosion, seawater intrusion, and soil salinization processes in the Yellow River Delta; the research results on intelligent monitoring and prevention and control of land subsidence in the Yellow River Delta reached the level of "overall internationally advanced, partially internationally leading"; supported relevant cities in being approved for central government financial support for marine ecological protection and restoration projects; for the first time quantitatively revealed the evolution patterns of sandy beaches along the Rizhao coastline, providing technical support for coastline restoration practices.
Shouldering the heavy burden in serving green and low-carbon development. Achieving carbon peak and carbon neutrality is an inherent requirement for implementing the new development philosophy, building the new development pattern, and promoting high-quality development. The geological system is not only a supplier of energy resources but also a key technology provider for clean energy development and utilization and carbon sequestration. The Shandong Provincial Coal Geology Bureau regards the development of clean energy as an important starting point for implementing the "dual carbon" goals, systematically laying out two paths of geothermal energy and salt cavern energy storage and carbon storage, reshaping the traditional geological team into a "low-carbon technology supplier."
In the field of geothermal energy, the Bureau established the Shandong Experimental Center of the Shallow Geothermal Energy Research and Promotion Center of the China Geological Survey, undertook open topics of the Key Laboratory of Shallow Geothermal Energy of the Ministry of Natural Resources, developed an AI energy-saving system for geothermal energy applications and magnetic levitation heat pump technology, saving 22% and 30% energy respectively; carried out high-quality provincial-level geothermal field surveys, for the first time discovering high-quality geothermal resources west of the Gaoqing Fault in Zibo, achieving a new breakthrough in mineral exploration and expanding the space for geothermal development in Shandong.
In the field of salt cavern energy storage and carbon storage, the Bureau took the lead in the province in exploring and practicing salt cavern energy storage, with its technical level and engineering practice capability ranking among the forefront nationally, supporting the landing of the country's largest salt cavern energy storage demonstration and application base in Shandong, and exporting the technology to Hubei, Jiangsu, Jiangxi, and other places; completed the underground construction of the first 300MW-class compressed air energy storage demonstration project salt cavern in Huai'an, Jiangsu, supporting the full commissioning of the world's largest compressed air energy storage power station, providing a stable "geological energy storage warehouse" for peak shaving and frequency regulation of the new power system. The Bureau carried out Shandong's first provincial-level exploration project for salt cavern carbon storage potential survey and evaluation, delineating a carbon storage potential area of 53.82 square kilometers in the Dawenkou Basin, capable of storing 211 million tons of carbon, providing long-term geological space for regional industrial emission reduction.
Demonstrating responsibility in serving emergency rescue and disaster prevention and reduction. Disaster prevention, reduction, and relief are related to the safety of people's lives and property and to social harmony and stability. The Shandong Provincial Coal Geology Bureau regards emergency rescue and disaster prevention and reduction as the main direction of transformation and upgrading, based on professional and technical expertise, building a three-dimensional disaster prevention, reduction, and relief system of "professional teams + core technologies + institutional systems," transforming the drilling expertise of the geological team into public safety products, effectively reflecting the social value of the industry.
In terms of emergency rescue, the Bureau built Shandong's first national mine drilling emergency rescue team, with all 7 units under the Bureau included in the sequence of provincial-level and above emergency rescue teams, forming a "1+6" emergency rescue team system of 1 national team plus 6 provincial teams. The Bureau overcame the world-class problem of large-diameter directional rapid drilling in mine rescue technology, creating typical rescue cases such as "the deepest surface drilling rescue in recent years." Participating in more than 20 rescue operations inside and outside the province, the Bureau completed rescue missions under complex conditions on multiple occasions, highlighting the comprehensive advantages of technology and organizational capability.
In terms of disaster prevention and reduction, as the technical support unit for the investigation and investigation of geological disaster hidden dangers in the province, the Bureau actively carried out the delineation and verification of geological disaster risk zones, geological disaster assessment for major projects, and participated in the construction of the land subsidence monitoring network. The Bureau solidly carried out the investigation and treatment of mine safety geological environment disaster-causing factors, established a "1+9" prevention and control technology system, which was widely recognized by academicians and experts, with 2 gas disaster prevention and control achievements reaching the internationally advanced level and winning provincial science and technology progress awards; the monitoring results of deep mining fault water inrush disaster mutation won the provincial technology invention award, effectively enhancing the capacity for safety risk prevention and control.
(The author is the Secretary of the Party Leadership Group and Director of the Shandong Provincial Coal Geology Bureau)
Return to TopSince the advent of the new era, General Secretary Xi Jinping has inspected Yunnan three times, conferring the major positioning of "a demonstration zone for national unity and progress, a pacesetter in ecological civilization construction, and a radiation center facing South Asia and Southeast Asia." How to actively integrate into Yunnan Province's strategic positioning and development goals is both the responsibility of a central energy enterprise in serving the overall work of the Party and the state, and an inherent need to hold fast to the strategic ground of the enterprise's high-quality development. The Party Committee of Huadian Yunnan Power Generation Co., Ltd. (hereinafter referred to as Yunnan Company) has always coordinated the fulfillment of economic, political, and social responsibilities, actively aligned with the project host regions, comprehensively advanced rural revitalization, promoted ethnic unity, continuously strengthened external exchanges, and, working with real effort and practical measures (真抓实干, zhen zhua shi gan - "true, grasp, solid, do") with sustained, long-term effort, has jointly depicted the beautiful blueprint of Chinese modernization together with the local people of all ethnic groups through concrete measures for prospering the border and enriching the people, green development, and external exchanges.
The Party Committee of Yunnan Company has strengthened coordination and liaison with local governments, planned and constructed project host site infrastructure to high standards, done practical things for villagers wholeheartedly (全心全意, quan xin quan yi - "entire, heart, entire, intention"), continuously improved production and living conditions in ethnic regions, accelerated the filling of shortcomings in infrastructure and basic public services, deeply integrated industrial assistance, ecological protection, and livelihood improvement with ethnic unity, and driven border ethnic regions to share in the fruits of Chinese modernization development. For long-term resettlement, it innovatively implemented the "16118" long-term compensation and resettlement model for migrants, invested poverty alleviation funds in Yongsheng County, Lijiang City, successively dispatched three first secretaries for long-term village residency, and adopted measures such as livelihood facility assistance, endogenous driving force assistance, education and employment assistance, and consumption assistance to help 432 households and 1,750 people in the Ludila Hydropower Station reservoir area escape poverty with no one falling back into poverty. It cultivated 109 industrial projects, built 6 photovoltaic water-lifting irrigation pumping stations covering over 7,500 mu of cultivated land, and developed a special fruit base of over 100,000 mu; the relevant practical cases were honored as "Best Cases of the Sixth Global Poverty Reduction." To improve basic conditions, it actively advanced project construction, investing a cumulative 3 billion yuan in recent years to build over 210 kilometers of mountain roads for host villages, build 23 schools at resettlement sites and Hope Primary Schools, and construct the "Nujiang Beautiful Highway" with a total length of 18 kilometers traversing geologically complex areas; it carried out reconstruction and restoration of 12 roads in the Ludila Hydropower Station reservoir area and resettlement sites, and built 1 new permanent cross-river bridge, 2 temporary cable suspension bridges, and 10 docks. To improve the living environment, it vigorously carried out sewage treatment in Laicun Village, Lushui City, Nujiang Prefecture, planned and coordinated the implementation of village-level sewage discharge construction, coordinated the renovation of sanitary toilets, and raised the sanitary toilet penetration rate from 76.51% to 100%. It continuously built and operated the "Huadian Love Points Supermarket," made good use of the "points exchange" mechanism to support public welfare undertakings and serve disadvantaged groups, and, through the model of "actions for points, points into habits, habits into new customs," fully mobilized villagers' enthusiasm for jointly building their homeland, effectively promoting the construction of civilized rural customs; Laicun Village leaped from its past state of "dirty, chaotic, and poor" to become an ecologically livable "civilized village and town." Participating in rural governance, it actively served the "two committees" of Laicun Village, explored the "one leadership, six forces" working method, and, with the village party organization as the core, formed a sound situation in which Party members take the lead, villagers exercise self-governance, and social forces participate jointly; taking the construction of "one covenant and four councils" as the starting point, it revised and improved the "Village Rules and Civil Covenant," organized Party member service teams to carry out volunteer services, took the lead in planting trees and beautifying the living environment, promoted the transformation of outdated customs, and effectively raised the level of rural governance. The company has been rated at the highest level, "Good," for five consecutive years in the effectiveness assessment of targeted assistance conducted by central units stationed in Yunnan.
The Party Committee of Yunnan Company actively studies and applies the experience of the Thousand-Village Demonstration and Ten-Thousand-Village Improvement Project, fully leverages its own advantages, closely combines serving as a pacesetter in ecological civilization construction with enterprise operation and development, takes poverty-alleviated areas as development priorities to promote clean energy development, and promotes green and high-quality development while overcoming hard tasks and difficulties (攻坚克难, gong jian ke nan - "attack, key, overcome, difficulty"). During the 14th Five-Year Plan period, it coordinated its subordinate units to complete and put into operation 86 new energy projects in 11 prefectures across the province, adding over 5.4 million kilowatts of clean installed capacity for Yunnan Province, promoting the growth of green industry development in 19 counties and cities of Yunnan Province, and doing its best within one's capability (力所能及, li suo neng ji - "strength,所, can, reach") to lead villagers in developing specialty agriculture such as tea and coffee. To strengthen the collective economy, it innovatively adopted the "photovoltaic power generation + energy storage + charging" model at the linked point of Laicun Village, Lushui City, and used idle land to assist in building the first village-level "photovoltaic+" integrated smart charging station in Nujiang Prefecture, filling the gap in public charging facilities in the suburbs of Lushui City. The Jianjiaofeng Wind Power Project, as the "landmark project marking China Huadian's installed power capacity exceeding 200 million kilowatts," innovatively installed fully painted units with ethnic characteristics in light of local tourism industry development and ethnic unity and integration requirements, becoming a popular local "internet-famous check-in spot" and assisting local rural revitalization and cultural tourism development. To develop specialty agriculture, it invested over 3 million yuan in Laomudeng Village, Fugong County, to purchase fruit seedlings and tea seedlings for villagers and organize technical training; in Laicun Village, Lushui City, it added 155 mu of coffee cultivation, mobilized the masses to grow coffee, carried out agricultural technical training, and effectively drove increases in farmers' incomes. In light of project realities, it actively explored the "under-panel economy," building projects such as Zhoujiazhai "tea-photovoltaic complementarity" and Guanyinyan "forest-photovoltaic complementarity," and actively promoted mutual benefit and shared interests with host villagers. To broaden villagers' employment channels, it coordinated with local governments to develop public welfare positions such as ecological forest rangers and river patrol officers, absorbing local villagers for nearby employment; the poverty alleviation industrial parks built with its assistance gave priority to employing households that had escaped poverty and monitored households; it built Taoyuan Town in the Ludila Hydropower Station reservoir area into a deep-processing base for agricultural products focusing on tropical fruits, specialty foods, and meat processing, developed a green ecological industrial chain of "breeding—biogas—organic fertilizer—organic fruits and vegetables," formed an integrated ecological breeding circular industrial park combining "planting and breeding," and attracted villagers to return to their villages to start businesses.
The Party Committee of Yunnan Company actively draws on experience in external exchanges from the enterprise's history, fully taps the cultural value contained in the century-long history of its subordinate Shilongba Power Plant, and participates in multiple ways in Yunnan Province's external exchanges facing South Asia and Southeast Asia. It actively participates in the South Asia Expo, exhibiting for four consecutive years at the China-South Asia Exposition, comprehensively showcasing China Huadian's clean energy scientific and technological innovation level and green development achievements in Yunnan, attracting representatives of South Asian countries participating in the expo to understand Yunnan's strategy of building itself into a strong province of green energy, and promoting cooperative development of overseas clean energy projects. To strengthen overseas exchanges and cooperation, it enhances exchanges with energy and power enterprises in Laos, strives for all-round international energy cooperation, and promotes the building of a new model of green, low-carbon, and win-win cooperation. Opening Shilongba for visits, as China's first hydropower station, the Shilongba Power Plant introduced German technology over a century ago. Under the careful maintenance of Huadian employees, this generator, which has been in operation for 116 years, still operates normally, attracting people from all walks of life to visit the plant year after year, telling the vivid story of the Belt and Road Initiative and the building of a community with a shared future for mankind.
(Huadian Yunnan Power Generation Co., Ltd.)
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On November 6, the Party School of the CPC Central Committee (National Academy of Governance) held a theoretical seminar on studying and implementing the spirit of the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Committee. Xie Chuntao, Executive Vice President (Executive Vice President of the Academy), attended and delivered a speech; Gong Weibin, Vice President (Vice President of the Academy), presided over the seminar; Li Wentang and Zhang Zhongjun, Vice Presidents (Vice Presidents of the Academy), and Wang Yang, Member of the School (Academy) Affairs Committee and Director of the Organization Department, attended the seminar.
Xie Chuntao pointed out that the "Decision of the CPC Central Committee on Several Major Issues Concerning Unswervingly Advancing Full and Rigorous Self-Governance of the Party" (hereinafter referred to as the "Decision"), reviewed and adopted at the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Committee, is guided by Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, thoroughly implements Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, systematically summarizes the great achievements and valuable experience of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party in the new era, deeply analyzes the new situation, new tasks, and new challenges facing Party building, and makes strategic arrangements for unswervingly advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party. It is a programmatic document for advancing the great new project of Party building in the new era, and has major practical significance and long-term guiding significance for further creating a new situation of governing and managing the Party, revitalizing and strengthening the Party in the new era, and comprehensively advancing the building of a strong country and the great cause of national rejuvenation through Chinese modernization. All faculty, staff, and trainees of the School (Academy) should earnestly study and understand the spirit of the Plenary Session and Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, promote the spirit of the Plenary Session into textbooks, into classrooms, and into minds; should deepen research on the major theoretical and practical issues raised in the Decision and produce high-quality research results; should interpret the spirit of the Plenary Session and Xi Jinping's thought on Party building in publicity and explanation, forming an all-round, three-dimensional, and multi-angle publicity synergy; and should fully implement the spirit of the Plenary Session in the Party building work of the School (Academy), further deepen strict governance of the School, and guide all faculty and staff to actively take responsibility and act in compliance with rules and discipline.
