Study Times - September 18, 2026

Accelerate the optimization and improvement of a comprehensive multi-tiered medical security system for all

By: 郑功成

Illness is a risk that is difficult to avoid in life, and medical security is the basic institutional arrangement and important institutional guarantee for relieving the people's worries about medical treatment after illness and improving national health. On August 28, the 24th session of the Standing Committee of the 14th NPC Standing Committee passed the "Medical Security Law of the People's Republic of China" (hereinafter referred to as the "Medical Security Law"), marking the maturation and finalization of China's medical security system and representing an important milestone in the legalization of China's social security system building.

A multi-tiered universal medical insurance system is the institutional goal clearly established by the Medical Security Law

Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, General Secretary Xi Jinping has emphasized the importance of medical security on multiple occasions, profoundly pointing out that "the fundamental purpose of our establishment of a universal medical insurance system is to relieve all people's worries about medical treatment after illness," and clearly requiring "accelerating the building of a Healthy China and striving to protect people's health in an all-round and full-cycle manner." These important expositions reveal the necessity, importance, and urgency of accelerating the optimization and improvement of a multi-tiered universal medical insurance system. The 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China proposed "improving a multi-tiered social security system that covers all people, coordinates urban and rural areas, is fair and unified, safe and standardized, and sustainable." The Medical Security Law further clarified the purpose of improving a multi-tiered universal medical insurance system, which points out the fundamental direction for the reform and development of the universal medical insurance system in the new era. "Full coverage" emphasizes that statutory medical insurance participation must not leave a single person behind; "coordinating urban and rural areas" requires breaking the pattern of urban-rural division and household registration barriers; "fair and unified" pursues institutional unity and universal fairness; "safe and standardized" requires ensuring the safety of medical insurance funds and orderly institutional operation; "multi-tiered" emphasizes supporting the development of supplementary safeguard measures such as commercial health insurance and charitable assistance; "sustainable" highlights coordinating needs and possibilities and ensuring the long-term stable development of the system.

According to the regulations of the Medical Security Law and the "Opinions on Deepening the Reform of the Medical Security System" issued by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the State Council in 2020, China's multi-tiered universal medical insurance system is an institutional system with government-led statutory basic medical insurance as the main body, medical assistance as the bottom line, and commercial health insurance, supplementary medical insurance, charitable medical care, and medical mutual aid as supplements. This is the concrete manifestation in the field of medical security of the law of multi-tiered construction of a modern social security system.

From the perspective of theoretical logic, the multi-tiered universal medical insurance system is a vivid practice of the law of dialectical unity of fairness and efficiency in social security. The core value of social security is to resolve livelihood risks and promote social fairness through mutual assistance and mutual aid mechanisms established according to law, and multi-tiered institutional arrangements can effectively balance universal fairness and diversified efficiency. Government-led basic medical insurance focuses on universal benefits and fairness for all people, adheres to the institutional nature of mutual assistance and mutual aid, guarantees the basic medical rights and interests of all people, and demonstrates the public goods attribute and livelihood warmth of the social security system; market-led commercial health insurance is based on an efficiency orientation, meeting the high-quality, personalized medical security and health management needs of middle- and high-income groups; charitable medical care supported by social forces adheres to the public welfare foundation, precisely assisting disadvantaged groups in resolving excessive medical burdens. The three each follow their own path, perform their own duties, and work in coordination, both ensuring that the goal of fair and universal medical insurance for all is achieved and taking into account the differentiated needs of different groups. This is the optimal institutional combination suitable for actual needs at the current stage of development.

From the perspective of practical logic, along with the population moving toward deep aging, the diversification of residents' health needs, the continuous transformation of the disease spectrum, the deepening advancement of urbanization, and the markedly accelerated pace of solidly promoting common prosperity for all people, the structural shortcomings and institutional contradictions of the current medical security system have gradually become prominent. There remains a gap between the maturity, fairness, and sustainability of the system and the people's demands in the new era for fairer, more reliable, and higher-standard medical security against disease. Optimizing and improving the multi-tiered universal medical insurance system has become an inevitable choice for breaking through the current bottlenecks in medical insurance development, promoting institutional fairness, and achieving sustainable institutional development. It can effectively divert the protection pressure on basic medical insurance, comprehensively meet the diverse and multi-tiered medical security needs of the people, and break the development dilemma of a single system that is "weak in guaranteeing basics, insufficient in improving quality, and not firm in holding the bottom line." Practical needs urgently require the prompt implementation and implementation of the statutory goal of improving a multi-tiered universal medical insurance system, and the promotion of the transformation and upgrading of the medical insurance system from "full coverage" to "high-quality full coverage" and from "guaranteeing basics" to "multi-tiered, precise, and sustainable" with greater intensity and more precise measures.

The construction achievements and existing shortcomings of China's multi-tiered universal medical insurance system

Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, China's medical insurance reform has adhered to the principle of advancing step by step (循序渐进, xun xu jian jin - "follow, order, step, step") and coordinated advancement, successively completing the integration of the new rural cooperative medical care and basic medical insurance for urban residents, establishing a unified basic medical insurance system for urban and rural residents, improving the medical assistance system, cultivating and developing commercial health insurance and charitable medical care, and gradually building a multi-tiered universal medical insurance institutional framework, including a three-tier system of the statutory bottom-line protection layer of "basic medical insurance + serious illness insurance + medical assistance," the market enhancement layer of commercial health insurance and supplementary medical insurance, and the social assistance layer of charitable medical care and medical mutual aid. Among these, the unity and universality of the statutory medical insurance system have continued to strengthen; commercial health insurance has developed rapidly, and various types of inclusive commercial insurance have been fully rolled out, becoming an important supplement to basic medical insurance; charitable medical care and employee medical mutual aid are being carried out in an orderly manner. Since the establishment of the National Healthcare Security Administration in 2018 and its continued advancement, the pooling level of basic medical insurance has achieved full coverage at the municipal level and is advancing in depth toward provincial-level pooling, with the mutual assistance and mutual aid capacity of funds continuously strengthening; the reform of medical insurance payment methods has continued to deepen, with payment by diagnosis-related groups and diagnosis-intervention categories (DRG/DIP) fully implemented, playing an important role in standardizing medical service behavior and controlling unreasonable growth of medical expenses; a nationally unified medical insurance information platform has been built and put into operation, with greatly improved capabilities for settlement of medical treatment in different places, intelligent supervision, and convenience services; a multi-department coordinated anti-medical insurance fraud mechanism is increasingly mature; and the level of modernization of medical insurance governance continues to improve, providing institutional and technical support for the efficient operation of the multi-tiered medical insurance system. At present, the participation rate in China's basic medical insurance has remained stable at over 95%, achieving the institutional goal of universal medical insurance, and the world's largest medical security system has been built. As of the end of 2025, the number of participants in national basic medical insurance reached 1,330,693,900 people (including 388,561,200 participants in employee medical insurance and 942,132,700 participants in resident medical insurance), of whom 76,664,700 people were subsidized to participate by the medical assistance fund. The reimbursement ratios for hospitalization expenses within the policy scope of employee medical insurance and resident medical insurance have remained stable at over 80% and around 70% respectively. Outpatient coordination and direct settlement for medical treatment in different places have been fully popularized. Serious illness insurance provides a second reimbursement for the high medical expenses of insured participants. Medical assistance precisely holds the bottom line for the participation payment and medical burden of disadvantaged groups, effectively alleviating the basic problems of "difficulty and high cost of seeing a doctor," completely reversing the previous high incidence of poverty caused by illness and return to poverty due to illness, and providing increasingly solid guarantees for consolidating and expanding the achievements of the battle against poverty and continuously improving people's livelihoods. In the same year, the premium income of commercial health insurance exceeded 1 trillion yuan for the first time, with more than 11,000 medical insurance products on sale and an insurance claim payment rate of about 40%. Charitable medical care is also developing, with various specialized charitable organizations and online personal assistance for serious illnesses represented by Shuidichou continuing to expand in scale, playing a beneficial role in helping seriously ill patients in difficulty reduce their medical expense burden.

While achieving development results, it is also necessary to clearly recognize that China's multi-tiered universal medical insurance system is still in the stage of "initially taking shape but not yet finalized," and its structural contradictions and institutional shortcomings remain prominent.

The basic medical insurance system has not yet fully matured, and the foundation of the main body of the system has not yet been consolidated. The long-standing pattern of "two systems operating in parallel" for employee medical insurance and resident medical insurance persists, with significant gaps between the two types of systems in terms of financing standards, treatment levels, and safeguard mechanisms. The problem of unbalanced protection between urban and rural areas and occupational groups is prominent, and the unity and fairness of the system need to be improved. In particular, the financing mechanism of resident medical insurance lacks flexibility, individual contributions have not yet been directly linked to residents' disposable income, the dynamic adjustment mechanism for fiscal subsidies is not sufficiently complete, the matching between financing growth and safeguard demand growth is insufficient, and some regions face greater pressure on the revenue and expenditure of resident medical insurance funds, with sustainable operation facing challenges. At the same time, the individual accounts of employee medical insurance still exist, and the boundaries between serious illness insurance and basic medical insurance are blurred with overlapping functions, all of which weaken the overall coordination and safeguard effectiveness of basic medical insurance.

The functional positioning of each tier is vague, with problems of functional misalignment and imbalance. In the construction of the multi-tiered universal medical insurance system, there is in fact a structural imbalance of "emphasizing the basic, neglecting the supplementary, and weakening the bottom line." Basic medical insurance excessively undertakes differentiated, high-quality safeguard functions, and the positioning of "guaranteeing basics" has deviated. Some regions have excessively raised safeguard treatments and expanded safeguard scopes, increasing the operational pressure on funds; while the supplementary functions of commercial health insurance and supplementary medical insurance have not been fully brought into play, with most commercial insurance products suffering from serious homogenization and insufficient safeguard precision, and insufficient supply of featured products targeting major diseases, long-term care, and high-end medical care, with inclusive commercial insurance protection falling into a situation of insufficient sustainability. At the same time, charitable medical care and medical mutual aid are small in scale, limited in coverage, and scattered in operation, making it difficult for social assistance forces to effectively connect with the gaps in statutory insurance, and the various tiers of the system have not formed a sound pattern of gradient protection and mutual complementarity at each level.

The connection between the various tiers of the system is not smooth, and the overall coordination effectiveness of the system is insufficient. The core advantage of the multi-tiered universal medical insurance system lies in coordinated linkage and complementary efficiency enhancement, but there are currently obvious connection barriers between the various tiers of the system. There is no information sharing, no data exchange, and no process connection between basic medical insurance, commercial insurance, and charitable medical care, with problems such as duplicate declarations, cumbersome procedures, and broken points and disconnections in patients' medical expense reimbursement and assistance support; the connection between basic medical insurance and serious illness insurance and medical assistance in reimbursement settlement is not smooth enough, and the superimposed effect of multiple safeguards for disadvantaged groups and serious illness patients has not been fully released; commercial health insurance claims are disconnected from basic medical insurance settlement, and charitable medical care assistance lacks a precise connection mechanism, resulting in some people being unable to effectively stack multiple safeguards, with the resolution of high medical expense burdens being incomplete, and the overall safeguard effectiveness of the multi-tiered system being weakened.

The governance system and supporting mechanisms are not complete, and the effectiveness of "three medical" coordinated governance urgently needs improvement. The level of refined supervision of medical insurance funds is insufficient, the coordinated governance mechanism of medical services, medical insurance payment, and fund supervision is not sound enough, and problems such as excessive medical treatment, false medical treatment, and fund waste still occur, with the efficiency of fund use needing improvement; the multi-tiered medical insurance coordinated governance mechanism is lacking, the division of rights and responsibilities among the government, market, and society is not yet clear enough, and there is a lack of unified overall planning, standard norms, and assessment mechanisms; the coverage and safeguard adaptability for groups such as workers in new forms of employment, flexible employment personnel, and mobile populations is insufficient, and the inclusiveness of the system needs improvement; the coordination between medical insurance reform and reforms in medical services, drugs and consumables, and public health is insufficient, and the supporting support for the construction of the multi-tiered universal medical insurance system is inadequate, making it difficult to adapt to the needs of high-quality development of health security in the new era.

The practical path for optimizing and improving the multi-tiered universal medical insurance system

To optimize and improve the multi-tiered universal medical insurance system, it is necessary to base ourselves on the overall situation of Chinese modernization construction with common prosperity as its essential characteristic and the overall situation of completing the building of a Healthy China on schedule, adhere to the essential attributes of social security, follow the laws of medical insurance system development, uphold the systems concept, problem orientation, and goal orientation, and truly build a modern medical insurance system with clear rights and responsibilities, clear division of labor, smooth connection, and efficient coordination.

Optimize the institutional arrangements of basic medical insurance and consolidate the foundation of the main body of statutory insurance. First, strengthen overall coordination, actively promote the integration and optimization of the two major basic medical insurance systems for employees and residents, gradually narrow the protection gap between groups, and achieve a higher level of fairness and unity in universal basic medical insurance. Second, optimize the medical insurance financing and treatment adjustment mechanisms. In particular, implement the principle of bearing responsibility according to capacity, make efforts to promote the linking of individual contributions of resident medical insurance with their disposable income, and fundamentally cure the malady of the negative correlation between residents' contribution burden and income level and the reverse adjustment of medical insurance treatment; establish a dynamic growth mechanism for fiscal subsidies, scientifically adjust financing standards in light of residents' income levels, medical expense growth, and fund revenue and expenditure conditions, and strengthen the fiscal bottom-line safeguard responsibility for resident medical insurance and medical assistance; reform the treatment payment mechanism, explore the implementation of a cap system for individual out-of-pocket expenses to replace the single fund payment cap, and effectively reduce the high burden on serious illness patients; implement contribution payment reduction and exemption policies for special groups such as infants and young children, the very elderly, and severely disabled persons, and enhance the inclusiveness and people-benefiting nature of the system. Third, actively promote provincial-level pooling of basic medical insurance and strengthen the mutual assistance capacity of funds. Fully implement the goal of the "15th Five-Year Plan for Universal Medical Security" of basically achieving provincial-level pooling of basic medical insurance by 2029, unify fund management and revenue and expenditure accounting, and at the same time establish a national medical insurance fund adjustment or special subsidy system to ensure that people in less developed regions enjoy basic medical services universally; standardize the operation of the serious illness insurance system, promote integrated management and integrated settlement of serious illness insurance and basic medical insurance, simplify reimbursement procedures, improve safeguard precision, and build a solid defense line against major disease risks. Fourth, precisely strengthen the bottom-line safeguard effectiveness of medical assistance. Improve the hierarchical and classified medical assistance mechanism, distinguish between different groups such as extremely poor persons, subsistence allowance recipients, low-income persons, and those returning to poverty due to illness, implement differentiated assistance standards, and precisely implement contribution payment subsidies and hospitalization expense bottom-line assistance; improve the dynamic monitoring and precise assistance mechanism for poverty caused by illness, achieve full coverage of medical security and full assistance for disadvantaged groups, and firmly hold the bottom line of preventing large-scale return to poverty due to illness.