At the seminar, eight comrades from relevant departments of the School (Academy) respectively delivered keynote speeches. Participants unanimously agreed that the Plenary Session enriched and developed Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, and that studying, publicizing, and implementing the spirit of the Plenary Session well is a major political task for the entire Party at present and for a period to come. As the highest institution of learning of the Party, it is necessary to firmly grasp the fundamental principle of "the Party School is surnamed the Party," closely adhere to the original aspiration and founding mission of "cultivating talents for the Party and offering counsel for the Party," integrate the spirit of the Plenary Session throughout the entire chain of teaching, research, publicity, and management, firmly grasp the positioning as a political organ and a political school, and serve the unswerving advancement of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party with high-quality teaching and high-level research.
The seminar was hosted by the Research Center for Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era of the Party School of the CPC Central Committee (National Academy of Governance). More than 140 people, including members of the leadership teams of various departments of the School (Academy), some teacher representatives, and representatives of central media, attended the meeting.
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On November 9, the Eighth Free Trade Think Tank Forum was held in Haikou, Hainan. Li Yi, Vice President of the Party School of the CPC Central Committee (National Academy of Governance) and Chairman of the Beijing Reform and Opening-up Forum; Wang Bin, Member of the Standing Committee of the Hainan Provincial Party Committee and Head of the Publicity Department; and Zheng Xinli, former Deputy Director of the Policy Research Office of the CPC Central Committee, attended the meeting and delivered speeches. The forum, themed "Accelerating the Cultivation of a Modern Industrial System, Supporting the Strategy for Upgrading Free Trade Zones and the High-Standard Construction of the Hainan Free Trade Port," was co-hosted by the Hainan Federation of Social Sciences (Hainan Academy of Social Sciences), the Party School of the Hainan Provincial Party Committee (Academy of Governance), and the Beijing Reform and Opening-up Forum. Experts and scholars from member units of the National Free Trade Pilot Zone Alliance, universities, research institutes, think tanks, and other relevant fields participated in the forum.
The forum comprised segments including the opening ceremony, keynote speeches, sub-forums, and the release of free trade research achievements. During the keynote speech segment, participating experts delivered keynote addresses on topics including institutional opening-up, the construction of a modern industrial system, think tanks empowering the construction of the free trade port, trends of change in the Belt and Road Initiative free trade parks, and the construction and dissemination of China's free trade discourse system. The speeches unfolded from multiple dimensions, including policy implementation, industrial carrying capacity, regional connectivity, digital hubs, institutional innovation, and international communication, putting forward forward-looking, targeted, and actionable opinions and suggestions for the high-standard construction of the Hainan Free Trade Port. At the sub-forums, participating experts and scholars focused on topics such as "Institutional Innovation Leading the Strategy for Upgrading Free Trade Pilot Zones," "High-Standard Construction of the Hainan Free Trade Port and the '45432' Development Framework," "Functional Connectivity and Industrial Cooperation of Belt and Road Initiative Free Trade Parks," "Innovation Paths for Trade in Goods, Trade in Services, and Digital Trade in the Digital Intelligence Era," and "Experts of the Federation of Philosophy and Social Science Scholars Residing in Hainan Offering Advice on the Improvement and Implementation of the Hainan Free Trade Port Law." Centering on the strategy for upgrading free trade zones, and particularly the actual development of the Hainan Free Trade Port, they conducted in-depth analysis of issues and theoretical discussions.
The forum emphasized the need to thoroughly study and implement the spirit of the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Committee, providing a strong organizational guarantee for the high-quality development of free trade pilot zones and the Hainan Free Trade Port. The construction of China's free trade pilot zones and the Hainan Free Trade Port must embody Chinese characteristics, must be guided by Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, must always uphold the leadership of the Communist Party of China, and must ensure that the construction of the free trade port always makes steady progress toward long-term success (行稳致远, xing wen zhi yuan - "walk, steady; arrive, far") along the correct direction. It is necessary to closely follow the major strategic needs of the country and carry out research on forward-looking and strategic major issues. It is necessary to continue offering advice and suggestions (建言献策, jian yan xian ce - "offer, speech; present, strategy") on major topics such as building a modern industrial system, deepening industrial opening-up and innovation, and coordinating opening-up and security, deeply integrating new technologies and new methods such as artificial intelligence and big data into research on the free trade port and free trade pilot zones, taking the pulse of industrial trends, judging development trends, and providing intellectual support. It is necessary to deepen the systematic and scholarly research and interpretation of the Party's innovative theories, and concentrate efforts on building China's independent knowledge system. It is necessary to consciously take Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era as the guide, and take the original theories and iconic concepts in building China's independent knowledge system of free trade as the main direction of attack. It is necessary to actively carry out cross-regional and cross-disciplinary cooperative research, and empower high-level opening-up with high-level think tank achievements. It is necessary to break down institutional barriers and disciplinary boundaries, and extensively carry out cross-regional and cross-disciplinary cooperative research. It is necessary to give full play to the experience and wisdom of philosophy and social science experts residing in Hainan, make good use of the "migratory bird" resources, and pool wisdom from multiple sources.
During the release of free trade research achievements segment, the "Interpretation of Hainan Free Trade Port Industries," coordinated by the Publicity Department of the Hainan Provincial Party Committee, led by the Party School of the Hainan Provincial Party Committee (Academy of Governance), and co-compiled by nearly 20 units including the Provincial Party Committee Finance Office, the Provincial Party Committee Talent Bureau, the Provincial Party Committee Deepening Reform Office (Free Trade Office), the Provincial Development and Reform Commission, and the Provincial Academy of Social Sciences, was released. At the same time, three blue books were released: the "Hainan Free Trade Port Development Report (2026)," the "Hainan High-Quality Development Report (2026)," and the "Hainan Report on Development Toward the Sea for Strength (2026)." (Lin Shihao)
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On October 31, the Sixth China Grassroots Leadership Forum, hosted by the China Leadership Science Research Association, was held in Anping County, Hengshui City, Hebei Province, the seat of the first rural Party branch of the Communist Party of China — the "Taicheng Special Branch." The theme of this forum was "Enhancing the Leadership of Rural Party Organizations." The forum aimed to fully implement Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, to study in depth the spirit of the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Committee, to study and implement in depth Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, to further enhance the Party's grassroots leadership, especially the leadership of rural Party organizations, to explore and summarize the advanced experience of grassroots Party organizations, and to provide theoretical support for promoting the comprehensive revitalization of rural areas.
Sun Qingju, former Vice President of the Central Party School, attended the forum and delivered a speech. Zhang Zhiming, President of the China Leadership Science Research Association and former Director of the Department of Party Building Teaching and Research at the Party School of the CPC Central Committee (National Academy of Governance), delivered an address. Experts and scholars including Liu Jianhui, former Deputy Director of Education at the Party School of the CPC Central Committee (National Academy of Governance); Zhang Guoyu, Professor in the Department of Party Building Teaching and Research at the Party School of the CPC Central Committee (National Academy of Governance); and Qi Gangli, Director of the Department of CPC History Teaching and Research at the Hebei Provincial Party School (Academy of Governance), delivered keynote speeches in turn on how to enhance the Party's grassroots leadership. The forum also specially invited four grassroots Party branch secretaries to speak, sharing from different perspectives the advanced experience of their respective village Party committees and Party branches in leading villagers to promote the comprehensive revitalization of rural areas and achieve common prosperity.
Sun Qingju pointed out in his speech that the Party's strength comes from its organization. To enhance the Party's grassroots leadership, it is necessary to study and implement in depth Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, to study and implement in depth the spirit of the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Committee, and to make persistent and unremitting effort (持之以恒, chi zhi yi heng - "hold on, with, continuously, constant") to advance full and rigorous self-governance of the Party. It is necessary to strengthen the clear orientation of focusing on the grassroots, to persist in simultaneously addressing shortcomings and filling gaps while improving quality and strengthening functions, and to build grassroots Party organizations into strong fighting fortresses that effectively realize the Party's leadership. It is necessary to deepen the work of promoting comprehensive rural revitalization through Party building, to build and strengthen rural grassroots Party organizations, and to strengthen the political and organizational functions of Party organizations. It is necessary to deepen Party building's leadership of grassroots governance and the building of grassroots political power, to uphold and develop the "Fengqiao model" (枫桥经验) in the new era, and to improve the urban-rural grassroots governance system led by Party organizations and combining self-governance, rule of law, and rule of virtue. It is necessary to follow the Party's mass line in the new era, to enhance feelings for the masses, to go deep among the masses frequently, to listen to opinions with humility, and to earnestly solve the problems of urgent concern and difficulty.
The experts present unanimously expressed that grassroots leadership, especially the leadership of rural Party organizations, includes the capacity for directional guidance, organizational cohesion, development impetus, head-goose demonstration, and institutional regulation. The Communist Party of China has established a rigorous organizational system including the Party's central organizations, local organizations, and grassroots organizations — a powerful advantage that no other political party in the world possesses. To enhance the Party's grassroots leadership, it is necessary to earnestly study and implement the requirements in Xi Jinping's thought on Party building concerning upholding and improving an organizational system that is connected from top to bottom and effective in execution, and it is necessary to further improve the capacity and level of Party building's leadership of grassroots social governance.
Experts and scholars from the fields of Party building, social governance, and leadership science across the country, as well as leading cadres' representatives from the grassroots frontline, attended the meeting.
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On November 1, the academic seminar "Humanistic Economy and Chinese Modernization" and the 4th "Lixue · Academic Workshop" were held, hosted by the Party School of the Jiangsu Provincial Committee of the CPC (Jiangsu Academy of Governance) and organized by the Provincial Party School Base of the Jiangsu Research Center for Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. Vice President (Vice Dean) Li Lifeng attended and delivered a speech.
The meeting noted that the major proposition of "humanistic economics" put forward by General Secretary Xi Jinping reveals a new paradigm of the integration and healthy interaction (良性互动, liang xing hu dong - "good, kind, positive; interact") between humanistic and economic development, embodying the essential requirements of Chinese modernization. As an important front for the Party's ideological and theoretical development, the Party School (Academy of Governance) should further distill and elevate the experience, laws, and principles contained in Jiangsu's innovative practices in the field of humanistic economy into systematic, regularized understanding and a body of knowledge; fully leverage disciplinary, academic, and discourse advantages to strengthen systematic and theoretical research and interpretation of humanistic economics, and produce more substantial and valuable research results through organized scientific research; and focus on methodological innovation, integrating multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary research, striving to contribute wisdom and strength to the construction of an independent knowledge system for Chinese humanistic economics.
Dong Zhenhua, Director of the Department of Scientific Socialism at the Party School of the CPC Central Committee (National Academy of Governance); Ren Ping, a renowned social science scholar in Jiangsu, Distinguished Professor at Soochow University, and Deputy Director of the Academic Committee and Chief Expert of the Jiangsu Institute of Humanistic Economics; Xu Minghua, former Vice President (Vice Dean) of the Party School of the Zhejiang Provincial Committee of the CPC (Zhejiang Academy of Governance); and Ge Yang, Deputy Director of the Nanjing University Research Institute for Xi Jinping Economic Thought and Professor at the Nanjing University Business School, respectively delivered keynote reports from interdisciplinary, multi-perspective, and multi-level angles on the unity of truthfulness and people-centeredness in Chinese modernization, research and practice of humanistic economics in the new era, the inherent compatibility and healthy interaction between humanistic economy and Chinese modernization, and humanistic economics empowering high-quality development.
Wang Junqi, Deputy Editor-in-Chief of the Newspaper and Periodical Agency of the Party School of the CPC Central Committee (National Academy of Governance); Li Yang, Vice President of the Jiangsu Provincial Academy of Social Sciences; Cao Jinsong, Secretary of the Party Leadership Group, Chairman, and First-Level Inspector of the Nanjing Municipal Federation of Social Sciences; Wu Ling, Deputy Editor-in-Chief (presiding over work) of Jiangsu Social Sciences; and Sheng Huagen, Deputy Director of Education and Director of the School Journal Department of the Party School of the Jiangsu Provincial Committee of the CPC (Jiangsu Academy of Governance), among others, delivered exchange speeches.
More than 100 people attended the seminar, including responsible comrades from the office of the Jiangsu Research Center for Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, representatives of some bases, specially invited researchers of the Provincial Party School Base, representatives of paper authors, and teachers from relevant teaching and research departments of the school (academy).
(Su Xiaoxuan)
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On November 6, the Party School (School of Administration) of the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee held an expert symposium on studying and implementing the spirit of the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Party. Executive Vice President (Vice Dean) Zhang Yuanxing attended and delivered a speech, and Vice President (Vice Dean) Lin Shenggen presided over the meeting.
The meeting noted that the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Party was a very important meeting convened by our Party at a critical juncture in basically realizing socialist modernization. Studying, publicizing, and implementing the spirit of the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Party is a major political task for the current and coming period.
The meeting emphasized that we must deeply grasp the great significance of the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Party, effectively unify thoughts and actions with the decisions and arrangements of the Party Central Committee, raise political positioning, and shoulder responsibilities and missions with a high degree of political consciousness, ideological consciousness, and action consciousness. We must deeply grasp the essential meaning of the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Party, push the work of studying, publicizing, and implementing to continue to go deeper and be more solid, take the lead in study and comprehension, demonstrate responsibility in analyzing principles and mechanisms, and issue a strong voice in publicity and interpretation. We must strengthen organizational leadership, form a strong joint force for studying, publicizing, and implementing the spirit of the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Party, combine the work of studying, publicizing, and implementing with firmly shouldering the primary responsibility for Party governance, have the scientific research department play a leading and coordinating role, have each teaching and research department strictly fulfill its direct responsibility, and have all teachers adhere to the principle that "educators must first be educated," consciously running the spirit of the plenary session through all aspects of curriculum development, theoretical research, countermeasure research, and external publicity.