Activate the vitality of market entities and social forces and fill the shortcomings in the development of the multi-tiered system. First, standardize the development of commercial health insurance and strengthen market-based medical security. Insurance companies should be actively guided to optimize the supply of health insurance products, abandon homogeneous low-end competition, focus on key areas such as major diseases, chronic diseases, long-term care, high-end medical care, and medical treatment in different places, and develop exclusive health insurance products that are precisely adapted, cost-effective, and strongly protective; continuously optimize the development model of inclusive commercial health insurance, improve product iteration, risk control, and sustainable operation mechanisms, open up the connection channel between basic medical insurance and commercial insurance, and effectively meet the people's needs for higher-standard disease medical treatment and health security. Second, standardize the development of supplementary medical insurance and improve the protection level of occupational groups. Encourage enterprises, government agencies, and public institutions to carry out supplementary medical insurance in a standardized manner, reasonably determine the scope and standards of protection based on the actual conditions of the unit, focus on making up for the out-of-pocket burden of employee medical insurance, and promote the standardized, orderly, precise, and quality-improving development of supplementary medical insurance. Third, actively support charitable medical care and medical mutual aid and activate social assistance forces. Improve the policy system for charitable medical care assistance, smooth social donation channels, support the development of professional charitable medical institutions, and carry out special assistance focusing on special areas such as rare diseases, severe chronic diseases, and families with serious illnesses in extreme difficulty; standardize the operation of employee medical mutual aid and community medical mutual aid, expand the coverage of mutual aid, and make up for the blind spots and shortcomings of statutory protection and market protection.

Smooth the connection mechanisms between the various tiers of the system and enhance the coordinated safeguard effectiveness of the system. First, build an integrated information sharing platform. Under the condition of protecting personal privacy according to law, rely on the nationally unified medical insurance information platform to break through the data barriers between basic medical insurance, serious illness insurance, medical assistance, commercial health insurance, and charitable medical care, realize the interconnection and intercommunication of participation information, diagnosis and treatment information, expense information, and reimbursement information, and provide data support for institutional connection, precise settlement, and precise assistance. Second, improve the one-stop settlement connection mechanism. Comprehensively implement one-stop settlement of "basic medical insurance + serious illness insurance + medical assistance + commercial insurance," simplify the procedures for the people, and realize effective connection and superimposed efficiency enhancement of multiple safeguards; establish a precise connection mechanism for charitable medical care, rely on medical insurance big data to screen and identify seriously ill patients in difficulty, proactively carry out assistance and support, and change patients' passive application into active matching by the platform. Third, establish a cross-tier coordinated linkage mechanism. Clarify the division of responsibilities among the government, insurance institutions, charitable organizations, and medical institutions, establish normalized mechanisms for coordinated consultation, business connection, and problem handling, coordinate and resolve the blocking points and difficult problems in the connection between different tiers of the system, and maximize the release of the comprehensive safeguard effectiveness of the multi-tiered universal medical insurance system.

Improve the comprehensive governance of the multi-tiered universal medical insurance system and build a solid guarantee for the sustainable operation of the system. First, deepen comprehensive reform in the medical insurance field. Continue to promote the reform of medical insurance payment methods, improve the normalized operation mechanism of DRG/DIP payment, improve the outpatient coordination safeguard mechanism, and optimize the revenue and expenditure structure of medical insurance funds; strengthen the coordinated reform of medical insurance, medical treatment, and pharmaceuticals, standardize medical service behavior, strictly control unreasonable growth of medical expenses, and reduce the pressure on medical insurance funds and lower the burden of medical treatment for the people from the source by improving the efficiency of medical resource allocation. Second, improve the long-term mechanism for medical insurance fund supervision. Build an all-round supervision system combining intelligent supervision, comprehensive supervision, and social supervision, rely on big data, artificial intelligence, and other technologies to realize full-process dynamic supervision of medical insurance funds, severely crack down on fraud, insurance fraud, excessive medical treatment, and other acts, and continuously improve the precision and efficiency of fund use. Third, optimize medical insurance handling services. Improve the dynamic monitoring mechanism for universal participation, focus on solving the participation difficulties of workers in new forms of employment, flexible employment personnel, and mobile populations, improve policies for flexible participation, participation in different places, and transfer and continuation, and achieve full coverage of participation and no blind spots in protection; continuously optimize services such as settlement for medical treatment in different places, online reimbursement, and convenient inquiry, and improve the level of equalization and convenience of medical insurance public services. Fourth, improve the mechanism for coordinated advancement of multi-tiered medical insurance. Introduce a top-level design plan as soon as possible, clarify the development positioning, advancement pace, and assessment standards of each tier of the system, standardize the business conduct of market entities, guide the orderly participation of social forces, and build a new pattern of modern medical insurance governance with government leadership, active participation of market entities and social forces, and joint construction and sharing by all the people.

(The author is a professor at Renmin University of China and president of the China Association of Social Security)

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Enhancing Capabilities in Public Opinion Guidance and Crisis Response

By: 秦露

The outline of the 15th Five-Year Plan points out that cultural development should be guided by the core socialist values, and efforts should be made to develop and strengthen mainstream values, mainstream public opinion, and mainstream culture, continuously building the Chinese spirit, Chinese values, and Chinese strength. At present, under the influence of factors such as the revolutionary transformation of global digital-intelligent technologies and the interweaving of both domestic and international situations, China's public opinion landscape is undergoing profound changes. Public opinion incidents have become flashpoints of social contradictions and high-risk areas for social security, and handling such incidents has become a major challenge to the governance capacity of governments at all levels. The work of guiding public opinion and handling public opinion incidents should not be simply regarded as the responsibility of propaganda departments or the media alone, nor should public opinion incidents merely be seen as "fires" to be extinguished or "troubles" to be dealt with. Instead, we should be adept at guiding public opinion, further enhance our ability to interact with the media, properly handle public opinion incidents, and turn public opinion into a clarion call and booster for practical work.

The accelerated iteration of digital-intelligent technologies brings profound changes to the communication landscape

General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized that "if we cannot pass the test of the internet, we cannot pass the test of long-term governance." This judgment profoundly reveals the major issues and challenges that new technologies pose to the Party's long-term governance capacity. At present, the accelerated iteration of digital-intelligent technologies not only introduces new variables in technological development, but also, as the technological foundation of a new generation of infrastructure and social structure, has evolved into a revolutionary force reshaping social power and the logic of national governance. New technologies have given rise to a large number of emerging economic and cultural forms. While greatly enhancing the vitality of cultural innovation and creation, they have also accelerated changes to the traditional pattern of public opinion guidance and communication.

Artificial intelligence technology is increasingly becoming the main battlefield of global ideological confrontation. AI language large models are reshaping people's values, image large models are reshaping aesthetic consciousness, and video large models are reshaping narrative frameworks. From this perspective, great-power competition and technological competition globally are fundamentally a contest for international discourse power. However, in the training and learning processes of different types of large models, every link may be injected with specific value positions, thereby carrying endogenous ideological security risks and becoming an important uncertain factor in national governance.

The "intermediation" and "black-boxing" of online platforms coexist. Internet commercial platforms have increasingly become important channels for the production and daily life of more than 1.1 billion netizens. The policies and propositions of the Party and the government often need to pass through commercial platforms to reach audiences more broadly and be noticed and understood by the people. Commercial platforms have thus become important intermediaries for the Party and the government to connect with the masses in cyberspace. At the same time, by virtue of the trinity mechanism of "data-algorithm-traffic," they hold significant power to push information, set social hotspot agendas, influence public emotions and speech, and even shape social concepts and behavior. How to promote the continuous improvement and transparency of platform algorithms has become a key link in national governance.

Online platforms and multi-channel network institutions (MCNs) have become important drivers of hot public opinion incidents. The basic rule of online platform algorithms is "allocating traffic based on traffic," while MCN institutions are adept at using professional methods to hype hot topics, attract attention, and incite emotions, thereby maximizing traffic acquisition. The combined effects and mechanisms of online platforms and MCNs can rapidly form traffic pools in cyberspace, leading to the generation of hot events or public opinion incidents. More importantly, they also hold important switches that touch social psychology and emotions, and the irrational emotions of extremism, confrontation, sensationalism, and violence that the traffic logic appeals to and amplifies are not conducive to the formation of positive social energy, cohesion, and consensus.

Correctly handling the relationship between the domestic and international public opinion arenas

The popularization of digital-intelligent technologies gives information dissemination the mobility to cross geographical boundaries, and even transcend the boundaries of nation-states, within a short period of time, causing the domestic and international public opinion arenas to interweave and influence each other. On the one hand, as China's importance in the international community increases, the internet public opinion arena has become an important battleground where different forces compete for people's hearts and minds. The attitudes and positions of Chinese netizens in international hotspot conflicts have become the focus of global media attention, and differences in netizens' positions on international affairs have become one of the important factors triggering divisions in China's public opinion arena. At the same time, various information from Western social platforms is often reposted to domestic social platforms, forming a backflow of public opinion. On the other hand, various overseas forces are also stepping up their dissemination and infiltration of extremist ideologies into China, creating social opposition and division in China's public opinion arena. Therefore, the state in which the domestic and international public opinion arenas were clearly demarcated and distinct (泾渭分明, jing wei fen ming - "泾, Wei, rivers; clear, distinct") has long ceased to exist, and the domestic public opinion arena has already become the frontline of international public opinion struggle. Under such circumstances, becoming familiar with the situation and characteristics of both public opinion arenas and possessing systematic thinking that connects and coordinates both domestic and international situations have become important requirements for public opinion incident handling by governments at all levels.

Although new technologies and new situations have brought about systematic changes to the public opinion landscape, the core remains to grasp the unchanging essential attribute of public opinion amidst change, namely that public opinion is the "barometer" of people's hearts and minds. General Secretary Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out that "the people's hearts and minds are the greatest politics." The reason why the Party's news and public opinion work is "a major matter of governance and national stability" lies precisely in the close internal connection between public opinion and people's hearts and minds. However, public opinion and people's hearts and minds are not in a simple corresponding relationship. Under internet conditions, so-called public opinion often presents three levels: first, the overall public opinion representing the fundamental interests of the broad masses of the people, presented in the form of public opinion, but this kind of public opinion may not be able to be fully and accurately expressed on the internet; second, that part of online public opinion that can represent the true direction of people's hearts and minds and public opinion; third, issue-oriented, bubble-like online hotspots and even public opinion incidents, which occupy a large amount of precious attention resources and can widely stir and influence social emotions, but are often unrelated to genuine people's hearts and minds or public opinion. In current public opinion incident handling, special vigilance is needed against "public opinion incidents" hijacking "public opinion" to kidnap or disguise themselves as "people's hearts and minds." Public opinion guidance in the new era should be adept at identifying the three levels presented by public opinion, and at the same time, it is necessary to handle these three levels. It is necessary to go deep among the masses, understand their true thoughts, and solve their real problems; it is also necessary to promptly respond to online public opinion that can reflect genuine public opinion, dispel doubts, and solve difficulties; and it is also necessary to resolve public opinion incidents in a scientific manner, avoiding escalation due to improper handling that damages the credibility of the Party and the government.

The systematic upgrading of public opinion incident handling and its interembedding with the national governance system

The original approach to handling public opinion incidents often simply incorporated public opinion work into the government's emergency response system, treating public opinion incidents as emergency situations, as abnormal exceptional events and isolated incidents. This way of thinking and handling method ignores that public opinion work is a component of the national governance system, a long-term task that requires sustained, long-term effort, and can no longer adapt to the complex and profound changes emerging in the public opinion arena. At present, there is an urgent need to systematically upgrade the "emergency-response-style" approach to handling public opinion incidents and embed it into the overall framework of the national governance system.

Public opinion work needs to be based on practical work, properly address major issues concerning people's livelihoods, and achieve sound social governance. Properly handling the "matter" has always been the prerequisite for properly handling the "public opinion incident." This requires governments at all levels to do more work on "treating disease before it occurs," making good use of various platform mechanisms such as comprehensive social security governance centers, the 12345 hotline for immediate response to requests, public opinion monitoring, and new media accounts of government affairs. These are not only important forms for the people to realize whole-process people's democracy, but also innovative ways for the Party and the government to follow the mass line online in the new era. Through these mechanisms, governments at all levels can routinely pay attention to, collect, respond to, and solve the practical problems of concern to the people, promptly understand the direction of social psychology and emotions, resolve potential social contradictions, and channel negative social emotions, thereby resolving potential public opinion incidents invisibly in advance.

Promote an integrated comprehensive public opinion governance system of "routine news release - daily public opinion guidance - emergency public opinion incident handling." Governments at all levels need to further strengthen and improve the spokesperson system. Through high-quality routine news releases, they can continuously set and respond to topics of social concern, interpret policies and social hotspots, and in this process establish a positive image and credibility for the government online. The Third Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Committee proposed "improving the news spokesperson system," which is precisely to promote the functional upgrading of this system from "information release" to "governance empowerment." Governments at all levels should learn to use news release as an information lever to maximize the effectiveness of social governance. At the same time, a comprehensive coordination mechanism for public opinion guidance and public opinion incident response should be established throughout the entire process of soliciting public opinion, absorbing public opinion, and interpreting policies during policy formulation, release, and implementation. In the era of social media, operating a matrix of government new media accounts well is an important component of the news release system. It can not only effectively reach the target audience of official information, but also, through daily releases, help understand the psychological characteristics of the public and the laws of online communication, accumulating experience in interacting and communicating with the public. In this way, once a public opinion incident occurs, the government new media matrix can immediately become the "first channel" for official information release, seizing the initiative in public opinion during the precious time window. At the same time, the public trust and stable fan base accumulated through daily interaction can buy more relaxed time and favorable conditions for the government's offline handling of the incident at critical moments. These are valuable assets needed for public opinion incident handling, but this wealth requires routine accumulation and long-term management. Only by doing this preparatory and daily work well and solidly can a solid foundation be laid for scientific and effective handling after a public opinion incident occurs. In the process of handling public opinion incidents, it is equally necessary to firmly grasp the essential attributes of public opinion, based on solving practical problems, centered on channeling and resolving public emotions, and aimed at consolidating people's hearts and minds and consolidating the Party's cultural leadership.

Accurately judging whether to speak out, and when, where, and at what level to speak out, is the first element in seizing the initiative in public opinion incident handling. Governments at all levels should formulate emergency response plans for public opinion incidents that suit their own characteristics based on relevant factors such as the nature of the event, the heat of public opinion, and the sensitivity of the topic. Once the comprehensive indicators of various factors meet the standards of the emergency mechanism, the handling process should be initiated immediately. In reality, due to the lack of corresponding mechanisms, or mechanisms that exist in name only, and complete reliance on the subjective and random judgment of major decision-makers, the result is often delay in hesitation and indecision, wrangling in mutual buck-passing, or evasion in a mindset of wishful thinking, ultimately missing the best opportunity to speak out and leaving subsequent handling in a passive state.

In the first handling after a public opinion incident occurs, doing a good job of the dual handling of "emotions + matters" is the key to rapidly cooling down public opinion. It is necessary to achieve the organic coordination of handling the event itself involved in the public opinion incident in accordance with laws and regulations, fairly and reasonably, promptly announcing the progress of the incident handling, restoring public confidence, and channeling negative public emotions. In practice, many government departments often ignore the negative emotions of doubt, anger, anxiety, and even fear generated by the public in the early stage of a public opinion incident, and merely announce the facts of the incident and government measures in their information releases, trying to persuade the public, who are in an irrational state, through rational means, with little effect. In such cases, it is necessary first to channel and soothe public emotions through empathy, resonance, apology, and statements of position, so that the public can calm down, return to rationality, and restore trust in the government, and then release content such as the facts and relevant measures. Conversely, if the government, in its first handling, amplifies facts favorable to itself to cut off responsibility, defend itself, or exonerate itself, then even if the content of the defense is true, it will cause negative public emotions to continuously escalate, and may even spawn secondary public opinion incidents.

Doing a good job of the dual release of "information + confidence" is the "engine" of news release in the process of public opinion incident handling. If the government's information release is too brief or vague, the result will instead leave netizens with a large amount of space for imagination, speculation, and even the creation and dissemination of rumors, causing the information release itself to become the trigger for secondary public opinion incidents. The standard for measuring the effectiveness of information release is whether this information plays a role in channeling emotions, dispelling doubts, and enhancing public confidence in the government. This requires the government, in addition to promptly announcing "hard information" such as the facts, investigation results, and handling plans based on the progress of the event investigation and handling, to also release "soft information" such as soothing social emotions, responding to social doubts, and clarifying false rumors. At the same time, the narrative of the event's causes and consequences and the basis for handling should form a rigorous and complete logical loop. Only an information release that combines reasonable, lawful, and compliant handling with a rigorous, clear, and complete narrative can achieve a communication effect that is convincing and withstands scrutiny and the test of time.

Accumulating effective experience in public opinion incident handling through daily work is the key to efficient coordination and systematic linkage after a public opinion incident occurs. At present, although governments at all levels have mostly formulated emergency response plans for public opinion incidents, in practice there are still problems such as plans that are not useful, that are divorced from the actual situation of the unit, or that, although plans exist, because they have not been rehearsed, various departments are not familiar with them, so that when a public opinion incident arrives, they still respond randomly in a state of panic. Facing public opinion incidents with no effective experience to draw on, no mature plans to rely on, and a lack of efficient and tacit coordination among departments has become an important factor restricting the efficient handling of public opinion incidents by governments. Governments at all levels can, based on the actual situation of the division of labor and operation of their own regions and units, accumulate and review actual cases of public opinion incident handling, compile case manuals, form public opinion incident handling process plans that conform to the actual situation of their own units and are easy to operate, and use these as important teaching materials in public opinion incident handling training. At the same time, they can also conduct sand table exercises on typical public opinion cases that occur nationally or in their own industry each year, absorbing lessons learned, improving their own plans, and especially using the exercises to refine the division of labor and cooperation processes among departments under different scenarios. Once a real public opinion incident occurs, no matter how urgent the situation, it should be handled according to the rehearsed plan process, to test the effectiveness of the plan in actual combat and also to avoid hasty "shoot-from-the-hip" decisions made in panic. After the handling is completed, a timely review should be conducted to revise and improve the original plan. In this way, through the continuous cycle of plan - exercise - actual combat, a closed loop of public opinion incident handling that is continuously improved and upgraded can be achieved.

By constructing a comprehensive public opinion governance system of "sound governance of people's livelihoods - information release - public opinion guidance - public opinion incident handling," the Party and the government's public opinion work can be upgraded and expanded from handling abnormal, exceptional, and special public opinion incidents to a complete set of routine work practices for doing a good job in people's livelihood work and embedding into national governance. In this way, public opinion work becomes an important path for absorbing public opinion and public wisdom, realizing whole-process people's democracy, and promoting the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity.

[The author is Deputy Director of the Department of Culture, History and Teaching and Research of the Party School of the CPC Central Committee (National Academy of Governance)]

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Use strict oversight and supervision to prevent arbitrary use of power

By: 本报评论员　林珊珊

General Secretary Xi Jinping has pointed out that "the issue of views on political achievements is highly correlated with the arbitrary abuse of power, and power must be confined in the cage of institutions," and that "management and supervision over conduct related to views on political achievements must be strengthened, democratic centralism must be strictly implemented, regular talks and reminders must be conducted with leading cadres, and problems of an emerging or tendentious nature must be discovered and corrected in a timely manner." These important statements profoundly reveal the internal logic between views on political achievements and the exercise of power: once the view on political achievements is misplaced, power easily goes off the rails; once power is exercised arbitrarily, political achievements are bound to become distorted. It is necessary to strengthen routine management and supervision, prevent arbitrary exercise of power, seize on typical cases, current cases, and public notifications, and maintain a strong deterrent force.

Preventing the arbitrary exercise of power is an important measure for consolidating and expanding the achievements of the learning and education campaign on establishing and practicing a correct view of political achievements. How to hold power well and use power well on behalf of the people, and ensure that public power always operates on the correct track of serving the public and serving the people, is the yardstick for testing whether leading cadres adhere to a correct view of political achievements in their work and entrepreneurship. Looking at negative cases, some leading cadres exercise power arbitrarily and willfully, breaking through institutional procedures in order to produce political achievements, making major decisions by patting their heads to decide and patting their chests to act rashly, skipping statutory processes such as investigation and demonstration, collective research and judgment, and mass evaluation, willfully launching projects and blindly advancing work, resulting in waste of resources and hidden dangers to development; some engage in personal decision-making under the guise of collective decision-making, "greasing the wheels" and "passing notes" in project bidding and tendering, illegally interfering in and meddling in market economic activities, and alienating law enforcement and approval powers into tools for personal gain. This fully demonstrates that a correct view of political achievements cannot be separated from a correct view of power; only by integrating management and supervision into daily life and making it a regular practice, so that leading cadres clearly understand the source, essence, and rules of use of power, and achieve correct and standardized use of power, can they truly achieve serving the people effectively during one's term of office (为官一任、造福一方, wei guan yi ren, zao fu yi fang - "be an official for one term, benefit one region").

The power in the hands of leading cadres is entrusted by the Party and the people; it belongs to the public, not to individuals, and can only be used to share the Party's concerns, work for the country, and seek benefits for the people. However, some leading cadres exercise power arbitrarily, lacking reverence for power, treating power as a "private possession," alienating "power entrusted by the people" into "power used for oneself," causing the exercise of power to escape organizational constraints, placing personal subjective preferences above legal basis and due process, and ultimately losing themselves amid various external temptations, crossing the "thunder pool," running the "red light," and stepping on the "bottom line," falling into the abyss of disciplinary and legal violations. To prevent arbitrary exercise of power, it is necessary to start from the ideological level to eliminate errors and return to the original essence (正本清源, zheng ben qing yuan - "correct the root, clear the source"), guide leading cadres to revere the people, revere the organization, and revere discipline and law, consciously abandon the erroneous concept of "power used for oneself," do more practical things that bring tangible benefits to the people, do less superficial work that merely decorates the facade, and resolutely prevent the abuse of public power and the wasting of manpower and financial resources (劳民伤财, lao min shang cai - "labor the people, damage wealth") for the sake of building personal political achievements.

Deviations in the view of political achievements often first manifest as the breakdown of decision-making procedures. To prevent the arbitrary exercise of power, it is necessary to improve institutional mechanisms that unify authorization, exercise, and control of power, and that are clear, transparent, and traceable. In terms of authorization, based on the legalization of power, clarify the subjects, scope, authority, procedures, and responsibilities of power exercise, especially keeping a close eye on the key link of "first-in-command" leaders and leading groups, strictly implementing democratic centralism and the "Three Major and One Large" decision-making system, and preventing decisions made according to personal preferences and subjective will; in terms of exercise of power, improve the systems of legality review of power decisions, social stability risk assessment, and lifelong accountability, so that those who arbitrarily change rules and blindly launch projects are held responsible for the consequences, and eradicate from the institutional level the soil for the survival of the "political achievement impulse syndrome"; in terms of control of power, strengthen the rigid constraints of institutional implementation, leave no hidden doors and open no skylights, so that as soon as power shows signs of "willfulness," the "tightening band" is quickly drawn tight, eliminating the soil for arbitrary exercise of power.

To strengthen management and supervision over conduct related to views of political achievements, it is necessary to focus on enhancing the full coverage and effectiveness of supervision over public power and public officials, eliminating the vacuum zones of power supervision, and compressing the arbitrary space of power exercise. Starting from the supervision of leading cadres' conduct in political affairs and other aspects, manage key persons well, manage key places well, manage key matters well, and manage at key times well. Focus on political supervision, supervision of leading groups and especially "first-in-command" leaders, supervision of "Three Major and One Large" matters, and supervision of key areas such as concentrated power, intensive funds, and abundant resources, improve the prevention mechanism for timely discovery of problems and the correction mechanism for precise rectification of deviations. In particular, keep a close eye on several types of high-risk situations: the period of political achievement impulse after leadership transitions and adjustments, the period of intensive disbursement of major projects and special funds, and the key nodes of assessment, inspection, and data statistics. At the same time, strengthen the coordination and interconnection of various types of supervision, including discipline inspection and supervision, inspections and patrols, auditing, financial and accounting, and statistics, enhance pertinence and penetrating power, and maintain "zero tolerance" for violations of discipline, law, and regulations.

How to use power is a lifelong subject for every leading cadre. When the view of political achievements is correct, power will naturally return to its proper position; when power stays within its boundaries, political achievements can withstand the test of history and the people. Only when leading cadres, with the self-awareness of "cultivating oneself at all times and examining oneself in all matters," regularly examine whether their view of political achievements is correct and whether their use of power is standardized, and become accustomed to working and living in an environment of supervision and constraint, can they truly achieve not being willful with power and not acting recklessly in the use of power, remain clean and honest, maintain steady progress to achieve long-term success (行稳致远, xing wen zhi yuan - "walk steadily, reach far"), and continuously create political achievements worthy of the times and the people.

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Important Remarks

Global South countries should jointly uphold the international rule of law, safeguard the basic norms of international relations such as sovereign equality, non-interference in internal affairs, and peaceful settlement of disputes, and ensure that international law and international rules are applied equally without double standards. They should hold high the banner of multilateralism, uphold the authority and role of the United Nations, support the reform of multilateral institutions in the right direction, advance the reform of the World Trade Organization, reform and improve the international financial architecture, and increase the representation and voice of developing countries. They should adhere to a people-centered development philosophy and promote the implementation of the United Nations 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. They should work together to advance security governance, jointly respond to traditional and non-traditional security threats, improve global climate governance, and accelerate the formation of a broadly consensual global framework for artificial intelligence governance, so that emerging technologies illuminate the path to shared prosperity.

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This Issue's Guide

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Greater BRICS Cooperation: A Model Platform for Practicing Multilateralism

By: 张伟鹏

In today's world, the once-in-a-century transformation is accelerating, change and turbulence are intertwined, geopolitical conflicts are occurring repeatedly or in quick succession (此起彼伏, ci qi bi fu - "this, rise; that, fall"), and global challenges are becoming more prominent. The fundamental way out of these problems lies in upholding and practicing multilateralism, implementing the four major global initiatives, and promoting the building of a community with a shared future for mankind. President Xi Jinping attended the 18th BRICS Summit in New Delhi, India, from September 12 to 13, 2026. The BRICS cooperation mechanism has reached the key juncture of its 20th anniversary. This important mechanism has become the most influential cooperation platform for emerging markets and developing countries in today's world and a model for practicing multilateralism. As the "BRICS family" continues to expand, the breadth, depth, and influence of BRICS cooperation have been continuously enhanced, and "Greater BRICS Cooperation" has entered a new stage of high-quality development, providing important support for improving global governance and building a community with a shared future for mankind.

The BRICS spirit charts the course for the growth and development of cooperation

Twelve years ago, President Xi Jinping proposed the BRICS spirit at the Sixth BRICS Summit, charting the course for the growth and development of the BRICS cooperation mechanism. Looking back on the journey of the BRICS cooperation mechanism, all countries have always upheld the BRICS spirit of openness, inclusiveness, and win-win cooperation, persevering with constancy (持之以恒, chi zhi yi heng - "hold, this, with, constant") in advancing economic, political, and people-to-people cooperation, making BRICS increasingly substantial in substance and weight, with more and more partners joining the journey and the path of cooperation growing ever wider.