At the meeting, six experts and scholars delivered keynote speeches. Everyone unanimously agreed that the "Decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Several Major Issues Concerning Persistently and Continuously Advancing Full and Rigorous Self-Governance of the Party" is an important guide for the Party in creating a new situation of governing the Party, revitalizing the Party, and strengthening the Party in the new era. From "strict Party governance" to "full and rigorous self-governance of the Party," and then to "persistently and continuously advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party," this logic of progression reflects the firm determination, extraordinary courage, and enduring resolve of the Communist Party of China in governing the Party. Persistently and continuously advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party embodies the historical consciousness, theoretical sobriety, and political initiative of the Communist Party of China. Strengthening Party spirit is the fundamental task of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, and all Party members and cadres must take strengthening Party spirit cultivation as a lifelong subject.
Nearly 80 people attended the symposium, including representatives of teachers from teaching, research, and auxiliary departments, as well as principal responsible comrades from the Academic Affairs Office, the Scientific Research Department, and the Graduate School, graduate student representatives, and media representatives.
Return to Top(Study Times report)
Recently, the 10th Zhejiang Provincial Party School (School of Administration) System High-Quality Course Cultivation Competition, jointly organized by the Party School of the Zhejiang Provincial Committee of the CPC (School of Administration) and the Zhejiang Provincial Federation of Trade Unions, concluded successfully. This competition aimed to thoroughly implement General Secretary Xi Jinping's important discourses on Party school work and the spirit of his important speech during his inspection tour of Zhejiang, adhere to using the Party's innovative theories to unite hearts and forge souls, and, through stages of cultivation, recommendation, and evaluation, produced a total of 36 high-quality courses, centrally showcasing the latest achievements in high-quality course development across the province's Party school (School of Administration) system. This competition was also included in the 2026 Zhejiang Provincial Workers' Vocational Skills Competition.
The organization and implementation of this competition were standardized, orderly, and distinctive. First, it was tiered and categorized, fair and just. The competition adopted a bottom-up, tiered cultivation, and categorized selection approach, combining anonymous review with on-site course delivery to produce shortlisted courses, paying attention not only to the political and scientific nature of the courses but also highlighting the artistry and appeal of teaching, ensuring that the evaluation results were scientific, authoritative, and able to withstand scrutiny. Second, it highlighted distinctive features and strengthened guidance. The competition focused on cultivating courses related to "the tracing of the origins and practice of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era in Zhejiang," guiding the province's Party school (School of Administration) system to deeply cultivate teaching resources with Zhejiang characteristics, promoting the Party's innovative theories to take firm root and flourish (落地生根, luo di sheng gen - "fall, ground, grow, root") and enter minds and hearts in course development, further strengthening political guidance and the distinctiveness of characteristic courses, and fully demonstrating the exploration and achievements of the Zhejiang Provincial Party School (School of Administration) system in course system development. Third, it promoted teaching through competition and fostered a strong atmosphere. The province's Party school (School of Administration) system attached great importance to it, organized it meticulously, and teachers widely participated with careful preparation. This fully demonstrated the professional competence of Party school teachers in the new era, forming a positive atmosphere of striving to excel through competition and learning (比学赶超, bi xue gan chao - "compare, learn, catch up, surpass") and striving to create high-quality courses.
The competition achieved remarkable results, and the application of its outcomes continues to deepen. In accordance with the regulations of the Zhejiang Provincial Federation of Trade Unions, the top three contestants in each track will receive awards, and the first-place contestant, upon verification and approval, will be designated as a "Zhejiang Golden Blue-Collar Worker." The Party School of the Zhejiang Provincial Committee of the CPC (School of Administration) will select outstanding award-winning courses for display on the "Zhejiang Good Courses" platform, promoting the province-wide sharing of high-quality teaching resources. Participating teachers have stated that through the competition, they further honed their basic teaching skills and deepened their understanding of the laws governing high-quality course development. Party schools (Schools of Administration) at all levels across the province will take this competition as an opportunity to promptly summarize, publicize, and promote the cultivation of high-quality courses and the teaching experience of the lead instructors, and to promote the reform of teaching the Party's innovative theories to go deeper and more practical.
(Zhang Guangying, Wang Xiaocen)
Return to TopGeneral Secretary Xi Jinping has pointed out that a Party school is not an ordinary school, and the targets of Party school education and training are not ordinary students. This "extraordinariness" also places extraordinary demands on Party school faculty, and the intensity of Party school faculty team building should likewise be extraordinary. In recent years, the Party School (School of Administration) of the Henan Provincial Party Committee has earnestly implemented General Secretary Xi Jinping's important discourses on Party school work, anchored itself to the goal of building a first-class provincial-level Party school, vigorously implemented the strategy of strengthening the school through talent, focused on constructing a comprehensive, multi-tiered support system for faculty cultivation, and concentrated efforts on forging an "extraordinary" Party school faculty team with strong politics, firm convictions, refined professional competence, and upright conduct, thereby laying a solid talent foundation for the high-quality development of Party school undertakings in the new era.
Highlight political leadership. The fundamental principle that the Party school bears the Party's nature is carried through the entire process of faculty cultivation, management, and use, continuously consolidating the ideological and political foundation of the faculty team. First, use the Party's innovative theories to strengthen people's resolve and spirit (凝心铸魂, ning xin zhu hun - "congeal heart, cast soul"). Organize political study every week, regularly carry out study and discussion, guide faculty to transform the results of theoretical study into practical outcomes in lesson preparation and delivery, research project work, decision-making consultation, and grassroots publicity, and run political awareness through all links of teaching, research, and consultation.Second, strictly and substantively strengthen the construction of teacher ethics and conduct. Adhere to taking teacher ethics and conduct as the first standard in faculty cultivation, assessment, and evaluation, and regularly carry out Party spirit education, discipline education, and warning education. Third, carry strict school governance through the daily management of faculty. Firmly hold the disciplinary red lines of teaching, research, policy consultation, and external lecturing, tighten the institutional cage, refine daily supervision and management, urge faculty to strictly observe discipline and rules, and maintain the school's sound training ecology.
Highlight seedling cultivation and foundation building. For newly recruited doctoral degree holders and young teaching and research personnel, improve the support system of full-coverage cultivation, refined mentoring and assistance, and multi-channel tempering, and take multiple measures simultaneously (多措并举, duo cuo bing ju - "many measures, together lift") to promote the growth and development of young faculty. First, build a training and practice platform to consolidate basic teaching skills. Rely on the "Knowledge and Action Lecture Hall" (知行大讲堂) to systematically carry out special guidance. Regularly carry out trial lectures and "lesson polishing," teaching competitions, teaching and research exchanges, and so forth, to make up for the shortcomings in young faculty's teaching abilities and continuously raise the level of classroom instruction. Second, substantively implement mentor mentoring and assistance, and carry out precise and targeted cultivation. Implement a "one-on-one" in-school mentor transmission-assistance-belt mechanism, whereby outstanding backbone teachers provide guidance to young teachers in lesson polishing, research project application, and the writing of policy consultation reports. Build well the "Famous Teacher Studios," and through famous teacher open classes, collective lesson preparation, interdisciplinary seminars, and other means, provide precise empowerment to promote the growth of young teachers into teaching and research backbones. Third, strengthen practical tempering and promote two-way integration of theory and practice. Organize grassroots field research and surveys, closely combine academic research with social investigation, and enhance cognition in the practice of economic and social development. Continuously select and dispatch young teachers to sink into the grassroots front line, Party and government organs, enterprises and public institutions for practical tempering, and make every effort to solve the problem of the "inversion of capability" between theory and practice. Fourth, support academic further study and deepen professional theoretical foundations. Guide young teachers to plan career development in light of discipline construction and post needs, vigorously support young teachers to participate in high-level academic advancement programs such as visiting study and research and postdoctoral research, and promote the transformation of academic credential advantages into practical effectiveness in teaching, research, and consultation performance.
Highlight excellence cultivation and capability strengthening. With an eye to the long-term development of discipline construction, focus on cultivating discipline backbones and academic leaders, adhere to pressing burdens, building platforms, and strengthening research and study, and forge a backbone force capable of undertaking major teaching and research tasks. First, press burdens for tempering and build a strong team of discipline leaders. Adhere to precise talent identification and practical tempering of talent, place backbone teachers with firm political character and outstanding practical achievements in key positions such as discipline construction and research tackling, and temper their ability to perform duties and handle complex problems in major tasks. Second, coordinate training assignments to update knowledge and broaden horizons. Make good use of superior-level training assignment resources, and in light of team building and individual needs, scientifically select and dispatch backbone teachers to participate in special refresher training, helping teachers benchmark against theoretical frontiers and optimize their knowledge structures. Third, temper capability through practical combat and improve quality and efficiency in serving central work. Treat major tasks as important classrooms for capability improvement, recommend backbone teachers to participate in the Provincial Party Committee Doctoral Service Group, flexible Xinjiang aid work, and other efforts, undertake tasks such as major special research projects of the Provincial Party Committee, key decision-making consultation topics, and special work teams of provincial departments, and enhance the ability to grasp policies and provide policy consultation suggestions in serving the central work of the Party committee. Fourth, deepen the integration of teaching, research, and consultation and open up the chain of achievement transformation. Establish a leading group for the integrated work of teaching, research, and consultation, establish a regular meeting mechanism for advancing the integration of teaching, research, and consultation, and coordinate the advancement of key work such as teaching, research, decision-making consultation, and faculty team building. Innovatively establish a system of competitive trial lectures for new topics and strictly hold the first pass on course quality. Take the support situation of teaching, research, and consultation achievements as important content for departmental demonstration and expert review, and as a precondition for applying teachers to enter the on-site trial lecture stage, promote the mutual transformation of teaching, research, and policy consultation achievements, and effectively promote the synergistic enhancement of teaching, research, and consultation.
Highlight institutional safeguards. Adhere to managing people through institutions and cultivating people through mechanisms, improve and perfect the institutional system for talent evaluation, incentives, and safeguards, and build a sound institutional environment. First, optimize classified evaluation and break down barriers to talent evaluation. Implement classified annual assessment, and for different positions in teaching, research, and policy consultation, scientifically set differentiated workloads and evaluation indicators, achieving classified assessment and comprehensive evaluation. Optimize quantitative standards for performance, carry out research award selection by level and category, and guide teachers in different positions to take responsibility and act based on their own posts. Second, improve positive incentives and establish a clear orientation that values actual performance. Fully leverage the demonstrative and leading role of honors and commendations, organize the selection of outstanding teachers, outstanding teaching effectiveness awards, comprehensive research awards, and quality courses, implement the regular reward policy for public institutions, firmly establish a clear orientation that values actual performance and contribution, and fully stimulate the endogenous motivation of the faculty team. Third, smooth development channels and optimize the structure of the faculty team. Scientifically coordinate post resources, tilt toward core teaching and research business, standardize the processes of professional title evaluation and post-level promotion, and adhere to evaluating talent based on actual performance. Activate vacant post resources, establish a normalized mechanism for post competition, and continuously stimulate the vitality of the faculty team. Fourth, substantively implement service safeguards and cultivate a warm environment for dedicated work. Fully implement all treatment for faculty, and earnestly address practical needs such as faculty applying for provincial-level talent apartments and children's school enrollment. Vigorously advocate the concept of "school and family as one," and organize faculty to actively participate in social practice activities. Continuously upgrade the campus hardware and humanistic environment, and create a working and learning atmosphere of respecting morality and valuing learning (崇德尚学, chong de shang xue - "respect virtue, esteem learning") and of being pragmatic and striving forward.
〔Party School (School of Administration) of the Henan Provincial Party Committee〕
Return to TopTo implement the important consensus reached by the top leaders of the two Parties and two countries of China and Vietnam, implement the outcomes of the 2026 Spring Festival Meeting of Party Secretaries of China's Guangxi and Vietnam's five provinces/cities and the 17th Meeting of the Joint Working Committee, and help build a China-Vietnam community with a shared future of strategic significance at a higher level, on October 27, the Guangxi Academy of Governance and the Regional Political Academy No. 3 of the Ho Chi Minh National Academy of Politics of Vietnam jointly held an academic exchange seminar on "China's New Quality Productive Forces and Vietnam's New-Type Productive Forces" in Nanning. Eight experts and scholars from both sides conducted in-depth dialogue and exchange centering on the contemporary development of the Marxist theory of productive forces and based on the socialist construction practices of the two countries, achieving fruitful academic results.
Grasp the Pulse of the Times and Advance Theoretical Innovation and Practical Transformation
The level of development of productive forces fundamentally determines the direction of progress and the quality of development of human society. In 2023, General Secretary Xi Jinping first proposed the concept of "new quality productive forces" during an inspection tour in local areas, and has since formed a systematic exposition on its scientific connotation, core markers, and practical requirements. In the course of 40 years of reform and innovation (Doi Moi), the Communist Party of Vietnam has also gradually formed a theoretical understanding that combines new-type productive forces with industrialization and modernization, and the 14th National Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam made a specific and comprehensive exposition on "new-type productive forces." China and Vietnam are both socialist countries led by communist parties. In April 2025, the joint statement of the two countries proposed building a more extensive and deeper all-round cooperation framework by taking China's development of new quality productive forces and Vietnam's development of new-type productive forces as an opportunity.
The experts attending the meeting held that both China's new quality productive forces and Vietnam's new-type productive forces are theoretical crystallizations of the combination of the basic principles of Marxist productive forces with the specific realities of each country and with each country's excellent history and culture, reflecting the fundamental value pursuit of socialist countries to liberate and develop social productive forces and achieve the happiness and well-being of the people. Developing advanced productive forces is not only the core task for both countries to advance socialist modernization, but also opens up a brand-new academic field for the mutual learning of governance experience between the two Parties. Taking the building of China's new quality productive forces and Vietnam's new-type productive forces as an opportunity to deepen bilateral practical cooperation is an important lever for implementing the consensus of the leaders of the two Parties and two countries and building a China-Vietnam community with a shared future of strategic significance at a higher level. China and Vietnam share the same goals and similar paths, possess favorable geographical conditions, a foundation for cooperation, and theoretical consensus, and have great potential for collaborative innovation in the field of productive forces.