Openness and inclusiveness are the distinctive character of the BRICS cooperation mechanism. BRICS countries have always adhered to the principles of mutual respect and understanding, sovereign equality, solidarity and democracy, openness and inclusiveness, deepening cooperation, and consensus-building, refraining from forming exclusive and closed blocs, refraining from bloc confrontation, and refraining from interfering in the internal affairs of other countries, fully respecting the sovereignty, independence, and development paths independently chosen by all countries. The BRICS cooperation mechanism insists on open cooperation, embracing more countries sharing the same ambitions and goals (志同道合, zhi tong dao he - "will, same, path, together") with a broad mind, making BRICS's circle of friends ever larger and its network of partners ever denser, opening an important window for the vast number of emerging markets and developing countries to participate in global cooperation and share development opportunities.

Win-win cooperation is the common pursuit of the BRICS cooperation mechanism. BRICS countries account for nearly half of the world's population, about 30 percent of the world's economic aggregate, and one-fifth of world trade, aggregating multiple advantages in resources, industry, and markets. Over the past 20 years since its establishment, the BRICS cooperation mechanism has achieved fruitful results, fully safeguarding the multilateral trading system with the World Trade Organization as its cornerstone, with practical cooperation covering economy and trade, science and technology, agriculture, culture, and other fields. BRICS countries adhere to common development as the main line of cooperation, promote complementing each other's strengths (优势互补, you shi hu bu - "advantage, mutually, complement") and coordinated efforts, so that the fruits of cooperation benefit the people of all countries more and more fairly, making important contributions to promoting global economic recovery and solving global development problems.

The BRICS cooperation mechanism is continuously enriched and improved

Based on long-term cooperation practice, BRICS countries have continuously improved the institutional framework and perfected the cooperation system, forming an operational model with clear levels, smooth linkages, and practical efficiency, promoting the transformation of cooperation from concept to action, from initiative to tangible results, and achieving institutionalized, standardized, and long-term development.

In terms of institutional architecture, the BRICS cooperation mechanism is led by the leaders' summit, supported by mechanisms such as the foreign ministers' meeting and the meeting of high representatives responsible for national security affairs, strengthening the "three-wheel drive" cooperation in political security, economy, trade and finance, and people-to-people exchanges, and establishing special working groups in multiple fields such as counter-terrorism, cybersecurity, scientific and technological innovation, intelligent manufacturing and robotics, and climate change. All mechanisms operate in an orderly manner and work in concert, maintaining the continuity of strategic communication while ensuring the implementation of cooperation in various fields, providing a solid institutional guarantee for the BRICS cooperation mechanism to make steady progress to achieve long-term success (行稳致远, xing wen zhi yuan - "walk, steady, reach, far").

In terms of membership composition, BRICS countries, in accordance with the expansion process established in the "BRICS Expansion Process: Guiding Principles, Standards and Procedures," support more Global South countries in joining the BRICS cause in the forms of full membership, partner countries, and "BRICS Plus," while strengthening communication, dialogue, and partnership with emerging markets and developing countries, effectively enhancing the representativeness, inclusiveness, and influence of the BRICS cooperation mechanism. The expanded BRICS has further consolidated the common will of Global South countries, built a broader platform for the high-quality development of "Greater BRICS Cooperation," and become a vivid manifestation of the united self-strengthening of emerging markets and developing countries.

In terms of platform support, BRICS countries established the New Development Bank, continuously improved financial cooperation architectures such as the Contingent Reserve Arrangement, cross-border payment cooperation, and the pilot of the multilateral guarantee mechanism, and supported its increasingly strong and strategic role in the development and modernization process of Global South countries. Practical platforms such as the BRICS Industrial Competence Center and the China-BRICS Research Center for New Quality Productive Forces have been established. Various platforms and special working groups are closely linked, promoting deeper and more substantive cooperation in finance, trade, digital economy, energy security, and other fields, ensuring that BRICS cooperation has platforms, projects have carriers, and implementation has guarantees.

All-round cooperation achievements demonstrate exemplary value

BRICS countries have always been advocates of advanced concepts and doers of unity of knowledge and action (知行合一, zhi xing he yi - "knowledge, practice, combine, one"). As a constructive force for good on the international stage, BRICS countries continuously translate cooperation concepts into concrete actions and consensus into tangible results, demonstrating strong action capability and exemplary value on the global stage, injecting stable and enduring BRICS strength into addressing the challenges of the times and promoting common development.

Firmly safeguarding international peace and security and stability. BRICS countries have always taken the UN Charter and universally recognized principles of international law as the yardstick, promoting the peaceful resolution of differences and disputes between countries through dialogue, consultation, and diplomatic channels. They actively participate in mediation and good offices on regional hotspot issues such as the Ukraine crisis, the Middle East issue, and the Iranian nuclear issue, promoting ceasefire, cessation of hostilities, and humanitarian relief. They resolutely combat terrorism in all its forms, fully leverage the role of the BRICS Counter-Terrorism Working Group, strengthen information sharing and experience exchange, and promote law enforcement cooperation and capacity building.

Accelerating the cultivation of momentum for common development and innovation. In the economic, trade, financial, and fiscal fields, the New Development Bank provides funding for infrastructure and sustainable development projects, offering financing support for the development of member countries in numerous fields such as infrastructure construction and clean energy development. In the field of scientific and technological innovation, the China-BRICS Artificial Intelligence Development and Cooperation Center has been established, further strengthening information and technology exchange and docking, and promoting governance cooperation and standards and norms. At the BRICS Partnership on New Industrial Revolution Innovation Center, the China-BRICS Innovation Incubation Park for the New Era, the BRICS "Golden Egret" Excellence Scholarship for the New Industrial Revolution, and other initiatives have been successively established, accelerating the deep integration of scientific and technological innovation and industrial innovation.

Jointly promoting climate governance and sustainable development. BRICS countries fully implement the goals, principles, and provisions of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, its Kyoto Protocol, and the Paris Agreement, adhere to the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities, and have issued the "BRICS Leaders' Declaration on Climate Finance Framework" and the "BRICS Climate Leadership Agenda," deepening cooperation in clean energy, green finance, carbon markets, and other fields. They oppose unilateral, punitive, and discriminatory protectionism that does not conform to international law under the pretext of environmental concerns, strengthen cooperation in tropical rainforest protection, biodiversity conservation, desertification prevention and control, and other fields, contributing BRICS solutions to global sustainable development.

Continuously promoting the reform and improvement of the global governance system. BRICS countries are committed to promoting the reform of institutions such as the United Nations, the World Trade Organization, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank, and enhancing the representation and voice of Global South countries. They support a multilateral trading system that is open, transparent, fair, predictable, inclusive, equitable, and non-discriminatory, with the World Trade Organization at its core and based on rules and consensus. They earnestly implement the "BRICS Strategy for Economic Partnership" and the "BRICS Food Security Cooperation Strategy," expand cooperation in new frontiers such as the deep sea, polar regions, and outer space, and jointly address global challenges. They have issued the "BRICS Leaders' Declaration on AI Governance" and the "BRICS Leaders' Declaration on Climate Finance Framework," demonstrating the determination and action capability of BRICS countries to jointly address common challenges.

Deepening cooperation in cultural exchanges and people's livelihood and well-being. BRICS countries respect the diversity of world civilizations and promote deepening exchanges and cooperation in education, sports, youth, and think tanks. They have established the BRICS Vocational Education Alliance and the BRICS Cultural and Creative Industries and Creative Economy Platform, implemented digital education capacity building programs, and promoted mutual recognition of educational quality and the cultivation of young talent. They strengthen public health cooperation, build the BRICS Vaccine Research and Development Center, enhance the accessibility and affordability of vaccines in developing countries, launch a partnership to eliminate socially determined diseases, and promote the coordinated development of traditional medicine and public health systems.

The development of BRICS represents the growth of the world's forces for peace, the enhancement of development forces, and the strengthening of forces for justice. Standing at a new historical starting point, as the first echelon of the Global South, BRICS countries should continuously leverage their respective advantages, demonstrate collective wisdom and strength, jointly serve as pioneers in promoting innovative development, pioneers in safeguarding peace and stability, pioneers in advancing mutual learning among civilizations, and pioneers in reforming and improving global governance, making greater efforts to promote the building of a more just and equitable international order and making new and greater contributions to building a community with a shared future for mankind.

(The author is Deputy Director of the Comprehensive Research Department of the Xi Jinping Thought on Diplomacy Research Center)

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Japan's Dangerous Moves to Strengthen Its Intelligence System

By: 樊小菊

On July 31, 2026, Japan formally inaugurated the "National Intelligence Bureau," and on the same day, the "National Intelligence Council" held its first meeting, marking a dangerous step in Japan's largest postwar intelligence system upgrade. In August, Japanese Prime Minister Takaichi Sanae met alone with National Intelligence Bureau Director General Hara Kazuya seven times, indicating that the new intelligence mechanism is operating at high speed. Yet this is only the first step. According to the established plan, Japan will next take a series of measures, including establishing a dedicated foreign intelligence agency, enacting an "espionage prevention law," and issuing the "National Intelligence Strategy," to implement the so-called intelligence system "reform." This transformation, which appears to be an institutional adjustment, will give rise to new variables in regional security. Behind this series of measures lies an ambition, under the guise of intelligence capability building, to serve the right-wing conservative forces' expansion of national political and security influence, seriously deviating from the peaceful development path Japan chose after the war. These developments warrant a high degree of vigilance.

Japan's strengthening of its intelligence system this time exhibits the following characteristics. First, it is directly promoted by the prime minister, reflecting the long-standing demands of Japan's right-wing conservative forces. Strengthening national intelligence capabilities has long been Takaichi's position. In her 2024 writings, Takaichi listed intelligence capability as a major element of comprehensive national power. When running for president of the Liberal Democratic Party, she proposed writing the establishment of a "National Intelligence Bureau" and the enactment of an "espionage prevention law" into the election platform. Immediately upon taking office in October 2025, she instructed the Chief Cabinet Secretary to coordinate the creation of the National Intelligence Bureau as the "command headquarters" for directing domestic and foreign intelligence activities. The LDP's ruling coalition partner, the Japan Innovation Party, whose political stance is even more right-leaning and conservative, strongly supports Takaichi's intelligence system upgrade concept and wrote the creation of the National Intelligence Bureau into the coalition agreement. After Takaichi forcefully pushed through the establishment of the National Intelligence Bureau and the National Intelligence Council, the chairman of Japan's largest right-wing organization, "Nippon Kaigi," praised this highly, saying that Prime Minister Takaichi has exercised "strong leadership."

Second, the speed of implementation is unprecedented, reflecting the weakening of constraining forces for justice in Japanese society. The political initiative to strengthen Japan's intelligence system began in 2006, during the first term of former Prime Minister Abe Shinzo, but was aborted midway due to Abe's hasty resignation. After Abe returned to power for a second time, he also attempted to push forward the intelligence system upgrade again, enacting the "Act on the Protection of Specially Designated Secrets" as a preparatory step. However, because the forced passage of that law and the reinterpretation of collective self-defense rights at the time provoked strong public opposition, causing a serious decline in his approval rating, he realized that the threshold of public opinion for achieving the intelligence system upgrade was too high and did not dare to act rashly. This time, just over half a year after Takaichi took office, she pushed through the relevant legislation and quickly established the mechanism and the institution. Although there are still voices in Japanese society expressing opposition and concern, this has not dealt a serious blow to the Takaichi administration's approval rating, reflecting that Japanese society's resistance to strengthening the intelligence system has been markedly weakened.

Third, it achieves centralized intelligence management, taking an important step toward becoming an "intelligence power." Before the establishment of the National Intelligence Bureau, the Japanese government's intelligence collection work was dispersed among various ministries and agencies, including the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Defense, the Ministry of Justice, and the National Police Agency. The most important intelligence agency among them was the Cabinet Intelligence and Research Office (hereinafter referred to as CIRO), but that agency was not high in rank and did not have clear authority to consolidate intelligence from various ministries and report it upward. The newly established National Intelligence Bureau was created by upgrading the CIRO. Its main function is to comprehensively coordinate the intelligence activities of various ministries and agencies and to put forward intelligence requirements to them, in order to break the current fragmented state of the intelligence system in which departments act independently without coordination, and to enhance integrated intelligence analysis capabilities. The newly established National Intelligence Bureau is at the same level as the National Security Secretariat and directly provides intelligence support for the prime minister's security and diplomatic decisions, becoming the prime minister's "intelligence brain."

The Takaichi administration's accelerated push to upgrade the intelligence system stems both from the great-power aspirations of Japan's right-wing forces and serves the Japanese government's current national strategy, with three main motivations. First, it seeks to completely throw off the shackles of the postwar system and strengthen centralization of power. An important direction of postwar Japan's democratization and demilitarization was the decentralization of power. As part of the transformation to dismantle the old centralized power structure, the intelligence agencies that had once served Japanese militarism in launching wars of foreign aggression were broken up. In recent years, as Japan's political rightward shift has accelerated, the political system established by postwar democratization reforms has been viewed by Japan's conservative forces as the main obstacle to Japan's pursuit of so-called normal country status. Therefore, strengthening centralization of power and concentrating the prime minister's executive authority has become the core goal of the conservative administration's institutional adjustment. During Abe's tenure, measures such as establishing the Cabinet Bureau of Personnel Affairs strengthened the prime minister's office's ability to coordinate and control the Japanese bureaucracy. On this basis, the Takaichi administration has further advanced the concentration of power, establishing for the first time in the postwar period a centralized national-level intelligence institution, fulfilling the long-standing political demands of right-wing conservative forces. Second, benchmarking against intelligence powers, it aims to build a national-level professional foreign intelligence agency for Japan. In the view of Japan's conservative forces, a strong intelligence agency is a standard feature of a great power, and to improve intelligence capabilities, it is necessary to establish a specialized agency with foreign intelligence functions. Purely from the perspective of centralized intelligence management, the National Security Secretariat established during the Abe era could fully assume this function. However, to carry out human intelligence activities related to foreign intelligence, a specialized intelligence agency is needed, and such an agency cannot be placed under the National Security Secretariat. Therefore, Japan has newly established the National Intelligence Bureau and plans to set up a specialized agency such as a "Foreign Intelligence Agency" under it to conduct foreign human intelligence activities. Third, serving the national security strategy, it seeks to gain entry into the core Western intelligence cooperation system. In recent years, Japan's national security strategy has been increasingly strengthened. Militarily, it mainly enhances deterrence by strengthening the Japan-U.S. alliance and developing offensive military capabilities; diplomatically, it shapes and promotes bloc-based confrontation to increase Japan's influence in the U.S.-led Western camp. The intelligence system reform initiated by the Takaichi administration is precisely an important means of serving the national security strategy from these two dimensions. Japan's strategic community has long hoped to deepen alignment with the "Five Eyes" alliance (the intelligence-sharing mechanism among the U.S., U.K., Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, formed during the Cold War and the most globally collaborative multilateral intelligence cooperation system). However, because Japan's own intelligence capabilities are weak and the risk of leaks is high, it is difficult for Japan to become an equal partner in the "Five Eyes" alliance. If the Takaichi administration's intelligence system reform is successfully implemented, Japan, by relying on a dedicated foreign intelligence department and improved counter-espionage legislation to fill its capability gaps, will to a certain extent enhance its qualifications and compatibility for intelligence cooperation, and may gain recognition and acceptance from the "Five Eyes" alliance, gaining entry into that intelligence cooperation mechanism, thereby efficiently accessing cutting-edge military intelligence resources and raising Japan's standing and voice in the Western security cooperation system.