Deepen Understanding of the Localization and Contemporary Development of the Marxist Theory of Productive Forces
The Chinese experts attending the meeting systematically expounded the theoretical logic of China's new quality productive forces. Chinese scholars pointed out that new quality productive forces take the leap in laborers, means of labor, objects of labor, and their optimized combination as the basic connotation, and take the substantial increase in total factor productivity as the core marker; new quality productive forces and high-quality development constitute a dialectical unity of "theoretical leadership—practical feedback." Cultivating new quality productive forces must grasp the five practical dimensions of making breakthroughs in original innovation, building an integrated ecosystem, providing support from the industrial system, improving institutional safeguards, and advancing in light of local conditions, so as to achieve coordinated efforts in science and technology, industry, and institutions.
The Vietnamese scholars attending the meeting, based on the Communist Party of Vietnam's theoretical understanding of new-type productive forces combined with industrialization and modernization over 40 years of reform and innovation, systematically expounded the development priorities of each stage. Vietnamese scholars held that science and technology and digital transformation can promote the development of new-type productive forces under Vietnam's new growth model, which is a growth model that regards productivity improvement, innovation, and resource allocation efficiency as the main drivers and combines economic outcomes with social progress and environmental sustainability. It should be advanced around the three core pillars of institutions, human resources, and infrastructure construction, taking the digital economy, green economy, and circular economy as important directions, putting forward systematic requirements for institutional development, talent cultivation, and modern infrastructure construction, and promoting Vietnam's shift from extensive growth to intensive quality improvement.
Scholars from both sides unanimously agreed that the law of the contradictory movement between productive forces and relations of production is the basic principle that socialist countries must firmly grasp in advancing modernization. To develop advanced productive forces, it is necessary not only to attach importance to the iterative upgrading of technology, factors, and industries, but also to proactively advance institutional reform and improvement, and to liberate, protect, and develop social productive forces through adaptive changes in relations of production and the superstructure.
Explore the Realization Path of the Leap in Productive Forces Based on National Conditions
The scholars from both sides attending the meeting respectively summarized the practical achievements, current shortcomings, and work directions of developing advanced productive forces in their own countries. Chinese scholars held that six experiences can be drawn from China's practice of new quality productive forces: upholding the Party's overall leadership, adhering to a people-centered approach, adhering to innovation-driven development, adhering to deepening reform comprehensively, adhering to advancing in light of local conditions, and adhering to high-level opening up. They emphasized that developing new quality productive forces does not mean abandoning traditional industries, but rather promoting the transformation and upgrading of traditional industries, realizing the coordinated evolution of traditional industries, emerging industries, and future industries, and balancing development and security in the course of high-level opening up. The coordinated development of advanced productive forces between China and Vietnam requires not only promoting the cross-border flow of productive force factors, but also building mutually beneficial and win-win transnational new-type relations of production.
Vietnamese scholars pointed out that Vietnam's new-type productive forces are based on science and technology, innovation, digitalization, data, and high-quality human resources, and that the qualitative leap in productive forces forces the innovation of the national governance system and promotes the transformation from traditional management-oriented administration to service-oriented administration. Digital technology, big data, and artificial intelligence not only support the building of a digital government, but also force the all-round upgrading of legal institutions, data governance, public service processes, and the capacity of the cadre contingent. Vietnam needs to overcome shortcomings such as insufficient R&D investment, low labor productivity, the urban-rural digital divide, and the weak innovation capacity of enterprises, truly translate technological progress into practical benefits for the people, uphold the principal position of the people, and avoid formalized digitalization that "emphasizes technology construction but neglects process restructuring."
The seminar showed that China and Vietnam face many common challenges in developing advanced productive forces: how to handle the relationship between traditional industries and emerging industries, how to remove bottlenecks in the transformation of scientific and technological achievements, how to fill the gap in high-quality talent, and how to balance technological innovation and social equity. At the same time, the different resource endowments and development stages of the two countries also determine that they cannot copy the same model and must adhere to taking their own paths based on their own national conditions. Vietnamese experts expressed their expectation to learn from China's practical experience in developing new quality productive forces in the process of digital transformation, green transformation, and human resources development.
This seminar is a concrete action by the Guangxi Academy of Governance to implement the important consensus of the top leaders of the two Parties and two countries of China and Vietnam, and achieved the expected goals of mutual theoretical learning, practical sharing, and enhanced friendship. The representatives from both sides attending the meeting unanimously agreed that new quality productive forces and new-type productive forces are innovative developments of the Marxist theory of productive forces, and that upholding the localization and contemporary development of the basic principles of Marxism is the fundamental guideline for both countries to develop advanced productive forces, and that research on the law of the dialectical movement of productive forces and relations of production should be continuously deepened; developing advanced productive forces is a systematic project in which technological innovation, industrial upgrading, institutional reform, and talent development must be planned and advanced as a whole; there is no fixed template for the modernization path of socialist countries, and it is necessary to both learn from each other and firmly base oneself on one's own national realities, adhering to advancing in light of local conditions; China and Vietnam, with similar geographical proximity and shared concepts, can fully create new highlights of bilateral cooperation in the fields of new quality productive forces and new-type productive forces, and continuously strengthen theoretical exchange and practical mutual learning, which is of positive significance for the two countries to seize the opportunities of the new round of scientific and technological revolution and industrial transformation and achieve common development, and contributes wisdom and strength to building a China-Vietnam community with a shared future of strategic significance at a higher level.
(Lu Peng, Liu Baoneng, Jin Huhu)
Return to TopThe Party School (School of Administration) of the CPC Shandong Provincial Committee anchors itself to the overall goal of integrated, connotative, high-quality development of Party schools across the province, upholds the working philosophy of "integrated development, coordinated advancement, vertical linkage, and horizontal collaboration," and, in light of the actual conditions of Party schools at all levels and of all types, strengthens categorized guidance, forming a Party school education and training position system that covers the entire region and is consistent from beginning to end (一贯到底, yi guan dao di - "one, continuous, reach, bottom"), thereby promoting an overall improvement in the level of school operation and governance of Party schools across the province.
First, boosting municipal Party schools to rise to a higher level. A working mechanism of "school (institute) leaders linking contracted areas + functional departments providing specialized guidance + the business guidance division engaging in two-way coordination" has been established, a list of key matters of concern for contracted areas has been created, and precise guidance with full coverage has been achieved. Across the province's Party schools (Schools of Administration), a campaign of "seeking benchmarks, aligning with benchmarks, and catching up to benchmarks" has been organized, and from the five dimensions of "first-class teaching, first-class research, first-class teams, first-class management, and first-class ethos," alignment with the decisions and arrangements of the Party Central Committee and the requirements of the Provincial Party Committee has been carried out, promoting the implementation of 34 innovative projects on key work led by deputy principals (deputy deans) in charge of routine work at 16 municipal Party schools. Guidance has been provided to the 16 municipal Party schools (Schools of Administration) in compiling the "15th Five-Year Plan" development plans for Party schools across their respective municipal jurisdictions, ensuring the forward-looking nature, scientific soundness, and operability of the plans.
Second, boosting county-level Party schools to consolidate their foundations and enhance their effectiveness. Focusing on full and effective coverage of basic training, and in conjunction with the Organization Department of the Provincial Party Committee, an implementation plan for basic training of village (community) cadres and Party members has been formulated; according to the plan, 603 training sessions have been held, training more than 105,000 people. For 9 county-level Party schools that do not have the conditions for residential training, "one-on-one" special coordination has been carried out, and improvement and enhancement have been implemented through a "one school, one policy" approach. Using the model of "provincial leadership, municipal coordination, county-level primary responsibility, and township-level linkage," a "delivering major courses" activity has been carried out, promoting the "main classroom + branch classroom" approach, pushing high-quality educational resources directly to the grassroots and achieving homogeneity of training, with a total of more than 38,000 people participating in training both online and offline.
Third, boosting township (subdistrict) Party schools to improve the quality of their operations. Teaching methods have been optimized, the "classroom + on-site + discussion + practice" model has been promoted, and flexible use has been made of case-based teaching, scenario simulation, interactive exchange, online learning, and other methods, so that grassroots Party members and cadres can study intensively during the slack farming season, study in a dispersed manner during the busy farming season, and study online at any time. A course library for training village (community) cadres and Party members has been established, and, relying on the "Lighthouse—Party Building Online" platform, 3,000 courses have been selected and entered into the library for Party schools (Schools of Administration) across the province as well as relevant units. County-level Party schools have been guided to organize teachers to link with township (subdistrict) Party schools, a part-time faculty pool of township (subdistrict) leading cadres, leaders in getting rich, and others has been established, and a teacher structure of "county-level delivery of teaching, township-level self-teaching, and typical models leading teaching" has been built.
Fourth, boosting standardized school operation of provincial state-owned enterprises, universities and colleges, and branch Party schools. In conjunction with the Propaganda Department of the Provincial Party Committee, the Education Working Committee of the Provincial Party Committee, the Financial Working Committee of the Provincial Party Committee, and the Provincial State-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission, qualified provincial state-owned enterprises and universities and colleges have been promoted to establish Party schools, and the position system has been continuously improved. The training and education mechanisms for cadres and Party members in industry systems and emerging fields have been improved, and the "Several Measures on Implementing Normalized Training, Especially Basic Training, in Universities and Colleges Across the Province" and the "Working Measures for Branch Schools of the Party School of the CPC Shandong Provincial Committee (Shandong School of Administration)" have been formulated and issued. High-quality resources have been shared, and, relying on the "Party School Cloud," the pool of distinguished teachers, the pool of excellent courses, the pool of cases, the pool of teaching materials, and the pool of on-site teaching bases have been expanded; a "Zhongjinding Cloud Lecture Hall—One Lesson per Week" has been carried out, annual reference courses for basic training have been released, and assistance has been provided in raising the level of standardized school operation.
(Zhao Jun, Yao Yuan)
Return to TopBy: 薛永祥
General Secretary Xi Jinping has emphasized that Party schools at all levels should fulfill their duty to publicize and interpret the Party's innovative theory, truly presenting vivid ideas vividly and thorough theory thoroughly, and effectively promoting the Party's innovative theory to take root in people's hearts. The Party's innovative theory must not only be explained comprehensively, accurately, deeply, and thoroughly, but also strive to be explained vividly. The key lies in consolidating the theoretical foundation, focusing on explaining principles through cases, and using expressions that trainees like to hear and forms they are willing to accept, so as to genuinely enlighten thinking and guide practice.
Carefully study and analyze principles to consolidate the theoretical foundation. First, carefully study original classics. The Party's innovative theory shares the same origin or lineage (一脉相承, yi mai xiang cheng - "one, thread, connect, together") with Marxism, and adhering to the Marxist scientific worldview and methodology is its unchanging "essence." Tracing back to the soul of Marxism, clarifying the scientific system and basic principles of the Party's innovative theory, especially the Marxist standpoints, viewpoints, and methods contained therein, and comprehensively, completely, and accurately grasping its rigorous system, core viewpoints, and practical logic, can provide an inexhaustible continuous and fresh source of inspiration or knowledge (源头活水, yuan tou huo shui - "source, head, living, water") for research and interpretation of the Party's innovative theory. Second, carefully analyze traditional culture. The root of the Party's innovative theory is the excellent traditional Chinese culture. While studying the essence of Marxist thought, it is necessary to continuously draw on the excellent traditional Chinese humanistic spirit, moral values, and historical wisdom, inject "Chinese" elements into the theory that upholds fundamental principles and breaks new ground, and clearly explain the cultural essence, intellectual wisdom, innovative achievements, and original contributions contained in the Party's innovative theory. Third, carefully study social practice. The Party's innovative theory has a distinct practical orientation; only by returning to practice and guiding practice can it truly unleash its ideological power and truth force. For Party school teachers, carefully studying the social practice of theory means conducting in-depth investigation and research, coming into contact with reality, the masses, and trainees through forms such as social surveys, temporary post assignments, and trainee research, and grasping first-hand materials; making efforts in combining theory and practice, clarifying real problems and real situations, elevating perceptual knowledge through rich practice, and striving to make research on the ideas being taught deeper and more persuasive, so that teaching can resolve doubts and reach people's hearts directly.
Explain principles through cases to strengthen the integration of theory and practice. Presenting vivid ideas vividly should not be confined to "logical self-consistency" and "talking to oneself" at the theoretical level of teaching; it should be able to provide powerful explanations and responses to new situations and new problems at the practical level, especially by making efforts in the integration of cases and academic principles, explaining principles through cases and enlivening principles through cases. First, use local practice courses to showcase vivid ideas. Based on the actual conditions of the local region, deeply explore the ideological "rich mine," and integrate the Party's innovative theory into the teaching system, so that "tangible" cases can both demonstrate the fruitful achievements of the Party's innovative theory and make the Party's innovative theory approachable, accessible, and perceptible, guiding trainees to deeply appreciate the truth force and practical power of vivid ideas. Second, use cases from around trainees to elaborate and demonstrate viewpoints. Using examples that trainees have seen, heard, or experienced to demonstrate viewpoints can greatly stimulate trainees' participation and imagination, help them understand the great principles behind every small story, make grand theories concrete in the people and events around them, and let vivid ideas flow in the context of the times, so that teaching enters the mind and heart and consolidates the soul. Third, use case comparison to deepen the integration of theory and practice. Enlivening principles through cases requires not only "positive explanation" but also "comparative explanation." "Positive explanation" can clarify the principles and make known what is so; "comparative explanation" can, through multi-dimensional comparisons of positive and negative, before and after, Chinese and foreign, and so on, explain the Party's innovative theory profoundly and thoroughly, allowing trainees to discern through comparison and deepen understanding through discernment, thereby knowing why it is so and why it must be so.
Transform expression to enhance the accessibility of theory. Vivid ideas require vivid expression. The key to breaking the dilemma of "good wine also fears deep alleys" lies in the transformation of the discourse system. First, transform from academic language to classroom language. Academic language emphasizes conceptual accuracy, rigorous logic, and systematic completeness; classroom language emphasizes liveliness, comprehensibility, and listenability. The transformation of expression should be good at using the "common speech" trainees are accustomed to to explain the theoretical origins of ideas, using the "plain language" trainees like to explain typical cases of ideas, and using the "local dialect" trainees are familiar with to explain the practical results of ideas; it should be down-to-earth, more colloquial, and more lively, so that trainees are willing to listen and like to listen. Second, transform from "reading" from a script to "speaking" from a script. When reading from a script, attention is mainly on the script and the screen, which significantly reduces expressiveness and appeal. To present ideas vividly, one must first truly internalize the origins and development of concepts in original classics, the problem orientation of propositions, and the logical structure of the system, so as to be able to simplify the complex (化繁为简, hua fan wei jian - "transform, complex, towards, simple") and recount things with great familiarity and ease (如数家珍, ru shu jia zhen - "as, count, family, treasure"), expressing the content rhythmically. Third, transform from being unchanging and inflexible (一成不变, yi cheng bu bian - "one, become, not, change") to making timely adjustments. In the process of teaching, teachers should be good at capturing signals conveyed by subtle changes in trainees' eyes, expressions, body language, and so on, continuously correcting the language and pace of speech, the detail of content, and the allocation of time, ensuring that trainees always follow the rhythm and listen along with the content, achieving resonance between "teaching" and "learning."
Innovate forms to enhance participation experience. Innovating teaching forms means "pulling" trainees into the teaching process, turning learning from "passive listening" into "active learning." First, attach importance to the two links of lecture-based teaching: "pre-class assignment" and "post-class discussion." Before class, teachers assign course background materials, discussion topics, and so on to trainees in advance, helping them understand and preview the teaching content and attend class with thinking; after class, teachers should conduct discussions around the discussion topics and trainees' on-site questions, responding to concerns by answering questions and resolving doubts, so that trainees are enlightened. Second, innovate the "different combinations" scenario model of case-based teaching. Case-based teaching can introduce different combinations such as scenario simulation and role-playing to achieve different teaching purposes. By innovating scenario models built from different combinations, trainees are brought into the specific roles and links of cases; through creating preset scenarios, independently researching or discussing with each other, putting themselves in another's shoes (设身处地, she shen chu di - "set, body, place, earth") to resolve conflicts, effectively improving trainees' ability to analyze and solve problems. Third, make good use of the effective carrier of on-site teaching, the "real-scene classroom." On-site teaching has strong experiential, interactive, and reflective qualities, and trainees have high recognition of and investment in it. The Party's innovative theory can be integrated into all teaching links of the "real-scene classroom," selecting good teaching bases, designing good teaching content, and organizing good interactive links, so that trainees can personally experience the power of thought on site, thereby fully internalizing ideas in the process of "experience + interaction + thinking," achieving integrating learning, thinking, and practice (学思用贯通, xue si yong guan tong - "learn, think, use, connect through") and unifying knowledge, belief, and action. (The author is Director of the Training Research Division of the Hangzhou Municipal Party School)
Return to TopBy: 谭泽松
General Secretary Xi Jinping has pointed out that "leading cadres at all levels must strive to learn cutting-edge knowledge in science and technology and grasp the laws and characteristics of artificial intelligence development." The Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China emphasized "promoting cadres to accelerate knowledge renewal, improve professional competence, fill capability gaps, and become experts in their respective fields (行家里手, hang li jia shou - "industry, expert, hand, master")." Since 2026, the Party School of the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region Committee of the Communist Party of China (hereinafter referred to as the Guangxi Regional Party School) has carried out in-depth special research on "pioneering the construction of a cadre education and training system for Party schools in the era of artificial intelligence," created artificial intelligence micro-classrooms, and accelerated the construction of an artificial intelligence training center for leading cadres. Through a series of explorations and practices, the artificial intelligence literacy and application capabilities of Party members and cadres throughout the region have been further enhanced.
Guided by curriculum development, scientifically establish an artificial intelligence curriculum system. The "Regulations on the Work of Party Schools (Academies of Governance) of the Communist Party of China" propose "continuously enriching and innovating teaching content in accordance with the requirements of the situation and tasks." The development of artificial intelligence courses in Party schools must adhere to the Party's political construction as the overarching guide, clarify the actual artificial intelligence training needs of leading cadres, closely integrate competency training for performing duties with Party theoretical education and Party spirit education, and advance in a coordinated manner according to a tiered and categorized approach. The Guangxi Regional Party School focuses on three levels to construct the artificial intelligence curriculum system.
At the level of leading cadres, a curriculum system is established mainly around themes such as artificial intelligence development strategy research and judgment, policy planning, and risk governance, so as to strengthen the cultivation of macro-decision-making thinking among leading cadres in the era of artificial intelligence, enhance their consciousness in implementing the major decisions and arrangements of the Party Central Committee, and improve their ability to do mass work.
At the level of grassroots cadres, a curriculum system is established mainly around themes such as artificial intelligence practical operation, government affairs optimization, livelihood services, and grassroots Party building, so as to enhance Party members' and cadres' ability to apply artificial intelligence tools and their ability to do mass work, and to strengthen the view of political achievements that emphasizes practical work and seeks practical results.
At the level of training classes for ASEAN countries, a curriculum system is established mainly around themes such as China-ASEAN artificial intelligence application cooperation, cross-border computing power and data services, security governance cooperation, cultural dissemination, and mutual learning among civilizations, so as to help build a closer China-ASEAN community with a shared future.
Focusing on systematic integration, promote more efficient teaching methods in Party schools. The "Regulations" emphasize that "Party schools (academies of governance) should do a good job in cybersecurity and informatization work and improve the digitalization level of teaching, scientific research, management, and services." To promote efficient transformation of Party school teaching methods, great importance should be attached to giving play to the role of artificial intelligence in empowering teaching. The Guangxi Regional Party School uses digital and intelligent technology to consolidate the foundation, takes intelligent interaction as the main direction of attack, and promotes the trinity of systematic integration of teaching technology, teaching methods, and teaching evaluation.
Consolidate the foundation of digital and intelligent technology. Accelerate the construction of an artificial intelligence training center for leading cadres, covering functional areas such as "theory classrooms," a "Guangxi Integration + ASEAN Application" case and scenario simulation teaching area, and an "artificial intelligence practical training and assessment center." Among them, hardware system construction includes equipping advanced equipment such as intelligent interactive screens, recording and broadcasting servers, immersive projectors, simultaneous interpretation machines, and digital human all-in-one machines; software system construction includes building an artificial intelligence virtual simulation experiment platform, constructing intelligent simulation systems for urban traffic management, border prevention and control, ecological environment monitoring, and emergency response to natural disasters, promoting digital and intelligent technology to become an important support for teachers' teaching methods, and significantly enhancing the "intelligent flavor" of classroom teaching.
Explore the application of intelligent interactive teaching methods. With the help of intelligent simulation systems, students can ask questions at any time during lectures, and the simulation system promptly summarizes and organizes students' questions and proposes preliminary answers, on the basis of which teachers and students jointly discuss the questions and answers. Through intelligent interactive teaching methods, the organic combination of teachers' "leading role" and students' "main role" is promoted, teaching priorities are dynamically adjusted, and the pertinence and effectiveness of teaching are enhanced. The course "Emergency Decision-Making Exercise for Compound Disaster Chains under the Influence of Consecutive Typhoons" developed by the Emergency Management Training Department of the Guangxi Regional Party School applies intelligent interactive teaching methods and has been highly praised by students.
Innovate Party school teaching evaluation methods. To further improve the accuracy and scientificity of teaching evaluation, the Guangxi Regional Party School has cooperated with relevant scientific research institutions to develop an "AI Teaching Assistant," which mainly analyzes situations such as intelligent interaction between teachers and students through big data, and uses the "AI Teaching Assistant" to carry out teaching evaluation, evaluating both "teachers' teaching" and "students' learning," making the evaluation of classroom teaching effectiveness more objective and teaching improvement suggestions more precise and effective.
Taking resource integration as the starting point, accelerate the construction of a region-wide grand Party school pattern. The "Regulations" clearly state that "Party schools (academies of governance) at all levels should strengthen exchanges and cooperation in teaching, scientific research, decision-making consultation, management, and services, establish mechanisms for the joint construction and sharing of resources, and give play to overall advantages." The Guangxi Regional Party School takes artificial intelligence technology as an important starting point, integrates teaching resources of Party schools at all levels, and realizes the transformation from "each acting on its own" to "overall joint progress."
Accelerate the construction of a "one chessboard" for Party schools throughout the region. The Guangxi Regional Party School is responsible for the construction of the large model for Party schools throughout the region, and Party schools at all levels within the autonomous region share the artificial intelligence technology foundation. By connecting the technology foundation, a common platform for theoretical study, teacher rotation training, collective lesson preparation, question resolution, and professional guidance for Party schools at all levels throughout the region is built, giving full play to the overall advantages of Party schools at all levels.
Promote the "integration" of teaching and research resources within the school. At present, Party schools in various localities have prominent problems in cadre education and training, such as lesson preparation being compartmentalized by teaching and research departments and overlapping course content within the same teaching module. To strengthen cooperation among teaching and research units and fully share teaching resources, the Guangxi Regional Party School makes full use of artificial intelligence tools such as large models to build a public platform convenient for the aggregation and retrieval of teaching resources. At the same time, around the public platform, institutional mechanisms such as collective lesson preparation within the school or self-organized lesson preparation are established, breaking down the barriers of lesson preparation among teaching and research departments, enabling each teaching and research department to give play to its own disciplinary advantages, broaden the horizons of a single discipline, thereby effectively coordinating the teaching emphases among courses in the same teaching module and properly resolving problems such as duplicate teaching content.
Strive to enhance the "synergy" of teaching effectiveness. At present, there are still problems in Party school work such as some teachers' low participation in collective lesson preparation and teaching management departments' lax review of teaching materials. The Guangxi Regional Party School adheres to a problem-oriented approach, uses tools such as the "AI Teaching Assistant" to establish a quantitative evaluation system, effectively reflecting teachers' contribution value and the concentration of opinions and suggestions in collective lesson preparation, urging teachers to increase their enthusiasm and participation in collective lesson preparation, and teaching management departments strengthen the review and control of teaching materials through the "AI Teaching Assistant" to ensure the overall improvement of teachers' teaching standards.
[The author is Vice President (Vice Dean) of the Party School (Academy of Governance) of the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region Committee of the Communist Party of China]
Return to TopBy: 刘荣青
The newly revised "Regulations on the Work of Party Schools (Academies of Governance) of the Communist Party of China" clearly states that Party schools (academies of governance) should strengthen organized scientific research, innovate management and service work, establish and improve management systems and incentive mechanisms suited to the characteristics of Party schools (academies of governance), and encourage faculty, staff, and trainees to participate in decision-making and consultation work. The Party School (Academy of Governance) of the Dezhou Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China in Shandong Province, closely adhering to the important responsibility of "offering counsel for the Party," has innovatively built a research platform of "one academy and five centers" to address problems in scientific research work such as weak targeting, being disconnected from practical reality (不接地气, bu jie di qi - "not, touch, earth, air"), dispersed strength, and low conversion rates of research outcomes. By integrating resources, deepening research, and building brands, it promotes improving quality and increasing efficiency (提质增效, ti zhi zeng xiao - "raise, quality, increase, efficiency") in think tank construction, striving to contribute the wisdom of Party schools to serving local high-quality development.
Anchoring the direction, building a think tank matrix with regional characteristics. We adhere to keeping the political direction accurate, closely following the central overall situation, focusing on practical problems, and optimizing the allocation of forces. The school (academy), based on Dezhou's actual conditions, studies Dezhou's work, strives to propose solutions to problems, and writes theses on the land of Dezhou. It actively unites local universities and other units to establish the Dezhou Development Research Institute, which has five specialized research centers within it, forming a pattern of "the research institute providing overall leadership and coordination, with each center engaging in collaborative efforts to tackle difficult problems" (协同攻关, xie tong gong guan - "collaborate, coordinate, attack, hard, problem"). First is the Dezhou Party Building Research Center. Taking Xi Jinping's thought on Party building as its fundamental guide, it thoroughly studies and implements the spirit of General Secretary Xi Jinping's important speeches and important instructions and directives during his inspection of Shandong, focuses on Dezhou's political ecology and Party building work, conducts in-depth theoretical research and field investigations, accurately judges and grasps the actual conditions and inherent laws of the city's Party building work, solves difficult problems in Party building work, and contributes to promoting the high-quality development of the city's Party building work. Second is the Dezhou Economic Research Center. Focusing on the vivid practice of Xi Jinping's economic thought in Dezhou, it conducts in-depth research on topics such as the coordinated development of the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei region, the construction of an advanced manufacturing highland in northern Shandong, and the improvement of the "1.5-ton grain" production capacity. Third is the Dezhou Social Research Center. Closely focusing on areas such as grassroots governance, livelihood security, and conflict resolution, it systematically studies topics such as the Dezhou practice of the Fengqiao model in the new era and the high-quality and balanced provision of public services, helping to promote high-quality economic and social development. Fourth is the Dezhou Regional Culture (De Culture, Red Culture) Research Center. It deeply cultivates characteristic resources such as Yellow River culture, canal culture, red culture, Yu the Great culture, and Dong Zhongshu culture, systematically sorts out historical contexts, refines spiritual cores, excavates contemporary values, and actively promotes and inherits the excellent traditional Chinese culture. Fifth is the Dezhou Integration into Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei Coordinated Development Research Center. It thoroughly implements the strategic deployment for the coordinated development of the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei region, closely follows Dezhou's functional positioning of "one district and four bases" and the requirements of "four integrations," focuses on researching key issues such as industrial undertaking, factor flow, regional cooperation, and business environment optimization, strengthens exchanges and cooperation with Party schools in the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei region as well as research institutes, and creates a distinctive brand for regional coordinated research.
Building a strong team, creating a composite research team. We adhere to breaking down barriers, integrating resources, and stimulating vitality, promoting talent aggregation and coordinated efforts. First is improving the organizational structure. We formulated the "Implementation Plan for the Construction of the 'One Academy and Five Centers' Research Platform System," implemented a center director responsibility system, and required that center directors and deputy directors possess associate senior professional titles or above and have profound academic accumulation and research achievements in related fields. Through standardized procedures such as individual application, qualification review, and public announcement, the best candidates are selected and appointed, with clear responsibilities and tasks, and cohesive efforts for work. Second is expanding the full-time team. Breaking down departmental and disciplinary boundaries, research backbone personnel are selected from Party schools across the city; experts and scholars from local universities and municipal departments are actively recruited, forming a talent pattern of "Party school backbone + university elites + departmental experts." Third is strengthening the advisory team. Adhering to attracting intellectual talent based on specific needs (按需引智, an xu yin zhi - "according to, need, introduce, wisdom"), focusing on the main directions of each center and key areas such as Dezhou's local industrial economy, social governance, cultural construction, and Party building research, senior experts are selected to serve as specially invited advisors, and young experts with strong professional abilities and proficient business skills are recruited as specially invited researchers, providing professional guidance and intellectual support for consultation research, outcome validation, and decision-making transformation.