Although constrained by objective conditions, the Takaichi administration's attempt to strengthen the intelligence system may be difficult to achieve, the real harm produced by this process still warrants a high degree of vigilance. First, these reforms will worsen Japan's domestic political ecology and accelerate political rightward drift. Strengthening the intelligence system serves Japan's more confrontational and offensive national strategy, and will inevitably strengthen the intelligence agencies' surveillance and control over Japanese society and public opinion, weakening the ability of social justice forces to criticize and supervise the right-wing administration and its policies. At the same time, it will greatly strengthen executive power centered on the prime minister's office, giving the prime minister more resources and means to exclude dissidents and suppress opposition forces. The postwar mechanisms of "civilian control," Diet checks and balances, and other constraints will be greatly weakened or even rendered ineffective, which will greatly embolden Japan's right-wing forces. In addition, the newly established intelligence agency's strengthened surveillance of foreigners in Japan will further fuel xenophobia and extreme nationalism within Japan.

Second, by turning its back on the path of peace, Japan's national trajectory becomes more dangerous. Strengthening and integrating intelligence agencies will enable Japan to greatly expand its foreign intelligence reach, making its intelligence activities more proactive and offensive in nature, and more confrontational and threatening toward the countries it focuses on guarding against and treating with hostility. Together with measures such as developing offensive military capabilities, this constitutes a further breakthrough in the "exclusive defense" policy that postwar Japan has touted, and the pacifist constitution that restricts Japan's development of military capabilities will be further hollowed out. Especially against the backdrop of prevailing historical revisionism, it is more difficult for Japan to learn lessons from history. Moreover, if the prewar old habit of "reporting only intelligence favorable to oneself" continues, it will increase the risk of Japan embarking on a more dangerous erroneous path. Finally, it intensifies international confrontation and worsens the regional security environment. The postwar settlement with Japan was inadequate, leaving Japan with historical issues and territorial disputes with multiple neighboring countries. The Takaichi administration has no intention of actively promoting historical reconciliation or resolving disputes through consultation. Instead, it continues to hype so-called security threats from China, North Korea, Russia, and others, using this to create legitimacy for domestic conservative political agendas such as strengthening the intelligence system. In order to promote the enactment of the "espionage prevention law," Takaichi has said that Japan should have the means to arrest spies and use them for "spy exchanges." This tough confrontational posture will inevitably intensify tensions in Japan's relations with its neighbors, fuel antagonism among their peoples, and make the regional and international situation more complex.

(The author is Director of the Institute of Foreign-Related Law and Security Studies at the China Institute of Contemporary International Relations)

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U.S. Unilateral Deep-Sea Development Approach Undermines International Seabed Order

By: 王佳

The deep sea, as the common heritage of humankind, has its development and governance tied to global ecological security and sustainable development. Since April 2025, the United States, through a series of actions including issuing executive orders and revising approval rules, has sought to bypass the International Seabed Authority (hereinafter referred to as the ISA) to accelerate deep-sea mining beyond national jurisdiction. Marked by The Metals Company's submission of a comprehensive application and its preliminary recognition by the U.S. National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), the U.S. concept of deep-sea development is undergoing a new round of unilateral construction. This trend not only impacts the international maritime rule-of-law system centered on the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (hereinafter referred to as the Convention), but also intensifies uncertainty in global deep-sea governance.

At present, the United States continues to adjust its concept of deep-sea development, with a clear shift in policy orientation. It has shed its global governance undertones overall, centering on its own short-term interests and geopolitical competition needs, and displays the following new characteristics.

First, it deviates from multilateralism and forcefully pushes unilateral development. The United States has not yet acceded to the Convention, is unwilling to rely on the multilateral compliance mechanism established by the ISA to carry out deep-sea-related operations, and has instead activated its domestic legislation enacted in 1980, the Deep Seabed Hard Mineral Resources Act, asserting that it can transcend international legal norms through its own administrative approval authority and unilaterally make arrangements for the development of resources in the international seabed area. This domestic law was originally a transitional norm established to align with the multilateral governance mechanism, but is now used by the United States as a tool to challenge the principle of the "common heritage of humankind." Such practices both seriously deviate from the basic norms of multilateralism and violate the core tenets of international rule of law.

Second, it clings to Cold War mentality and incites bloc confrontation. The United States has deeply integrated the deep-sea mining issue into its strategic competition track with China, viewing it as a "key breakthrough" to break China's advantage in the critical minerals supply chain. It openly claims that the relevant executive orders are aimed at countering China's influence, and rallies allies to form exclusive supply chain alliances. For example, Korea Zinc Co., Ltd. has invested in and cooperated with The Metals Company (TMC) of Canada, and its executives have even unabashedly declared they want to "completely bypass China's supply chain." This kind of politicization of resources, carried out in the name of competition but in reality as confrontation, seriously challenges mutual trust between countries and intensifies the complexity and confrontational nature of deep-sea governance.

Third, it weakens environmental protection constraints and ignores scientific laws. The new NOAA rules of the U.S. National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration merge the approval of exploration and exploitation permits, greatly compressing the statutory period for environmental impact assessment and public participation, effectively placing commercial interests above the bottom line of ecological security. The scientific community has by no means reached a consensus on the long-term ecological impacts of deep-sea mining. The 2024 discovery that polymetallic nodules can produce oxygen in lightless environments serves as a warning that the deep-sea ecosystem may possess important functions not yet understood. Under the policy orientation of prioritizing resource development, it is difficult for the relevant U.S. environmental impact assessments to uphold rigorous standards, and the relevant review procedures are prone to becoming mere formalities.

The shift of the U.S. concept of deep-sea development toward unilateralism has both the objective background of global critical minerals supply-demand imbalance and its deeply ingrained or firmly established (根深蒂固, gen shen di gu - "root, deep, stem, firm") hegemonic logic and a zero-sum game where one side's gain is another's loss (零和博弈, ling he bo yi - "zero, sum, game, gambling") cognition. On the one hand, real demand and zero-sum thinking are intertwined, giving rise to urgent development demands. With the development of high-tech industries such as new energy and artificial intelligence, global demand for critical minerals such as lithium, cobalt, nickel, and rare earths has surged. Against the backdrop of repeated shocks to global production and supply chains, the United States, as the largest consumer, objectively has a need to reduce its external dependence. However, under the distortion of zero-sum game thinking, this reasonable need has been transformed into a political scheme to "de-Sinicize" the critical minerals supply chain. As deep-sea mining technology gradually matures, seizing deep-sea resources has become a strategic goal the United States is eager to achieve. On the other hand, multilateral rule negotiations are stalled, and the legitimate development path urgently needs to be unblocked. Although the United States is not a party to the Convention, its enterprises can fully establish subsidiaries and obtain sponsorship from a State Party to sign contracts with the ISA and become contractors. However, because differences on issues such as benefit-sharing, technology transfer, and ecological protection are difficult to resolve, the adoption of ISA exploitation regulations has been long delayed, and it is explicitly emphasized that commercial exploitation should not proceed in the absence of rules. The multilateral governance framework has not yet paved a fast path for legitimate development, which objectively provides an excuse for the United States to bypass the multilateral mechanism and starting something new from scratch or setting up an alternative system (另起炉灶, ling qi lu zao - "another, start, stove, kitchen"). In addition, the United States is deeply trapped in hegemonic path dependence, consistently making utilitarian choices and selectively complying with international law. Faced with the contradiction between development needs and the blockage of the multilateral path, the United States could have chosen the multilateral governance path like China, but it did not. The fundamental reason for the United States' turn toward unilateralism lies in its deeply ingrained hegemonic habits. The United States considers its non-accession to the Convention an "advantage," attempting to selectively apply the provisions of the Convention, both enjoying the dividends of the Convention and freely conducting mining through domestic law. As former U.S. Attorney General Richardson pointed out, such brazen and shameless behavior (厚颜无耻, hou yan wu chi - "thick, face, no, shame") will not only invite retaliation but also cannot confer exclusive rights on enterprises.

The reconstruction of the U.S. concept of deep-sea development has formed a path in the field of deep-sea resource management that is detached from the international seabed management rules, posing a substantive challenge to global deep-sea governance. First, it seriously impacts the international maritime legal system and greatly weakens the legal effect of the Convention. The United States relies on domestic legislation to establish a mining licensing mechanism, splitting the unified governance architecture of the Convention, violating the principle of the primacy of international law, weakening the binding force of the multilateral maritime legal system, and challenging the rule-of-law foundation of international seabed governance. Second, it dissolves the effectiveness of multilateral governance and intensifies the fragmentation of the governance system. The parallel operation of two governance mechanisms gives rise to differentiated approval norms and industry standards, which can easily lead to disorder in the governance behavior of various countries, weaken the jurisdictional authority of the ISA, and push global ocean governance toward fragmentation. Third, it distorts the norms for the distribution of deep-sea resources and intensifies global resource competition. The United States pursues an exclusive interest orientation, seizing deep-sea strategic minerals through a unilateral governance framework, disregarding the system of benefit-sharing from deep-sea resources, exacerbating the global supply-demand imbalance and distributional injustice of critical minerals, intensifying resource competition among countries, and raising the risk of disputes in the international seabed field.

Faced with the global governance risks brought by the U.S. unilateral deep-sea development policy, the international community adheres to the multilateral governance position and actively carries out counterbalancing and resistance efforts. First, relying on multilateral governance institutions to strengthen regulatory constraints. The ISA proactively performs its duties and exercises its authority, reaching consensus at its thirtieth session of the Council, requiring deep-sea mining contractors to submit supplementary compliance materials, consolidating the performance of their obligations, and constraining unilateral mining behavior through institutionalized regulatory means, thereby stabilizing the authority of the international seabed governance system. Second, using international judicial mechanisms to clarify legal rights and responsibilities. In response to legal disputes arising from multilateral regulation, in July 2026 the Seabed Disputes Chamber of the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea opened hearings on relevant cases. This case is both the Chamber's first litigation case and the first seabed dispute case brought by a non-state entity, achieving a judicial confrontation between multilateral governance rules and U.S. unilateral governance logic, and clarifying the legal boundaries of deep-sea governance. Third, consolidating global consensus on multilateral governance. The international community generally recognizes the global public nature of the deep sea, abandons exclusive resource governance logic, consolidates the governance foundation of the Convention, accelerates consultations to improve supporting rules for deep-sea mining, fills gaps in the governance system, relies on unified international rules to resolve the spillover risks of unilateralism, and maintains the stability of the global deep-sea governance order.

(The author is Deputy Director of the International Law Department at China Foreign Affairs University)

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Upholding the integrated advancement of ensuring that officials dare not, cannot, and will not engage in corruption

By: 赵绪生

Upholding the integrated advancement of ensuring that officials dare not, cannot, and will not engage in corruption, as the "twelfth insistence" in the scientific connotation of Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, is both an important strategy for full and rigorous self-governance of the Party in the new era and a basic policy for the anti-corruption campaign, and also a strategic lever for deepening the anti-corruption campaign to address both symptoms and root causes on the new journey, providing scientific guidance and fundamental adherence for the anti-corruption campaign to achieve an overwhelming victory and consolidate it comprehensively.

The understanding of upholding the integrated advancement of ensuring that officials dare not, cannot, and will not engage in corruption continues to deepen

Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has incorporated the deepening of the anti-corruption campaign into the overall layout of Party building in the new era, making it an important component of the system for full and rigorous self-governance of the Party. In January 2013, the Second Plenary Session of the 18th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection proposed that "we must strengthen the restriction and supervision of the exercise of power, confine power to the cage of institutions, and form a punishment mechanism that deters corruption, a prevention mechanism that makes corruption impossible, and a safeguard mechanism that makes corruption difficult." In January 2014, the Third Plenary Session of the 18th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection proposed "forming an effective mechanism that ensures officials will not, cannot, and dare not engage in corruption." In October 2014, the "Decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Several Major Issues Concerning Comprehensively Advancing Law-Based Governance," reviewed and adopted by the Fourth Plenary Session of the 18th Central Committee of the Party, proposed "improving the system for punishing and preventing corruption, and forming an effective mechanism that ensures officials dare not, cannot, and will not engage in corruption." In October 2017, the report of the 19th National Congress of the Party, summarizing the achievements of the anti-corruption campaign since the 18th National Congress, pointed out that adhering to the anti-corruption campaign with no forbidden zones, full coverage, and zero tolerance, and unswervingly "hunting tigers," "swatting flies," and "chasing foxes," the goal of not daring to engage in corruption has been initially achieved, the cage of not being able to engage in corruption is being tightened, and the embankment of not wanting to engage in corruption is being constructed, and the overwhelming momentum of the anti-corruption campaign has been formed and consolidated and developed. Subsequently, "building an effective mechanism that ensures officials dare not, cannot, and will not engage in corruption" was written into the Party Constitution revised at the 19th National Congress, clearly stipulating the expression and positioning of the "three noes" in the manner of the general charter and general rules for building and governing the Party.