Improving mechanisms, optimizing the platform operation model. Based on work realities, we build an operation model that both emphasizes current realities and takes into account future development. First is establishing the "six ones" work mechanism. That is, each center establishes and implements a set of internal work systems, formulates a work plan each year, holds a work meeting, convenes a special symposium in its field, strives to produce a batch of special research results, and implements a batch of application scenarios, promoting the substantive operation of each center through standardized, list-based, and closed-loop management. Second is improving the daily operation mechanism. Startup meetings are held through "online + offline" methods, the academic committee regularly listens to work reports from each center, the "posting tasks and accepting challenges" system is implemented for key topics, and systems such as the "Center Operation Management Measures" are issued to refine center management goals and promote the standardized operation of topic management, result reporting, assessment and incentives, and other work. Third is formulating long-term development plans. The construction of the "One Academy and Five Centers" platform is included as a key project in the Party school's development plan for the 15th Five-Year Plan. According to the four stages of "initiation and formation, strengthening consultation research, substantive advancement, and continuous deepening," we strive to create a batch of high-quality works and landmark achievements within 3 to 5 years, effectively enhancing the influence of the Party school think tank.
Smoothing channels, promoting the transformation and implementation of scientific research results. Adhering to applying research findings to practical purposes (研以致用, yan yi zhi yong - "research, in order to, achieve, use") and promoting application through research, we strive to transform theoretical research and investigation results into practical outcomes that serve Party committee decision-making and guide work practice. First is promoting theoretical research into propaganda positions. We establish a normalized theoretical discussion mechanism, hold city-wide Party school theoretical research symposiums, carry out more than 400 projects at various levels, publish more than 110 theoretical articles, continuously deepen the research and interpretation of the Party's innovative theories, and amplify the dissemination power and influence of the Party school's theoretical positions. Second is promoting consultation results into decision-making references. We standardize the reporting process for consultation results and establish a dual review model of "center preliminary review + school leadership final review." Since the establishment of the centers, Party schools across the city have conducted more than 90 special investigations and studies cumulatively through the "teacher + trainee" model, submitted more than 100 consultation reports to leaders at the provincial, municipal, and county levels, with a signing and approval rate of over 90%, of which 10 were signed or circled for approval by provincial and municipal leaders, effectively providing intellectual support for the scientific decision-making of Party committees and governments. Third is promoting application scenarios into classroom teaching. We carefully create red culture-themed classrooms, systematically display the deeds of local red figures and revolutionary historical stories of Dezhou, and include them in the catalog of on-site teaching bases for trainees, enriching the real-scene classrooms for Party spirit education. We have built a special collection hall for regional culture, collecting and preserving more than 1,200 volumes of various local literature and books, open for use by teaching and research personnel and the broad body of trainees, helping to continuously improve the comprehensive cultural literacy of Party members and cadres.
[The author is the deputy principal (executive deputy dean) in charge of daily work of the Party School (Academy of Governance) of the Dezhou Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China in Shandong Province]
Return to TopBy: 汪明勇
As an important force on the Party's ideological and theoretical front, Party schools bear the important responsibility of offering counsel to the Party. "Strengthening organized scientific research" is an important requirement put forward in the newly revised Regulations on the Work of Party Schools (Academies of Governance) of the Communist Party of China. The Party School of the Lu'an Municipal Party Committee in Anhui Province has deeply studied and implemented General Secretary Xi Jinping's important discourses and important instructions on Party school work, fully implemented the requirements of the Regulations, taken advancing organized scientific research as the key lever for enhancing the capacity to "offer counsel to the Party," adhered to the unity of the demand orientation, problem orientation, and effect orientation, and made efforts in three aspects — strengthening political guidance, innovating organizational methods, and improving institutional mechanisms — striving to blaze a practical path for scientific research and policy consultation that fits local realities and highlights Party school characteristics.
Strengthen political guidance and hold fast to the "steering wheel" of organized scientific research. Strengthen theoretical research and countermeasure research, and strive to produce high-quality results in the research and interpretation of the Party's innovative theories, in advancing the Party's theoretical innovation, and in offering suggestions and proposals to the Party and the government. First, keep the scientific research direction on course. Establish a normalized mechanism of "collective study + thematic discussion," regularly organize full-time and part-time teachers to carry out various forms of study and discussion, and continuously deepen the systematic and scholarly research and interpretation of the Party's innovative theories. Second, closely follow the central work and overall situation. Adhere to the principle of "the Party committee sets the topics, the Party school breaks through the topics, and the results solve the topics," and determine the focus of scientific research and decision-making consultation work around areas of key concern to the municipal party committee and municipal government, such as paired cooperation between Shanghai and Lu'an, the building of models for rural revitalization, the alignment of specialty agriculture with the Yangtze River Delta, the development of red culture tourism in the Dabie Mountains, and the expansion of village collective economies; adhere to "connecting with the antenna above and laying the ground wire below," carefully sort out bottlenecks in policy implementation, difficulties in grassroots execution, and focal points of public concern, determine annual scientific research topics from these, transform the real needs of local development into specific research subjects, and strive to truly study problems, study real problems, and truly be able to solve problems. Third, strengthen field research. Organize teachers to step out of the "small classroom" of the lecture hall and into the "big classroom" of society, go deep into villages, communities, and enterprises for station-based visits, focus on real topics such as the high-quality development of the municipal development zone's industry to carry out field research, strive for research that "reaches the bottom" and results that are practical and effective, and produce a batch of research results that fit Lu'an's realities.
Innovate organizational methods and activate the "new driving force" of organized scientific research. Adhere to open-door scientific research, break down disciplinary barriers and departmental boundaries, promote the combination of internal potential tapping and external force borrowing, integrate scattered scientific research forces, and effectively improve the level of scientific research and decision-making consultation work. First, activate the "rich mine" of trainees for joint tackling of key problems. Establish a mechanism for joint tackling of key problems by full-time and part-time teachers and trainees, providing "golden ideas" and "good prescriptions" for decision-making research. Through forms such as joint research, thematic seminars, structured discussions, and jointly written consultation reports, open the "valve" of trainees' thinking and tap the "rich mine" of trainees' wisdom, deeply coupling the practical advantages of trainees who come from the front line of reform and development and the forefront of grassroots governance with the theoretical research advantages of teachers, so as to realize the process where teaching and learning benefit each other (教学相长, jiao xue xiang zhang - "teach, learn, mutually, prosper"), mutual benefit among learners, and mutual benefit between research and teaching. Second, deepen collaborative research between departments and universities. Strengthen normalized docking with functional departments of the Party committee and government, establish a whole-chain cooperation mechanism of "demand traction — joint tackling — result transformation"; pair up and jointly build with the School of Marxism of West Anhui University, jointly compiling textbooks; cooperate with the Lu'an Municipal Federation of Social Sciences to establish the Lu'an Municipal Social Science Applied Countermeasure Research Center, jointly publishing research topics. Third, promote the system-linked model of "cities leading counties, schools helping schools." Rely on the Party School's Red Resources Research Center, the Pi-Shi-Hang Culture Research Center, and the Social Countermeasure Research Center to strengthen academic exchange platforms, deepen scientific research collaboration between municipal and county Party schools, promote the joint research and polishing of research topics, and drive the overall improvement of the scientific research capacity of Party schools across the city. Build a "one chessboard" work pattern for scientific research in Party schools across the city, promote coordinated efforts and concentrated tackling of key problems, and ensure that scientific research results have depth and consultation suggestions have force. In recent years, a number of provincial social science planning project topics of the Lu'an Municipal Party Committee Party School have been successfully completed, and the number of consultation submissions and leadership approvals has grown steadily.
Improve institutional mechanisms and strengthen the "guaranteeing force" of organized scientific research. In accordance with the requirement in the Regulations to "innovate management and service work, and establish and improve a management system and incentive mechanism that fit the characteristics of Party schools (academies of governance)," strive to improve the working mechanism for scientific research and decision-making consultation. Use reform thinking to remove institutional and mechanistic obstacles that constrain the vitality of scientific research, make good use of the "baton" of assessment and evaluation, establish a clear orientation toward practical work, and fully mobilize the enthusiasm, initiative, and creativity of teaching and research personnel in devoting themselves to organized scientific research. First, transform the mode of scientific research management and service. Improve the relevant systems for scientific research management, establish an academic committee, and release scientific research productivity through institutional development. Plan and publish "open competition" topics around major practical issues, implement "group tackling," and promote project-based and team-based management; carry out normalized scientific research lectures, organize teachers to participate in higher-level training and scientific research guidance, so that scientific research personnel can focusing solely on one's task without being distracted (心无旁骛, xin wu pang wu - "heart, no, side, distraction") conduct research and concentrating all one's attention on something (聚精会神, ju jing hui shen - "gather, essence, concentrate, spirit") produce results. Second, improve the closed loop of result transformation and feedback. Make good use of the internal consultation publication submission platform, establish a tracking and feedback system for consultation results, follow up on the adoption and implementation of submitted countermeasure suggestions, collect departmental practical feedback to feed back into topic research, build a virtuous cycle of "research for application, application to promote research," reverse the phenomenon of "emphasizing project approval over transformation," and promote the shift of research results from written documents to decision-making references, forming closed-loop management of "topic selection — research — submission — approval — transformation." Third, optimize the orientation of evaluation and incentives. Resolutely break the single evaluation tendency of "papers only, titles only," establish a diversified evaluation system with decision-making consultation contribution, depth of theoretical interpretation, and social influence as the core, and make the receipt of approvals and adoption of high-quality consultation reports an important basis for the professional title evaluation and appointment, evaluation for excellence, and performance distribution of teaching and research personnel.
(The author is Vice President of the Party School of the Lu'an Municipal Party Committee in Anhui Province)
Return to TopBy: 王根土
Zhejiang is an important birthplace of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. In recent years, the Party School of the Zhejiang Provincial Committee of the CPC (Zhejiang School of Administration) has fully leveraged its unique resource advantages, built, managed, and utilized to high standards the on-site teaching demonstration sites for studying and implementing Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era in Zhejiang Province, striving to create a vivid classroom for learning, thinking about, and practicing the Party's innovative theories, a practical training base for empowering cadres' performance capabilities, and an important platform for showcasing Zhejiang's image as an "important window," thereby deepening and solidifying the armed force of the Party's innovative theories.
High-level overall planning and layout, constructing a provincial on-site teaching matrix. The Provincial Party Committee has incorporated the construction of demonstration sites into the province's key work on cadre education and training, strengthening top-level design and overall coordination. The Organization Department of the Provincial Party Committee and the Provincial Party School jointly formulated a plan for recommending and selecting demonstration sites, establishing work principles of putting politics first, prioritizing quality, and balancing layout, clarifying four major construction standards of distinct characteristics, good results, standardized management, and strong safeguards, and detailing the implementation of the "five ones" construction requirements, namely one plan, one set of materials, one route, one team, and one set of systems, drawing a clear benchmark for the standardized construction of demonstration sites. A working mechanism of "led by the Provincial Party Committee Organization Department, primarily managed by the Provincial Party School, coordinated implementation by cities and counties, and responsibility at the site level" was established, with the Provincial Party School forming a dedicated working group and city and county Party schools coordinating and advancing at different levels, forming a working pattern of vertical integration and joint management. Adhering to selecting the best from among the best (优中选优, you zhong xuan you - "among excellence, select excellence"), through a four-step selection process of local recommendation, preliminary review and assessment, on-site verification, and comprehensive evaluation, 106 provincial-level on-site teaching demonstration sites were identified from more than 200 candidate sites across the province, covering 12 major themes including red education, rural revitalization, and common prosperity, forming a provincial on-site teaching matrix with reasonable layout and distinct characteristics. Simultaneously, construction standards for demonstration sites were issued, continuously advancing the construction of hardware standardization, curriculum systematization, teacher professionalization, and management refinement, consolidating the foundation for on-site teaching operations.
Deeply cultivating the tracing of footprints and sources, creating a local teaching model with distinctive features. Implementing the "Tracing Footprints, Comprehending the Power of Thought" teaching improvement project, deeply excavating the practical "rich mines" of the "Thousand-Village Demonstration and Ten-Thousand-Village Improvement Project" and "lucid waters and lush mountains are invaluable assets," transforming site resources into teaching resources. Centering on five major themes—tracing the red roots, the practice of the "Eight-Eight Strategy," the exploration of common prosperity, innovation in grassroots governance, and ecological civilization construction—a series of boutique teaching routes were designed, connecting iconic sites such as Jiaxing Nanhu, Anji Yucun, Chun'an Xiajiang Village, Zhuji Fengqiao, and Yiwu International Trade City, organizing trainees to conduct immersive and experiential study and research. Innovatively implementing the "on-site explanation + theoretical interpretation" dual-course, dual-lecture teaching model, where on-site explanation courses are delivered by site docents and grassroots witnesses to recreate historical scenes, narrate development processes and vivid cases, and convey the authentic flavor of practice; theoretical interpretation courses are delivered by Party school teachers closely following the core essence of the Party's innovative theories, clearly explaining the principles, theories, and philosophies contained therein, achieving warmth on site and depth in theory, effectively enhancing the appeal of teaching. Implementing "one teaching point, one plan," regularly organizing collective lesson preparation and curriculum development, conducting annual professional training for key teaching staff, and continuously polishing and optimizing demonstration site teaching courses.
Strictly standardizing management, improving the competitive replacement (优胜劣汰, you sheng lie tai - "superior win, inferior perish") evaluation mechanism. Establishing a political review system for the teaching content of demonstration sites, conducting all-dimensional review of all courses, explanation scripts, and courseware. Issuing management measures for provincial-level on-site teaching demonstration sites, iteratively optimizing teaching organization processes, site connections, route linkages, and other aspects of work, strictly implementing the spirit of the Eight-Point Regulation, ensuring that on-site teaching is standardized, pragmatic, and efficient. Strictly enforcing construction and management prohibitions, clarifying hard requirements. Establishing a normalized dynamic evaluation mechanism, with the Organization Department of the Provincial Party Committee and the Provincial Party School regularly organizing teaching quality assessments, promptly removing sites with low teaching quality and insufficient functional performance from the demonstration site catalog, forming a dynamic management loop of "able to enter and exit, competitive replacement," and continuously improving the quality of demonstration site construction with strict standards and practical measures.
Focusing on soul-forging and capability empowerment, releasing the comprehensive effectiveness of cadre training. Promoting the panoramic presentation of the latest practical achievements of the Party's innovative theories in Zhejiang at demonstration sites, through tracing footprints and sources to comprehend thought, continuously enhancing trainees' political, ideological, theoretical, and emotional identification with the Party's innovative theories. Relying on the construction of demonstration sites, a curriculum system for the Party's innovative theories of "general introduction + sub-topics + characteristics + cases" was established, with multiple courses such as "A County-Level Model of Chinese Modernization—Yiwu's Development Experience and Implications" winning awards for outstanding teaching achievements in the national Party school (School of Administration) system. At present, the 106 provincial-level on-site teaching demonstration sites have become an important position for cadre education and training in Zhejiang, having cumulatively developed more than 300 specialized courses, trained more than 2,000 full-time and part-time teachers, and played an important role in strengthening theoretical armed forces, serving the overall work of the Party and the state, and driving the overall improvement of the teaching capabilities of Party schools at all levels.
[Author affiliation: Teaching Affairs Office, Party School of the Zhejiang Provincial Committee of the CPC (Zhejiang School of Administration)]
Return to TopBy: 吉永峰
Border defense soldiers on winter border patrol
At the foot of Karajok Mountain, the Khorgos River rolls past, and across the river are the pastures of Kazakhstan. In the courtyard of the Almaly Border Defense Company of the Xinjiang Military District stands a granite sculpture shaped like an open book, on which are carved the lyrics and musical score of a song — "Chairman Mao's soldiers best heed the Party's words, wherever needed they go..." The carved strokes are clean and sharp; when snow falls on them, the wind blows it away, and the characters look as if they were just carved.
"Almaly" is a Turkic word meaning "the place that produces apples." On August 1, 1962, there were no apples here, only wild clouds and the snow line. The first station chief, Gao Liye, led 10 soldiers, leading three camels, carrying an iron wok on their backs, and bringing two iron spades. They set out from Huocheng County and walked for two days and one night to reach the foot of Karajok Mountain. Herdsmen stopped the camels and urged them: "If you stay here in winter, you'll either freeze to death or be carried off by wolves." Gao Liye did not reply; he set the iron wok down on the leeward slope and answered: "Someone must guard the gateway of the motherland."
They dug dugout shelters, laid wooden rafters across the top, and covered them with earth into mounds; they melted snow to water the horses, ate wild vegetables with their meals, lit their lamps with kerosene, and went on patrol on foot. The iron wok preserved in the company history hall has a crescent-shaped notch knocked into its rim; the camel saddle's wool has been worn shiny, and the two iron spades have rusted to a deep brown. "Three camels, one iron wok, two iron spades, and a dugout to live in" vividly depicts the scene of establishing the border station in 1962. This phrase is written on the wall of the company history hall and has remained there to this day.
In 1963, Li Zhijin, a propaganda cadre from the Political Department of the Yili Military Sub-District, went to Almaly for a residency assignment. Li Zhijin was from Ziyang, Sichuan, born in 1937; in 1952, while in junior middle school, he signed up to join the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea; after the armistice, when the troops were reassigned, he volunteered to go to the most arduous places. He entered Xinjiang at age 16 and stayed for ten years. During his residency, he ate, lived, and patrolled together with the soldiers, filling his small notebook with their words: "A revolutionary soldier is a brick; wherever needed, there he is moved" "The motherland wants me to guard the border post; among the cracks of rocks I sink my roots" "There is no road that cannot be walked, no defense that cannot be held"...
One night, Li Zhijin chatted with a soldier from Qinghai in the squad, and the young soldier said: "Wherever I am needed, I go; wherever it is arduous, there I make my home." That night he could not sleep; he got up, turned up the kerosene lamp, and by the faint light wrote: "The motherland wants me to guard the border post, on the border defense line I sink my roots, even on the snow-capped mountaintop I will sprout." The song's title came from the company's blackboard newspaper — on it were a line of large characters written by the soldiers in chalk: "Chairman Mao's soldiers best heed the Party's words." He set the lyrics to a Xinjiang folk tune, and thus a song was born.
The song was first sung in the squad, then spread to the sentry posts. At that time there were no broadcasts and no records; it was entirely passed down by word of mouth (口口相传, kou kou xiang chuan - "mouth, mouth, mutually, pass"). The song has a brisk rhythm and forceful lyrics; singing it fills one with strength, and it is easy to recite or remember (朗朗上口, lang lang shang kou - "bright, bright, on, mouth"), very easy to learn. When the company ate meals, someone would hum it while eating, and those nearby would learn it after hearing it twice. In 1964, the song was recommended by the Yili Military Sub-District to perform at the Xinjiang Military District, and at the end of that year it went to Beijing for a report performance and won first prize. The performance troupe was warmly received by Premier Zhou Enlai and Marshal Ye Jianying. In 1965, the journal Red Flag selected ten songs of high ideological and artistic quality, and it was among them. Thereafter, it became the company song of the Almaly Border Defense Company, and the company was awarded the title of "Red Song Company" by the military district. For more than 60 years, this song has been sung at every sentry post along the ten-thousand-li border.
After the residency ended, Li Zhijin returned to his office, and the song remained with the company. Generations of officers and soldiers have sung it, and generation after generation have acted according to its words. Over the decades, several things have been left behind in the company: a road up the mountain, two pine trees in the back courtyard, a stone mill, eight characters on the slope, and a duty post at an altitude of 3,000 meters.
Originally there was only one road up the mountain. In summer, a torrential rain would send mountain floods rushing down and the road would be cut off; when it was cut, they repaired it, and when repaired, it was cut again. The new road was dug out by the officers and soldiers with spade and pick: stones were moved by hand, earth was hauled by small cart, and the blisters on their hands were worn into calluses. The first group of road builders were discharged from service, the second group continued the work, and only then was the road opened through.
The two pine trees in the back courtyard are called the "couple trees" by the officers and soldiers. In 1969, the wife of the third company commander came to the company to visit her husband. Before her return trip, she transplanted two pine saplings from the rear mountain duty post and planted them, leaving behind one sentence as she departed: "You guard the border and I guard the home; with me at home, have no worries." The two trees stand side by side — one is the border pass, the other is home.
There was also an old soldier surnamed Gao who served on the border for eight years at the border defense company. When he was demobilized, he settled his family in a regiment of the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps — the place closest to Almaly. One year, the road to the company was blocked by a mudslide. Already past seventy, he brought his wife, crossed mountains and ridges, and used a small cart to deliver supplies to the company. More than a month before he died, he made a special trip back to the company for a visit. On his deathbed, he urged his wife to return to the company every year on his behalf — in his whole life, he recognized only one place: the place where the motherland needed him most.
In 1986, Squad Leader Zhang of the cooking squad returned to his hometown in Shaanxi to visit family. The first thing he did upon arriving home was to go to the market, where he used his own allowance to buy a small stone mill about 50 centimeters in diameter. From Hanzhong to Yili, he carried the stone mill on his back through four transfers; when the vehicle could not enter the mountains, he walked the last 70 li of mountain road step by step back to the company. That year, he used this stone mill to make 2,000 jin of tofu for the company, and the whole company could drink hot soy milk every day. The officers and soldiers affectionately called him "Tofu Squad Leader." After the stone mill was "retired," it was placed in the company history hall.
The eight characters on the slope — joyfully guarding the border pass, writing the military soul — were laid in May 2003. The officers and soldiers hauled 20 truckloads of stones from the river gully, carried them up the mountain by hand and shoulder, and laid them one by one. When wind and snow eroded the characters faint, they painted them bright again with white paint, time after time.
In 2004, the company established a duty post in the river-source area above 3,000 meters in altitude. Every year the company had to draw personnel to station there, each tour of duty lasting more than 100 days. One year, heavy snow sealed the mountains, and an emergency arose at the duty post requiring someone to be sent up overnight. Soldiers throughout the room stood up to volunteer. The company commander named seven, and the voices answering "Here!" grew louder with each one. Snow 50 centimeters deep made it extremely difficult to move or make progress (举步维艰, ju bu wei jian - "lift, step, maintain, difficult"). The company commander strung everyone together with a backpack rope to walk. The soldiers said that the deepest memory of their lives was not under the flowers and moon, a romantic setting (花前月下, hua qian yue xia - "flower, before, moon, under"), but the days of guarding the border for the motherland.
Li Zhijin later served as political commissar of the Yili Military Sub-District. In an interview after his retirement, he said: "Whether people remember who wrote the lyrics and music does not matter; as long as the song rings out and the history and the spirit of the soldiers are still there, that is my greatest comfort."
Since its founding, the Almaly Border Defense Company has been cited for commendation 21 times by units at or above the corps level and has been awarded collective second-class merit three times. Today, in the company history hall, that iron wok, that camel saddle, that horse lantern, and the two iron spades are arranged in a row. Three things for new recruits upon joining the company have continued to this day: look at that wok, learn to sing the company song, and walk a patrol route once. The barracks have changed from rammed-earth houses to insulated sentry posts, and the dormitories have heating and hot water; the patrol horse lantern has been replaced by BeiDou terminals. At the Khorgos port below the mountain, in 2025, 9,882 China-Europe (Central Asia) freight trains were operated, a year-on-year increase of 13.2 percent, an average of 27 trains per day. The border defense environment has improved, and the spirit of dedication continues to be passed on.
In the new era, batch after batch of young soldiers have come to the company to take up the task of border defense. Senior Private Xiao Li is a college-student soldier whose hometown is on the plains of the interior. On the day he first arrived at the company, the winding mountain road jolted him into carsickness. Standing sentry in winter, his cold-weather boots froze through in 20 minutes, and he had to wear a pair of thick riding boots over them; patrolling after snow, the snow piled past his calves, and he could only clear the way with a snow pusher. On New Year's Eve he stood sentry on the mountaintop. Looking up, he saw the myriad lights of the Khorgos port and remembered his father's words: "Our one family not reunited in exchange for ten thousand families' reunion — it is worth it." More than 60 years have passed, and now it is his turn to sing this song and his turn to guard the sentry post. At an age just past twenty, he sings a song twice as old as he is — "even on the snow-capped mountaintop I will sprout" — this is the aspiration of his youth.
The boundary marker is still that boundary marker, the sentry post is still that sentry post, but the people who sing have changed generation after generation. Those who sang it word by word back then have mostly left the company; those who sing it today are scattered across every corner of the motherland. This song has never been sung only for border guards — it sings of a destination: heed the Party's words, follow the Party, and go to the place where the motherland needs you most.
More than 60 years have passed since this song was born, but the spirit it embodies has never become outdated. Forging ahead on the new journey and making contributions in the new era still require the spirit of dedication of "the motherland wants me to guard the border post, on the border defense line I sink my roots, even on the snow-capped mountaintop I will sprout." The national gate has someone to guard it, the border pass has someone to love it, youth has someone to carry it on, the mountains and rivers have someone to protect them, and rejuvenation has someone to shoulder it. The beautiful melody of this song will forever echo in people's hearts.
Return to TopBy: 陈渊
"Why should a man not bear the Wu hook, to take the fifty prefectures of the passes and mountains? Pray step for a while upon the Lingyan Pavilion — which of you scholars is a lord of ten thousand households?" These four lines by the Tang-dynasty poet Li He are clear and piercing, cutting through the dust of the ages, and even today they still ring with overflowing heroic spirit (豪情万丈, hao qing wan zhang - "brave feeling, ten thousand measures"). The Wu hook chanted in the poem originally referred to a kind of curved blade tempered in the furnaces of the Wu and Yue lands during the Spring and Autumn period, but over the long river of the years it gradually shed its form as a weapon and settled into a symbol of the martial spirit of ancient Chinese scholar-officials.
The Wu and Yue lands had been skilled at casting weapons since antiquity. According to the "Inner Biography of Helü" in the Spring and Autumn Annals of Wu and Yue, after King Helü of Wu obtained the Moye sword, he further ordered the artisans of his state to cast golden hooks, proclaiming: "Whoever can make a fine hook shall be rewarded with a hundred pieces of gold." Many in the Wu lands answered the call, and among them one master smith tempered a pair of miraculous golden hooks; Helü immediately bestowed a hundred pieces of gold and wore the pair of hooks constantly at his side. The name "Wu hook" derives from this.
The legendary tale of the Wu hook in the Spring and Autumn period reflects precisely the ancient Chinese tradition of wearing swords and blades at the waist. As far back as the Zhou dynasty, the sword was not merely an instrument of killing but also a ceremonial symbol of the rank and status of scholar-officials. The Chuxue Ji quotes the Master Jia as saying, "In antiquity, the Son of Heaven came of age at twenty and wore a sword. The feudal lords came of age at thirty and wore a sword," which confirms this. During the Spring and Autumn period, the Wu and Yue lands produced not only the Wu hook but also famous swords, and hook and sword were often named together in the classics. As for the sword itself, from the Zhou and Qin dynasties onward it was a marker of the moral fiber of the scholar: Qu Yuan, wandering and chanting by the banks of the Miluo River, "wearing a long sword of gleaming length, a towering cap of cut-cloud height" — the long, gleaming sword matched with the lofty cap was precisely the externalization of his noble character and unyielding will; Feng Xuan, living as a retainer in the household of Lord Mengchang, when feeling frustrated and stifled by lack of success (郁郁不得志, yu yu bu de zhi - "depressed, not get, ambition") would "lean against a pillar and pluck his sword" and sing, and each ring of the sword was the outlet for the indignation pent up in the breast of a poor scholar. By the Qin and Han dynasties, the rules for wearing swords grew ever stricter: from the Son of Heaven above to the hundred officials below, all wore swords, and the sword was regarded as "the martial equipment of the gentleman, used to guard the body," becoming a cultural mark shared by the entire "scholar" class. As for the Wu hook, by no later than the Western Jin it had gradually become a general term for sharp weapons; Zuo Si's "Rhapsody on the Wu Capital" says "Wu hooks and Yue halberds, Chunjun and Zhanlu," placing it at the same table as the famous swords of Ou Yezi. From this point, hook and sword were named together and intermingled in imagery, tending toward sameness, both serving as weapons with which later literati gave voice to their feelings.