In January 2018, the Second Plenary Session of the 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection pointed out that to address both symptoms and root causes, we must both consolidate the foundation of addressing root causes and dare to use the sharp weapon of addressing symptoms. Addressing both symptoms and root causes, the key lies in governance, and governance is fundamental. Our Party's emphasis on not daring, not being able, and not wanting to engage in corruption reveals the basic laws of combating and preventing corruption. We must strengthen the deterrence of not daring to engage in corruption, tighten the cage of not being able to engage in corruption, and enhance the self-awareness of not wanting to engage in corruption. We must cut off the chain of benefit transfer through reform and institutional innovation, eradicate the "pollution source" of corruption in which leading cadres are "hunted," strengthen the restriction and supervision of the exercise of power, and form effective and workable institutional mechanisms.

In December 2018, one of the important agendas of the meeting of the Political Bureau of the 19th Central Committee was to study and deploy the work of Party conduct, clean governance, and anti-corruption in 2019. The meeting pointed out that since the 19th National Congress of the Party, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has been consistent from beginning to end (一以贯之, yi yi guan zhi - "one, continuously, through") and unswervingly advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, the political ecology within the Party has shown a new atmosphere, the anti-corruption campaign has achieved an overwhelming victory, and full and rigorous self-governance of the Party has achieved major results. The meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee clearly put forward the judgment of "consolidating and developing the overwhelming victory of the anti-corruption campaign," pointing out that to further consolidate and develop the overwhelming victory of the anti-corruption campaign, one of the important strategic measures is to advance the "three noes" in an integrated manner. In January 2019, the Third Plenary Session of the 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection emphasized "integrating the advancement of ensuring that officials dare not, cannot, and will not engage in corruption." In January 2020, the Fourth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection pointed out that "integrating the advancement of ensuring that officials dare not, cannot, and will not engage in corruption is not only the basic policy of the anti-corruption campaign, but also an important strategy for full and rigorous self-governance of the Party in the new era." In January 2026, the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection identified "integrating the advancement of ensuring that officials dare not, cannot, and will not engage in corruption" as one of the distinctive features of the anti-corruption path with Chinese characteristics.

The connotation and requirements of upholding the integrated advancement of ensuring that officials dare not, cannot, and will not engage in corruption

On June 26, 2015, in his important speech at the 24th group study session of the 18th Political Bureau of the Central Committee, General Secretary Xi Jinping first clarified the relationship between "addressing symptoms" and "addressing root causes" in anti-corruption and integrity work, "treat symptoms if urgent, treat root if slow" (急则治其标，缓则治其本, ji ze zhi qi biao, huan ze zhi qi ben - "urgent, treat, its, symptoms; slow, treat, its, root"), emphasizing adherence to addressing both symptoms and root causes (标本兼治, biaoben jianzhi - "standard, specimen; treat, treat"). He clearly pointed out that addressing symptoms can play a role in punishing, deterring, and curbing corrupt elements, highlighting the function of "punishment." Addressing root causes involves restricting and supervising power, and can play a preventive and blocking role against corruption, focusing on the function of "prevention." Subsequently, he explained the connotation and requirements of not daring, not being able, and not wanting to engage in corruption, namely, adhering to strict punishment according to law, forming a punishment mechanism and deterrence that ensures officials dare not engage in corruption; adhering to improving laws and regulations, forming a prevention mechanism and preventive effect that ensures officials cannot engage in corruption; and adhering to strengthening ideological education, forming self-discipline awareness and an ideological and moral defense line that ensures officials will not engage in corruption. The logical relationship among the "three noes" is as follows: not daring to engage in corruption is the premise, focusing on punishment and deterrence, addressing the issue of the cost of corruption, emphasizing not daring due to reverence; not being able to engage in corruption is the key, focusing on restriction and supervision, addressing the issue of opportunities for corruption, emphasizing not being able due to institutions; not wanting to engage in corruption is fundamental, focusing on education and guidance, addressing the issue of motives for corruption, emphasizing not wanting due to consciousness.

The anti-corruption campaign has achieved an overwhelming victory and is being comprehensively consolidated, but the situation remains severe and complex. Facing the long-term, complex, and arduous nature of the anti-corruption campaign, our Party has continuously deepened its understanding in the practice of advancing the anti-corruption campaign, profoundly grasping the dialectical unity of "punishment, governance, and prevention" in the anti-corruption campaign. In response to the phenomena of insufficiency, imbalance, and incoordination in the "three noes" and the problems of incompatibility, disconnection, and lack of coherence in the "integration" in the practice of the anti-corruption campaign, and to enhance the systematic, holistic, and synergistic nature of the anti-corruption campaign, the Third Plenary Session of the 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection formally put forward the requirement of integrating the advancement of the "three noes." In his speech at this meeting, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that "not daring, not being able, and not wanting to engage in corruption is an organic whole, not a division into three stages, nor a separation of three links. We must connect the internal relationships among the three, while strictly punishing and forming deterrence, tighten the institutional cage, regulate the exercise of power, strengthen Party spirit education, and improve ideological consciousness, and integrate the advancement of ensuring that officials dare not, cannot, and will not engage in corruption." To integrate the advancement of the "three noes," the three must exert force simultaneously, in the same direction, and comprehensively, adhere to systematic governance, addressing both symptoms and root causes, and coordinated linkage, and use the concept of "full-cycle management" to promote the mutual coordination of the various measures of the "three noes" in policy orientation, mutual promotion in the implementation process, and complement each other to enhance effectiveness (相得益彰, xiang de yi zhang - "mutually, gain, brightness") in work results.

The "three noes" are an organic whole that are mutually embedded, interlinked and closely connected (环环相扣, huan huan xiang kou - "ring, ring, mutually, link"), connected and coherent, and dialectically unified, with each aspect combining the functions of addressing symptoms and root causes, punishment and prevention, internal and external causes, and heteronomy and self-discipline. The deterrence of not daring to engage in corruption contains the conditions of not being able and the reverence of not wanting, creating conditions for "not being able" and "not wanting" through the deterrence of strict punishment of corruption; the restriction of not being able to engage in corruption contains the norms of not daring and the orientation of not wanting, consolidating the results of "not daring" and "not wanting" by tightening the institutional cage; the consciousness of not wanting to engage in corruption contains the psychology of not daring and the constraint of not being able, eliminating thoughts of corruption at the ideological source, and achieving the sublimation of "not daring" and "not being able." The core of integrating the advancement of ensuring that officials dare not, cannot, and will not engage in corruption lies in running the concept of "full-cycle management" through the entire process and all aspects of the anti-corruption campaign, strengthening control over the entire process, all elements, and all dimensions, continuously enhancing the relevance, coupling, and synergy of the three, enhancing coherence in time, wholeness in space, synergy in resource allocation, and systematicity in institutional operation, thereby forming a strong joint force and overall effect in the anti-corruption campaign.

The practical path for upholding the integrated advancement of ensuring that officials dare not, cannot, and will not engage in corruption

At the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that greater efforts should be made in integrated advancement, strengthen systematic thinking, strengthen coordination and cooperation, connect all forms of supervision, and promote integrated governance through whole-chain collaboration.

Adhere to strict punishment, maintain high-pressure deterrence, and strengthen the resolve not to engage in corruption. Adhere to the principle that all corruption must be opposed, all graft must be eliminated, and evil must be eradicated completely, focus on areas with concentrated power, dense funds, and abundant resources, deepen the concentrated rectification of corruption in key areas, focus on increasing the intensity of investigating and punishing corruption among "top leaders" and young cadres, deeply investigate and thoroughly expose new types of corruption and hidden corruption, and continue to deepen the concentrated rectification of unhealthy tendencies and corruption around the masses. Increase the intensity of investigating cross-border corruption cases, promote the formulation of an anti-cross-border corruption law, deepen cooperation in foreign law enforcement and judicial matters such as fugitive repatriation and asset recovery, and fundamentally reverse the situation in which corrupt elements "flee after embezzling, and once fled, the matter is over." Continuously improve the penetrating power of the anti-corruption campaign, deepen the simultaneous investigation and treatment of work style and corruption, promptly discover, accurately identify, and effectively govern all types of corruption. By maintaining high-pressure deterrence to strengthen the resolve not to engage in corruption, simultaneously deepen the promotion of reform and governance through case handling, tighten the institutional cage of not being able to engage in corruption, and punish at the slightest provocation (动辄则咎, dong ze ze jiu - "move, then, then, blame") and investigate all violations for those who dare to defy the prohibitions, thereby forming the self-awareness of not wanting to engage in corruption.

Adhere to precise governance, strengthen supervision and restriction, and strengthen the resolve not to be able to engage in corruption. Adhere to governing power by institutions, strengthen the regulation and supervision of the allocation and exercise of power, improve institutional mechanisms that unify the authorization, exercise, and restriction of power and are clear, transparent, and traceable, and prevent "cows escaping from a cattle pen" and "tigers breaking out of a paper cage." Achieve effective restriction and supervision of power from the source, form a power operation mechanism with scientific decision-making, resolute execution, and strong supervision, and ensure that the power entrusted by the Party and the people is always used to seek happiness for the people. Cut off the chain of benefit transfer through reform and institutional innovation, compress the living space of corruption, eradicate the soil that breeds corruption, form a long-term mechanism of managing power, affairs, and personnel by institutions, and confine power to the cage of institutions. By strengthening the mechanism of power restriction and supervision to strengthen the resolve not to be able to engage in corruption, it can both achieve not daring to engage in corruption because any outstretched hand will be caught, and also make those who harbor flukes stop and cultivate the ideological foundation of not wanting to engage in corruption.

Adhere to effective prevention, deepen integrity education, and strengthen the resolve not to want to engage in corruption. Strengthen daily supervision, revise, improve, and implement the "Regulations of the Communist Party of China on Intra-Party Supervision," consolidate the responsibility for regular supervision, and precisely use the "four forms" of supervision and discipline enforcement, making pre-event supervision an important defense line for effectively preventing the occurrence of work style and corruption problems. Deeply implement the three-year action plan for the construction of a clean culture in the new era, enhance the pertinence and effectiveness of integrity publicity and education, and continuously shape the ideological character of integrity and honesty, the political morality of honest and clean service, the moral conduct of self-discipline and integrity, and the social trend of advocating integrity and rejecting corruption. By deepening positive integrity education and warning education to strengthen the resolve not to want to engage in corruption, it can both achieve not daring to engage in corruption due to reverence for Party discipline and state law, and also achieve not being able to engage in corruption by promoting the execution of institutions and purifying the political ecology.

Adhere to integrated handling, improve institutional mechanisms, and promote integrated advancement. Strengthen the overall and systematic concept of integrating the advancement of the "three noes" at the level of ideological understanding, and prevent and correct the erroneous perceptions of the "stage theory" and "link theory." Solidly implement the promotion of reform and governance through case handling, improve the pertinence and precision of discipline inspection and supervision recommendations, strengthen follow-up supervision and tracking of the effectiveness of rectification implementation, and form a closed-loop mechanism of supervision, case handling, rectification, and governance. Build an anti-corruption work mechanism under the overall leadership of the Party, improve the normalized coordination and cooperation mechanism between discipline inspection and supervision organs and departments such as inspection, organization, propaganda, political and legal affairs, audit, petitioning, finance and accounting, and statistics under the unified leadership of Party committees, improve the mechanism for simultaneous planning of case investigation and rectification and governance, and promote integrated governance through whole-chain collaboration.

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Strictly and rigorously uphold the "entry gate" for Party membership development

By: 李骋远

The work of developing Party members is an important foundational project in Party building, directly bearing on the passing on of the Party's cause from generation to generation and the succession of worthy successors. Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has attached great importance to the work of developing Party members, putting forward a series of important statements and important instructions and directives, emphasizing the need to "strictly control the entry gate for developing Party members." In May 2026, the General Office of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China issued the newly revised Detailed Rules for the Work of Developing Party Members of the Communist Party of China (hereinafter referred to as the Detailed Rules), providing important guidance for doing the work of developing Party members well in the new era, continuously absorbing advanced elements from all walks of life into the Party, and maintaining the Party's advanced nature and purity.

The work of developing Party members has always emphasized institutionalized and standardized development, consistently following the basic principles of "voluntary application for Party membership," "individual absorption," and "develop one when one is mature." In 1990, the Organization Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China issued the Detailed Rules for the Work of Developing Party Members of the Communist Party of China (Trial), an intra-Party regulation specifically governing the work of developing Party members, which clearly stipulated the guiding principles, work procedures, and various links of cultivation and education for developing Party members. Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, the Party Central Committee, focusing on the overall strategic situation of the new great project of Party building in the new era, has put forward higher requirements for the work of developing Party members. In 2014, the General Office of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China formally issued and implemented the Detailed Rules for the Work of Developing Party Members of the Communist Party of China, marking that this intra-Party regulation became a systematic and complete formal institutional norm, formally establishing the general requirements of "controlling the total number, optimizing the structure, improving the quality, and giving play to the role." Since the issuance and implementation of the 2014 version of the Detailed Rules, it has played an important role in regulating the work of developing Party members and improving the quality of newly developed Party members. At the same time, the work of developing Party members faces new situations and new challenges. As the scale of mobile personnel continues to expand and emerging fields flourish, many new situations and new problems have emerged in the structure of the Party membership and in education and management, requiring advancing with the times (与时俱进, yu shi ju jin - "with, time, together, advance") in revision and improvement. In 2026, the General Office of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China issued the newly revised Detailed Rules for the Work of Developing Party Members of the Communist Party of China. This revision adheres to the guidance of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, thoroughly implements the general requirements for Party building in the new era, pays attention to aligning with the Party Constitution and other relevant intra-Party regulations, summarizes the new experience in the work of developing Party members since the 18th National Congress of the Party, and makes systematic regulations on the basis of an unchanged overall framework, providing important guidance for doing the work of developing Party members well.

Strictly uphold the primary gate of political standards. Political attribute is the fundamental attribute of a political party. Developing Party members is essentially political work, and political standards must always be placed first. The Detailed Rules clearly makes the profound understanding of the decisive significance of the Two Establishments (两个确立), the enhancement of the Four Consciousnesses (四个意识), the firming of the Four Confidences (四个自信), and the achievement of the Two Upholds (两个维护) important standards for absorbing advanced elements into the Party, and proposes in the general provisions "developing Party members with pure political quality." It adds the "establishment of a joint political review system," stipulating that grassroots Party committees shall listen to the opinions of relevant departments as needed, and that the organization departments of county-level Party committees and relevant departments such as discipline enforcement and law enforcement shall establish a joint political review system, building a coordinated and linked political gatekeeping system, thoroughly examining the motives for joining the Party, political quality, and actual performance of development targets, ensuring that new Party members are politically qualified and of solid quality.

Build a solid foundation for ideological admission into the Party. The Detailed Rules focuses on using Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era to unite hearts and forge souls, running the strengthening of ideological admission into the Party through the entire process and all links of cultivation and education. The general provisions clarify the guiding ideology of the work of developing Party members and comprehensively implement Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. From the moment an applicant for Party membership submits an application, the Party organization does thorough and meticulous ideological and political work. By absorbing activists seeking Party membership to attend Party lectures, participate in relevant Party activities, be assigned social work, and receive centralized training, systematic education is carried out in the Party Constitution and Party regulations, Party history and the Party's innovative theories, basic Party knowledge, the Party's fine traditions and work style, Party discipline, and the core values of socialism, helping activists seeking Party membership correct their motives for joining the Party and establish the conviction of striving for the communist cause for life. The Detailed Rules clarifies that cultivation contacts shall introduce and explain to activists seeking Party membership the beliefs and convictions of Communists, conduct frequent heart-to-heart talks, understand their political consciousness, moral quality, and actual performance, and do the work of cultivation and education well. The requirements of ideological guidance, theoretical arming, correcting motives for joining the Party, and improving Party consciousness are implemented at every cultivation and education node, including heart-to-heart talks, centralized training, and the oath of admission into the Party, ensuring that new Party members join the Party not only organizationally but also ideologically.

Optimize the overall structure of the Party membership. The Detailed Rules adheres to comprehensive balance and classified guidance, pays attention to developing Party members from among youth and industrial workers, peasants, and intellectuals, adds the provision "attaching importance to developing Party members on the front line of production and work," does the work of developing Party members in emerging fields well, and continuously consolidates the Party's class foundation. At the same time, the Detailed Rules makes systematic regulations on the work of developing Party members among mobile personnel, clarifying that mobile personnel may directly submit applications for Party membership to the Party organizations of mobile Party members; if the work unit, school, or place of residence of an activist seeking Party membership changes, the Party organization of the original unit or place of residence shall promptly transfer the relevant materials to the Party organization of the current unit or place of residence, and the current Party organization shall, after careful review, continue the cultivation and education work, with the cultivation period being calculated continuously to avoid a gap in cultivation. Mobile personnel to be listed as development targets shall be publicly announced simultaneously in the place of outflow and the place of inflow; during political review, opinions shall also be solicited from the grassroots Party organizations of their registered residence and place of residence. The Detailed Rules clarifies that Party committees at all levels and their organization departments shall strengthen leadership and guidance over the work of developing Party members by the Party organizations of mobile Party members; Party organizations of mobile Party members that meet the conditions for developing Party members shall, in accordance with regulations, do the work of cultivation and education of activists seeking Party membership, examination of development targets, and reception and probationary-period completion of probationary Party members; those that do not yet meet the conditions for developing Party members shall do the work of education, guidance, and cultivation handover for applicants for Party membership, promptly introduce the situation to relevant Party organizations and transfer materials, and smooth the channels for advanced elements in emerging fields to join the Party.

Comprehensively improve the level of work standardization. The Detailed Rules makes unified regulations on Party member archival materials. After a probationary Party member completes the probationary period and is converted to full membership, the Party branch shall promptly submit the Application Form for Admission to the Communist Party of China, the application for Party membership, the Registration Form for Cultivation and Examination of Activists Seeking Party Membership, political review materials, the Registration Form for Education and Examination of Probationary Party Members, and the application for conversion to full membership, among others, to the Party committee for storage in the person's personnel file; for those without personnel files, a Party member file shall be established and kept by the Party committee at the corresponding level or the organization department of the county-level Party committee. The formats of the Registration Form for Cultivation and Examination of Activists Seeking Party Membership and the Registration Form for Education and Examination of Probationary Party Members shall be formulated by the Organization Department of the Central Committee, and their printing and management shall be arranged by the organization departments of provincial-level Party committees. At the same time, regions with the conditions are encouraged to promote the electronic management of Party member files, promoting the standardized and digital upgrading of file management. The examination and gatekeeping role of Party organizations is strengthened, requiring the organization departments of county-level Party committees and grassroots Party committees to conduct a comprehensive analysis of the situation of the contingent of activists seeking Party membership once a year, dynamically grasp the structure of the contingent, ideological state, and cultivation progress, and promptly adjust and optimize cultivation directions. The primary responsibility is clarified, incorporating the work of developing Party members into the important agenda of Party committees at all levels and the responsibility system for Party building work, adding the rigid requirement that it be "an important part of the evaluation and assessment of grassroots Party building work reported by secretaries of Party committees (Party groups), inspections and tours, and Party affairs disclosure," promoting Party committees at all levels, especially "top leaders," to truly shoulder political responsibility. At the same time, violations of discipline and regulations in the work of developing Party members shall be strictly handled in accordance with the Regulations on Disciplinary Actions of the Communist Party of China and relevant provisions. For those admitted into the Party in violation of regulations who, after comprehensive analysis and judgment, do not meet the conditions for Party membership, their Party membership status shall in no case be recognized, and this shall be announced at the Party branch members' meeting, safeguarding the political nature and seriousness of the work of developing Party members with rigid institutions, and promoting the work of developing Party members to always operate on a standardized and institutionalized track.

After the promulgation and implementation of the Detailed Rules, it is of great significance for thoroughly implementing the general requirements for Party building in the new era and the Party's organizational line in the new era, further regulating and strengthening the work of developing Party members, improving the quality of developing Party members, and optimizing the structure of the Party membership.

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Make sustained efforts to advance the integrated approach

By: 庄德水

"Persisting in advancing in an integrated manner the goals of not daring to be corrupt, not being able to be corrupt, and not wanting to be corrupt" is one of the scientific connotations of Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, and is also the basic policy of the anti-corruption struggle and an important strategy for full and rigorous self-governance of the Party in the new era. The report of the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China formed new understanding on Party building, emphasizing "persisting in advancing in an integrated manner the goals of not daring to be corrupt, not being able to be corrupt, and not wanting to be corrupt," and wrote the integrated advancement of the "three no-corruptions" into the Party Constitution. The integrated advancement of not daring to be corrupt, not being able to be corrupt, and not wanting to be corrupt lies in the "integration," and is also difficult in the "integration," reflecting our Party's scientific understanding and accurate grasp of the situation and changing laws of the anti-corruption struggle, providing ideological guidance for deepening full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, and providing strong and solid support for resolutely fighting the tough, protracted, and overall battle of the anti-corruption struggle.

The integrated advancement of the "three no-corruptions" lies in "integration," which is both the work approach and institutional design of anti-corruption, and also the value and measurement standard of anti-corruption work, conducive to promoting the internal integration and self-contained unity of the "three no-corruptions," promoting the overall integration and full-process penetration of the "three no-corruptions" into the system of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, extending and applying anti-corruption concepts and strategies to all fields and aspects of Party governance, and continuously opening up a path of anti-corruption with Chinese characteristics. On this basis, the content of the integrated advancement of the "three no-corruptions" has been continuously enriched and expanded, with requirements such as persisting in the interconnection of rectifying conduct, enforcing discipline, and combating corruption, deeply advancing the simultaneous investigation and joint governance of misconduct and corruption, grasping together Party spirit, Party conduct, and Party discipline, investigating together bribery givers and bribery takers, and resolutely punishing new types of corruption and hidden corruption incorporated into the corruption governance strategy, systematically building a deep defense system for corruption governance, and forming an all-round, three-dimensional, and systematic pattern of corruption governance.

The essential characteristic of the integrated advancement of the "three no-corruptions" is manifested in the principle of "integration." The integrated advancement of the "three no-corruptions" profoundly reveals the basic law of anti-corruption of treating both the symptoms and the root causes (标本兼治, biao ben jian zhi - "mark, sample, treat, manage") and systematic governance, applying governance concepts, systematic thinking, and dialectical thinking to advance full and rigorous self-governance of the Party. Not daring to be corrupt, not being able to be corrupt, and not wanting to be corrupt are an organic whole that is interdependent and mutually reinforcing, not a division into three stages, nor a separation into three links. Each of the three has its own role and effectiveness, and in practice there can be some emphasis on one or another, but they cannot replace each other or each go its own way; any one lagging behind will affect the overall process and comprehensive effect of the anti-corruption struggle. Not daring to be corrupt is the premise, focusing on punishment and deterrence; not being able to be corrupt is the key, focusing on restriction and supervision; not wanting to be corrupt is the foundation, focusing on education and guidance. To achieve integrated advancement, it is necessary to open up the internal connections among not daring to be corrupt, not being able to be corrupt, and not wanting to be corrupt, promote the joint exertion of punishment and deterrence, institutional construction, and ideological education, so that Party members and cadres "do not dare" because of awe, "are not able" because of institutions, and "do not want" because of consciousness.

Facing the new situation and new challenges of the anti-corruption struggle, it is necessary to make good use of the strategic lever of the integrated advancement of the "three no-corruptions" and demonstrate the unique advantages of "integration." Judging from petition reports, inspection tours, supervision and inspection, and review and investigation, the current situation of the anti-corruption struggle remains severe and complex, and the task of eradicating the soil and conditions that breed corruption remains arduous and heavy. Corruption is the result of the interaction of multiple factors, which determines that corruption governance should break out of the traditional model of fragmented deployment and stage-by-stage advancement, and plan and deploy the anti-corruption struggle from the overall situation of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party. The integrated advancement of the "three no-corruptions" is combined with comprehensively deepening reform and improving the Party and state supervision systems, ensuring that reform ideas are used to promote institutional and mechanism reform and innovation in fields and areas prone to corruption, promoting mutual coordination of various measures in policy orientation, mutual promotion in the implementation process, and mutual complementarity in work results, further improving the system of power restriction and supervision, and compressing the space for power rent-seeking and rent-setting.

Measured against the standard of "integration," there are still some challenges in the practice of the integrated advancement of the "three no-corruptions," such as deviations in ideological understanding, imbalance in overall coordination and linkage, insufficient release of effectiveness, and insufficiently close integration with comprehensively deepening reform. Solving these problems requires continuously enhancing the penetrating power of the integrated advancement of the "three no-corruptions" in anti-corruption, doing well both in top-level design and in implementing specific measures. In terms of ideological understanding, educate and guide Party members and cadres to break down one-sided perceptions such as the "stage theory" and the "link theory," firmly establish the work philosophy of treating disease before it occurs, grasping the source, and consolidating the foundation, and form consensus on the combination of the deterrence of not daring to be corrupt, the binding force of not being able to be corrupt, and the appeal of not wanting to be corrupt. In terms of working methods, apply the concept of "full-cycle management," strengthen coordination and linkage, connect all aspects of supervision, promote integrated governance through full-chain collaboration, and achieve the simultaneous exertion, coordinated exertion, and comprehensive exertion of not daring to be corrupt, not being able to be corrupt, and not wanting to be corrupt. In the long run, it is necessary to coordinate the anti-corruption struggle as "one chess game," promote integrated advancement by improving institutions and mechanisms, improve the anti-corruption work mechanism under the unified leadership of Party committees, improve the mechanism for implementing anti-corruption responsibilities, promote the anti-corruption struggle from handling individual cases and focusing on punishment to systematic rectification and comprehensive governance, break through the barriers of connection among punishment, rectification, governance, and education, and integrally enhance the effectiveness of corruption governance.

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Tongdao Meeting: The Central Red Army's First "Turn of Troops"

By: 古仁尚

Editor's Note

This year marks the 90th anniversary of the victory of the Long March of the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Red Army. In the course of that great expedition of the Red Army, which shook the world and is recorded in the annals of history, our Party, with extraordinary wisdom and courage, acted according to the prevailing circumstances (审时度势, shen shi du shi - "examine, time; measure, situation") and convened a series of important meetings, making a series of major decisions on major issues concerning the Party, the Red Army, and the Chinese revolution, thereby promoting the victorious realization of the strategic shift of the Party and the Red Army to march north to resist Japan, completing the great turn of the Party and the cause of the Chinese revolution from setback to victory, and launching a new great advance of the Party in the struggle for national independence and the liberation of the people. This series of important meetings, from one perspective, truthfully reproduces the difficult process by which our Party made major decisions during that undergoing extremely difficult and arduous conditions (艰苦卓绝, jian ku zhuo jue - "hardship, extreme; bitter, superb") great expedition, and reflects the Party's great character of always firmly upholding revolutionary ideals and convictions, unswervingly pursuing truth, and daring and being skilled in struggle at critical moments of major historical crisis. Taking several important meetings during the Long March as its thread, this newspaper has planned and organized a series of articles to revisit that period of extremely difficult and arduous great history and to carry forward the great Long March spirit.

In the early period of the Long March, as the situation between the enemy and ourselves constantly changed, the Central Red Army's understanding and adjustment of its strategic direction also gradually deepened amid severe struggle. The Tongdao Conference, held in December 1934, focused discussion on the direction of action. This was an important measure by the Central Committee to re-examine its original deployment in light of the enemy situation and military situation at the time, had a direct impact on subsequent military operations, and created conditions for further adjustment of strategic policy. The telegram of December 12, 1934, "Telegram from the Central Revolutionary Military Commission on the Deployment of Our Army's Westward Advance on the 13th to All Corps and Columns," preserved in the Central Archives, with the military telegram text formed at that time, leaves a direct record of the Central Red Army's adjustment of its operational deployment at that critical moment, providing archival testimony for our understanding of the position and role of the Tongdao Conference in the historical process of the Long March.

Where to Go After the Bloody Battle

After the failure of the Fifth Counter-Encirclement and Suppression Campaign, the Central Red Army carried out a strategic shift in October 1934. Due to the erroneous leadership of "Left" dogmatism, the early period of the strategic shift bore an obvious "moving-house" character, with large quantities of baggage moving with the troops, seriously affecting the mobility of the forces. After breaking through the first three blockade lines, Chiang Kai-shek gradually discerned the Red Army's intention to march north to western Hunan to join forces with the Second and Sixth Red Army Corps, and deployed heavy forces along the banks of the Xiang River. After five days and nights of fierce fighting, although the Central Red Army broke through the fourth blockade line and crossed the Xiang River, it paid an extremely heavy price, with its strength sharply reduced from more than 86,000 men at the start of the Long March to just over 30,000. At this time, if it continued to mechanically execute the established plan, it would be equivalent to walking straight into a trap (自投罗网, zi tou luo wang - "self, throw; net, trap"), and would very likely suffer new major losses. Liu Bocheng, in his "Review of the Long March," spoke of the situation at that time, holding that if the army still fought hard battles against a superior enemy, there was the danger of total annihilation.