By the Tang dynasty, the custom of wearing swords and the martial spirit together reached their zenith, and the imagery of blades such as the "Wu hook" shone brilliantly in Tang poetry. The frontier poet Wang Changling wrote, "A bird of prey perches on the cold tree; a man of valor wears the Wu hook. When shall I repay my lord's grace, and bind the Chanyu's head?" — in a few words capturing the vigorous and heroic bearing of the frontier soldier. The immortal poet Li Bai even called himself "at fifteen fond of swordsmanship, having called upon all the feudal lords," and at the age of twenty-five "left his homeland with sword in hand, bidding farewell to kin and setting out on distant travels." His "Ballad of the Knight-Errant" possesses a lofty and heroic spirit (豪气干云, hao qi gan yun - "heroic spirit, reach, clouds"): "The Zhao knight with loose barbarian cap, the Wu hook bright as frost and snow. Silver saddles gleam on white horses, swift as shooting stars. Ten paces kills one man, a thousand miles without a pause. When the deed is done he brushes off his clothes and departs, hiding deep his person and his name." The blade sharp as frost, the step swift as wind — the fierceness of the Wu hook and the free-spiritedness of the knight-errant are written to the fullest, and this was also his own ideal pursuit of roaming the world with sword in hand. In Li Bai's poems, the gleam of the sword always shines in mutual radiance with literary brilliance: "Strumming the sword, chanting at night, my ambition daily a thousand leagues" is ambition that has not been lost or faded (壮志未泯, zhuang zhi wei min - "great ambition, not, extinguished"); "A long sword and a cup of wine, the heart of a man within" is the bosom of a hero. Sword and poetry and wine mutually complement and glorify each other — this is precisely the exuberant and vigorous spirit of the men of the High Tang.
Yet this sword-gleam that had lingered for a thousand years gradually dimmed after the Song dynasty. This transformation began first with a quiet change in court ritual. The Song dynasty pursued a policy of "honoring the civil and curbing the martial." In the second year of the Yuanfeng reign of Emperor Shenzong (1079), the ritual officials in charge of court audience ceremonial submitted a memorial holding that court audiences should follow the ancient rites of the Zhou, and that the assembled ministers should "not wear swords, and not remove their shoes." From this point, only the ceremonial guards could wear the wooden "rank sword" — its scabbard with a yellow base, decorated with purple patterns and gold-and-bronze fittings, and further adorned with purple silk tassels; though ornate and exquisite in form, its edge was greatly diminished. Shortly thereafter, the ritual officials held that "the sword is martial equipment; wearing it in service to the spirits has no meaning," and so the sword-wearing rites at the great sacrifices of the Jingling Palace, the Ancestral Temple, and the Southern Suburb were likewise abolished.
When Emperor Taizong of Song read Laozi's words that "fine weapons are instruments of ill omen," he found them deeply true and sighed: "Though a king may conquer by martial merit, in the end he must govern by civil virtue." In the Han and Tang periods, a minister permitted to "ascend the hall with sword and shoes" enjoyed the supreme honor available to a subject. In the Song dynasty, however, Neo-Confucianism rose, emphasizing principle and valuing stillness; the path of self-cultivation for scholar-officials shifted from external bearing to inner "mind-and-nature." Moreover, as the examination system matured, the literati class gradually established its political position at court, and the sword was no longer a necessary marker of the scholar's identity.
Accompanying this ritual transformation was a shift in the aesthetic tastes of the literati community. Before the Song, literati regarded "grasping the sword and wandering alone" as a mark of elegance; sword, wine, and poetry were interwoven, spreading out a bold and extroverted vitality of life. After the Song, the mainstream fashion of literati gatherings valued instead the subtle delights and cultivation of mind-and-nature within the study and the garden. This transformation is especially clear in literary imagery: in Li Bai's surviving poems and prose, the character "sword" appears over a hundred times, with sword-gleam everywhere; in Su Shi's transmitted ci lyrics, "sword" and "blade" are few and far between. These phenomena reflect precisely the inwardness and restraint of "Song culture."
Though poems and prose eulogizing the Wu hook grew fewer in later ages, the spiritual core it carried was never truly dissolved. That steadfastness to righteousness and that sense of responsibility for family and country have always been deeply rooted in the bone and blood of the Chinese people. Few Song writers composed poetry on the Wu hook, and Xin Qiji is the representative: in his "Water Dragon's Chant: Climbing the Appreciation Pavilion at Jiankang" he poured out his heart directly — "At the corner of the setting sun, amid the cry of the lone goose, a wanderer south of the Yangtze. I gaze upon the Wu hook, and pat the railings all about; no one understands the meaning of my climb" — expressing his grand ambition to win merit on the battlefield and his pent-up indignation at having no way to serve his country. Though he did not write of the Wu hook, is not Fan Zhongyan's bosom in "Record of Yueyang Tower" — "to worry before all the world worries, and rejoice after all the world rejoices" — a surging sword-aura? When Su Shi went hunting at Mizhou, "I would draw the carved bow full like the full moon, gazing northwest, to shoot the Wolf of Heaven" — though his temples were already lightly frosted, his unfailing ambition or determination (壮志不坠, zhuang zhi bu zhui - "great ambition, not, fall") remained, and that heroic feeling was as piercing as the Wu hook. Yue Fei's "Manjianghong" is sonorous in every word, and the wind and thunder beneath his brush surpass ten thousand sword-gleams — it is the sharpest edge in the breast of a soldier. And at the very end of the Southern Song, Wen Tianxiang, after being captured, composed "Passing Lingdingyang" and "Song of the Righteous Spirit," proclaiming the patriotic integrity and vast righteous spirit of "Since ancient times, who has not died? Leave a loyal heart to shine upon the annals of history" — forging with a literary heart a spiritual sword that can never be bent.
Thereafter, the custom of wearing swords rose and fell through the Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties, yet the line was never broken: whenever the nation faced peril, this dormant sword would once again leave its sheath and rouse the spirit of the scholar-officials. Qiu Jin declared boldly, "Say not that women are not heroic things; every night the Longquan sword rings upon the wall." Tan Sitong, facing execution, sang aloud, "I laugh at the sky with a horizontal blade; what remains are two towering mountains of liver and gall." At the moment of the old nation's new mandate, Chinese scholar-officials once again likened themselves to blades, bursting forth with a somber and resolute ring. Only now do we understand that the Wu hook long ago surpassed the single tangible blade at the waist. It was tempered in the casting furnaces of the Spring and Autumn period, passed by the riverbank of Qu Yuan, swept past the wine feasts of Li Bai, crossed the wind and mist of the Tang and Song, witnessed the rises and falls of the Yuan, Ming, and Qing, and finally settled into an undying edge deep within the spirit of the Chinese nation. Why should a man not bear the Wu hook? What it asks is precisely that sense of responsibility for family and country that has never dimmed over a thousand years.
Return to TopBy: 汪程微
My hometown is a small mountain village at the junction of Anhui, Zhejiang, and Jiangxi provinces, with the surrounding hillsides covered in tea plants. Behind the village runs a ridge that splits the stream flowing through into two halves — the water south of the ridge flows into Poyang Lake, while the water north of the ridge enters the Xin'an River. "Men walk in a bright mirror, birds cross a painted screen" — the scene Li Bai described can still be found here. The water is so clear you can see the bottom, and the mountains are as green as a screen; born of such soil and water, the tea has a clean foundation. Across this ridge lies Xiuning in Anhui — in former times, both sides of the ridge belonged to the ancient Huizhou Prefecture, originally one and the same family. The craft of making black tea in my hometown was mostly learned from Xiuning, and tracing further back, its roots lie in Qimen.
Keemun black tea was created during the Guangxu reign of the Qing Dynasty, when tea farmers in the mountains of southern Anhui converted green tea to black, producing a highly aromatic black tea with floral notes and honeyed sweetness that won a gold medal at the Panama-Pacific International Exposition. But the mountain tea farmers cared little about such honors; all they knew was: fresh tea leaves do not deceive, and firing does not deceive — whoever is willing to put in the effort, their tea will stand firm.
In my hometown there was a great-aunt whose ancestors had gone to Qimen to learn the craft of black tea making, and by the time it reached her hands, it had already been passed down for many years. As a child, she watched the elders make tea, and watching, she simply learned.
Every year in the balmy third lunar month, the fragrance of fresh tea leaves on the mountain spreads along the spring stream, and swallows chirp softly under the old beams of the house, urging the farmers: it is time to pick the tea. The Tang poet Huangfu Ran wrote of tea picking: "Picking tea is not picking greens, far up the layered cliffs one climbs. Leaves spread in the warm spring breeze, baskets filled as the sun slants west." The spring tea mountains have looked this way since ancient times.
Around the Grain Rain period, my great-aunt went out early every morning to pick tea, and by midday she stayed home to sort the leaves. The freshly picked tea leaves were spread out to wither on bamboo trays, and the green, grassy aroma filled the old house. The brown wooden walls set off the red New Year picture babies, and at such moments time seemed to stand still; in the hall, apart from the sound of my great-aunt picking out coarse and old leaves and turning the bamboo trays, there was only the buzzing of bees drawn by the fragrance, flying in and out. Slivers of sunlight leaked through the skylight into the old house, falling on the black hairpin my great-aunt wore, and her hands, in the scattered light, rose and fell in rhythm like beating time, for every leaf had been carefully sorted in her palms first. Picking, sorting, withering, rolling — not a single step can be omitted, nor altered — whatever the elders taught, that is how she did it. What is craftsmanship? Craftsmanship is doing things according to the rules even where no one can see.
The black tea my great-aunt made had a rich, mellow liquor. The fragrance was not a thin single layer but layered upon layer: first a faint orchid scent, then honeyed sweetness, and finally bursting open all at once, as if stepping into a garden where a hundred flowers bloom together. When the tea slipped into the mouth, it was like holding a mouthful of cloud. Every year, when the first batch of tea from the Grain Rain period was fired, my great-aunt would always set aside a few packets to send to her younger cousin in Taiwan — we called her Little Great-Aunt. With a single sip, Little Great-Aunt could tell that this was tea made by her elder sister.
Later, someone in the village acquired a tea-rolling machine, and with a rumble, half a day's work was done in the blink of an eye. Neighbors and relatives urged my great-aunt to get one too, but she only smiled and shook her head, saying that tea rolled by a machine lacked the warmth of the palm: the leaves had to be rolled over and over by hand to know which were tender and which were old, and whether the pressure should be light or heavy.
She kept to one stove and one tray: withering, rolling, fermenting, drying — all done by a single pair of hands. The tea juice stained her fingertips black, and rolling the tea wore thick calluses into her palms, yet she refused to hand this work over to a machine. This stubborn "foolish effort" is precisely what preserved the authentic flavor. Her greatest worry was: if a machine does it here one day, and a machine alters it there the next, with one step fewer in the process, the flavor passed down would be one layer thinner. She was unwilling to let the tea be changed out of its proper form in her own hands.
Making tea was never a one-person affair. After withering and rolling, the tea leaves were piled in bamboo trays awaiting fermentation, and the degree of fermentation was judged entirely by the nose. This task had always been done by my great-uncle; each time it was nearly ready, my great-aunt would call him over, and he would lean over the bamboo tray, scoop up a handful of tea, close his eyes, and take several long, long deep breaths. During the intervals between steps, he had to get up several times in the night to check, until he felt the aroma of the tea was right and nodded, saying "it's ready," before the next step could proceed. My great-uncle's skill was also distilled from decades of experience. This craft was only complete when the two of them worked together: one pair of hands managed the rolling, one nose managed the sniffing — without either, the tea would not come out right.
But time does not obey people's wishes, and after my great-aunt passed away, our opportunities to drink handmade tea grew fewer. A few years ago, at my cousin's house, I unexpectedly caught the long-missed fragrance of tea. My cousin is my great-aunt's son, and now he too continues to make handmade tea, still using the stove and tray my great-aunt left behind and the craft he learned from her. The line from Su Dongpo's lyric, "let us try the new tea over the new fire," has found its most concrete meaning in my cousin: the fire is new, the tea is new, but the craft used to make it is the old one. At such times, my great-uncle remains as always, squatting alone beside the finished tea, grabbing a small handful, closing his eyes, and sniffing carefully. After a while, he frowns and shakes his head, saying this batch is not up to standard, the raw green aroma has not fully dissipated; a moment later, he grabs another handful and sniffs, saying this batch has gone too far, there is a sour note. Those in the know understood that he was not finding fault; that nose of his, which had sniffed a thousand times over, was still setting the standard for this craft.
The refusal to cut corners that my great-uncle and great-aunt brought to tea making was a tacit understanding they shared for a lifetime — it was not about competing with machines for speed, but about holding themselves to the standard in their own hearts. Today this understanding has also been passed down to my cousin; in the first couple of years not everything may have been perfect, but as long as this measuring stick remains, the tea can still stand firm.
I have drunk many black teas from all over the country, yet at every New Year and festival, I always think of that bamboo tray stained with fresh tea leaves. My great-aunt is gone, but the fragrance of tea in my cousin's hands wafts up once more. From Qimen to Xiuning, and then to that small mountain village, this path has been traveled for over a hundred years; today, it is a new pair of hands turning the bamboo tray. This curling wisp of tea fragrance has never been merely a footnote to some period of time; it is a stove fire, a pair of hands, a nose, a word of instruction, passed down from one generation to the next. As long as there are people willing to keep this craft, making it slowly and savoring it carefully, then that cup of bright, clear, translucent red tea liquor will remain, and that unhurried, steady, warm flavor of everyday human life will not disperse.
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