The lesson learned in blood impelled the Party and the army to rethink the military line and the direction of action. Chen Yun left very important words in his 1935 "Outline for Conveying the Enlarged Meeting of the Politburo at Zunyi": "The convening of the enlarged meeting of the Politburo at Zunyi was decided by the Politburo meeting at Liping on the basis of various disputes in southern Hunan and at Tongdao." This shows that before the Zunyi Conference, the reflection on and correction of the erroneous military line went through a process of gradual deepening, and the "various disputes in southern Hunan and at Tongdao" were precisely an important link in that process. Zhou Enlai, in reviewing this period of history, also said that starting from the border area of Hunan, Guangxi, and Guizhou, Mao Zedong, Wang Jiaxiang, and Zhang Wentian criticized the military line, "holding meetings and arguing all the way," and from Laoshanjie to Liping, the disputes continuously deepened. The two historical materials corroborate each other, showing that the Tongdao Conference was not a temporary motion that emerged out of thin air, but rather the result of the central leadership beginning to re-examine the established strategy after the bloody battle on the Xiang River.

Facing the already changed situation between the enemy and ourselves, Mao Zedong clearly advocated that it was no longer possible to continue advancing toward western Hunan according to the original plan, and that the army should turn toward Guizhou, where enemy forces were relatively weak. This advocacy was not merely a "turning of troops" on the map from north to west, but more importantly a shift in the basis for decision-making from clinging to the established plan toward conforming to the actual battlefield situation, so as to win more opportunities for survival for our army. As the shortcomings of the original military command were increasingly exposed in the course of war, Mao Zedong's advocacy received the attention and support of more and more leading comrades of the Central Committee, and changing the direction of march gradually acquired an ideological and practical basis.

An Emergency Meeting Opens a Way Out

Regarding the specific venue of the Tongdao Conference, the nature of the meeting, and all the participants, because no complete original records of the meeting have been found, and the recollections of those who personally experienced it differ, there has always been discussion in Party history research. The relatively consistent formulation is: on December 12, 1934, the Central Revolutionary Military Commission held an emergency meeting in the county seat of Tongdao, with participants including Bo Gu, Li De, Mao Zedong, Zhu De, Zhou Enlai, Zhang Wentian, and Wang Jiaxiang, to discuss the question of the direction of action of the Central Red Army.

Some recollections of those who personally experienced it have left details of the scene at the meeting. According to the recollection of Wu Jiqing, then Mao Zedong's guard, that evening several central leaders held a meeting in a room, "carried a horse lantern to look at the map," and he "stood guard in front of the house." Li De, in his "Chinese Notes," said that before arriving at Liping, a "flying meeting" was held to discuss the subsequent operational plan. In 1971, Deng Yingchao, in replying to personnel of the Museum of the Chinese Revolution, conveyed Zhou Enlai's opinion, clearly affirming that the Tongdao Conference had been held during the Long March.

The focus of discussion at the meeting was whether to continue seeking opportunities to march north or first advance west into Guizhou. Li De's recollection admits that Mao Zedong opposed acting according to the original plan, insisted on continuing west into Guizhou, and received the support of Zhang Wentian, Wang Jiaxiang, Zhou Enlai, and others. The Tongdao Conference turned "advancing west into Guizhou" from a proposition under dispute into the direction of action to be immediately executed by the Central Red Army, while the further clarification of strategy was completed at the subsequent Liping Conference.

What best illustrates this change is the military telegrams left behind at that time. At 19:30 on December 12, the Central Revolutionary Military Commission sent an order marked "extremely urgent" to the commanders of all corps and columns, clearly deploying that "our army will continue advancing west on the 13th," requiring the relevant units of the First Red Army Corps to conduct reconnaissance in the direction of Liping, and the First Division, if conditions permitted, to "seize Liping as opportunity permits"; the Third Red Army Corps, the Military Commission Column, and the Fifth and Eighth Red Army Corps were also to adjust their positions westward respectively. On December 13, the Central Revolutionary Military Commission again deployed all units to "quickly break away from the Guangxi enemy, enter Guizhou to the west, and seek maneuver." At the same time, the Central Committee also reorganized the establishment in light of the actual situation after the Xiang River Campaign, merging the Eighth Red Army Corps into the Fifth Red Army Corps to enhance the mobility and command capability of the troops.

An Important Step in Independence and Autonomy

The Tongdao Conference first of all embodied the re-emergence of the ideological method of seeking truth from facts. An important reason for the serious setbacks suffered in the early period of the Long March was that military command was divorced from reality, mechanically applying foreign experience and the model of regular warfare to the Chinese revolutionary war. This meeting, proceeding from reality, re-assessed the enemy situation and our own situation, tested and revised the established plan through practice, and provided an important precondition for the Red Army's gradual seizure of strategic initiative thereafter.

The Tongdao Conference also marked the beginning of an important step by our Party in independently solving the practical problems of the Chinese revolution. The Tongdao Conference did not at once complete this ideological maturity, but on an extremely concrete and urgent military question, it enabled correct propositions arising from the practice of the Chinese revolution to begin entering central decision-making. Behind the adjustment of the direction of march was the beginning of change in ideological method and decision-making method, and the idea of independence and autonomy began to sprout and enter revolutionary practice.

This change quickly continued to develop at subsequent meetings. At the Liping Conference, held on December 18, 1934, the Central Politburo formally decided to clarify the new strategic direction. At the Hochang Conference, held from December 31, 1934, to January 1, 1935, leadership by the Central Politburo over major military decisions was further strengthened. At the Zunyi Conference, held from January 15 to 17, 1935, the military and organizational questions of decisive significance at that time were centrally resolved, making it a turning point of life-and-death importance in the history of the Party.

Chen Yun's outline for conveying the meeting, formed shortly after the Zunyi Conference, traces the convening of the Zunyi Conference back to the "various disputes in southern Hunan and at Tongdao," showing that the historical turn had a clear process of gestation and development. Tongdao, Liping, Hochang, and Zunyi are not several points isolated from one another, but a historical chain of correcting errors, deepening understanding, and adjusting leadership and decision-making methods in practice. Starting from the Tongdao Conference, Mao Zedong's correct military propositions gained the recognition of more and more leading comrades of the Central Committee, and the Party and the Red Army gradually shifted from mechanically executing established plans toward placing greater emphasis on independent decision-making based on actual conditions. Through the test of blood and fire, the Communist Party of China came to understand more deeply that the road of the Chinese revolution must be explored on the basis of China's actual conditions.

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Resolute struggle alone can defend national dignity

By: 刘长江

In the deep of the night of September 18, 1931, the Japanese Kwantung Army scheming and calculating (处心积虑, chuchu jilu - "plan, deeply, accumulate, scheme") plotted to blow up a section of track on the South Manchuria Railway near Liutiao Lake in the northern suburbs of Shenyang, falsely accusing the Chinese army of the deed, and using this as a pretext, suddenly attacked the Chinese army's Beidaying barracks and Shenyang city, and the September 18th Incident broke out. Thereafter, the Chinese people's resistance in the white mountains and black waters became the starting point of the Chinese people's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, and at the same time lifted the curtain on the World Anti-Fascist War. Re-examining this incident that occurred 95 years ago still holds profound historical lessons.

Since modern times, through the Meiji Restoration, Japan gradually established a deformed system that regarded external aggression as the foundation of national survival, embarking on a road of no return toward militarism, using any means possible regardless of morality (不择手段, buzhe shouduan - "not, choose, means, method") to engage in large-scale external aggression and expansion. In the 1890s, Japanese Prime Minister Yamagata Aritomo put forward the fallacious theories of the "line of sovereignty" and the "line of interest," brazenly drawing the Korean Peninsula and Northeast China into the scope of the "line of interest" that Japan needed to manage, gradually forming a continental policy with China and Russia as the main adversaries. From the invasion of Taiwan in 1874 to extort 500,000 taels of silver, to the annexation of the Ryukyu Kingdom in 1879, from the First Sino-Japanese War in 1894 to sever Taiwan and the Penghu Islands, to the annexation of Korea in 1910, from the "Twenty-One Demands" presented to Yuan Shikai in 1915 to colonize China, to the Eastern Conference convened by the Japanese cabinet in 1927 to formulate the "Outline of Policy Toward China," every step Japan took advanced along the continental policy of external expansion. By the time of the September 18th Incident, Japanese militarists had come to regard "Manchuria and Mongolia" as the lifeline for escaping the severe economic crisis. The September 18th Incident of 1931 was precisely the critical juncture at which Japan's aggressive policy shifted from piecemeal "nibbling" to large-scale "swallowing whole," and its the main culprit or principal cause (罪魁祸首, zui kui huo shou - "sin, chief, disaster, culprit") was the Japanese militarist system and the continental policy it elevated to the status of national will.

The September 18th Incident produced the great humiliation or disgrace (奇耻大辱, qi chi da ru - "strange, shame, great, disgrace") of the fall of Northeast China and the loss of national territory, and its root cause lay not in the disparity of military strength between the enemy and ourselves, but in the erroneous policy of the Kuomintang government of "first internal pacification, then external resistance" and its policy of "non-resistance." In 1931, the Northeast had nearly 200,000 Northeastern Army troops stationed there, while the regular forces of the Japanese Kwantung Army that launched the incident numbered only slightly more than 10,000, and even with reservists, no more than 30,000. With 200,000 against 30,000, even if one could not annihilate the invading enemy, it would have been absolutely impossible to lose cities and territory overnight. On the night of September 18, when the Japanese army bombarded Beidaying in Shenyang, the order received by the defending troops stationed there was actually "no resistance, no movement, put the guns in the armory, stand and die, everyone achieve martyrdom, sacrifice for the nation." The order of "non-resistance" spread like dominoes, from Shenyang to Changchun, from Jilin to Harbin, as the Northeastern Army retreated again and again, and the Japanese army, almost taking victory without shedding a drop of blood (兵不血刃, bing bu xue ren - "soldier, not, blood, blade"), advanced rapidly and deep into enemy territory (长驱直入, chang qu zhi ru - "long, drive, straight, enter") into our beautiful rivers and mountains. Facts proved that compromise could not buy peace, and concession could only embolden the aggressor's ambitions. The policy of "non-resistance" not only doomed the Northeast, but also let Japan see the weakness and vulnerability of China's ruling clique, from which it grew bolder and pressed harder step by step, until it launched the full-scale war of aggression against China.

At the moment of crisis for the life and death or national survival (生死存亡, sheng si cun wang - "life, death, exist, perish") of the Chinese nation, it was the Chinese Communist Party that first raised the banner of armed resistance against Japan, representing the common aspiration of all Chinese people to die rather than become slaves of a conquered nation, and also pointing out the correct path from national peril to national liberation. The very next day after the incident, the Manchuria Provincial Committee of the Chinese Communist Party issued the "Declaration on the Armed Occupation of Manchuria by Japanese Imperialism," putting forward the call for armed resistance against Japanese aggression. On September 20, the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party issued the "Declaration of the Chinese Communist Party on the Violent Occupation of the Three Eastern Provinces by Japanese Imperialism," angrily denouncing Japan's crimes of aggression and calling on the working, peasant, and soldier masses of the whole country to "mobilize together in unity" and "oppose the forcible occupation of the Three Eastern Provinces by Japanese imperialism," clearly proposing to expel Japanese imperialism from China through armed struggle. On September 22, the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party further adopted a resolution requiring the organization of guerrilla warfare in the Northeast to strike directly at the Japanese aggressors. On April 15, 1932, the Provisional Central Government of the Chinese Soviet Republic formally issued the "Declaration of War Against Japan," becoming the first regime in China to formally declare war on Japan, in sharp contrast to the Kuomintang government's non-resistance and reliance on the League of Nations. The Chinese Communist Party was not only the proponent of the proposition of resistance against Japan, but also the practitioner of resistance actions. After the September 18th Incident, it immediately dispatched large numbers of cadres to the Northeast to organize and lead anti-Japanese guerrilla forces, carrying out extremely difficult and arduous (艰苦卓绝, jian ku zhuo jue - "hard, bitter, extraordinary, extreme") anti-Japanese struggles in the white mountains and black waters. As the national crisis deepened, the Chinese Communist Party again put the greater national interest first, proactively adjusted its policies, completed the policy shift from opposing Chiang Kai-shek and resisting Japan, to forcing Chiang Kai-shek to resist Japan, to uniting with Chiang Kai-shek to resist Japan, and put forward the proposition of establishing an anti-Japanese national united front. After the outbreak of the all-nation war of resistance, the Chinese Communist Party put forward the line of total resistance, namely the line of people's war, advocating the mobilization of all forces of the entire nation for resistance. The Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army penetrated deep behind enemy lines, opened up anti-Japanese base areas, and carried out independent guerrilla warfare, gradually becoming the mainstay or pillar in the midst of a crisis (中流砥柱, zhong liu di zhu - "middle, stream, rock, pillar") of protracted resistance, and ultimately leading the Chinese nation from the humiliation of September 18th to complete victory in the War of Resistance, to national independence and the liberation of the people.

The historical lesson of the September 18th Incident warns us: in the face of imperialist aggression, armed resistance is the only choice, and there is no other path whatsoever to save the nation from peril. On the night of September 18th, the Northeastern Army carried out the policy of "non-resistance," and the result was that in four months three provinces were lost, 30 million compatriots were reduced to slaves of a conquered nation, and by 1937 when the Japanese army launched the full-scale war of aggression against China, half of the country's territory had fallen, with 35 million soldiers and civilians killed or wounded. Compromise and concession could only bring intensified aggression. History proves that in an international order of the survival of the fittest, a country's sovereignty and dignity are never bestowed by others, but are won by one's own fists. Only by armed resistance and joint resistance against foreign aggression, by uniting with all peace-loving and justice-upholding forces in the world in shared hatred of the enemy and resolute struggle, can one completely defeat the aggressors, achieve national independence, and defend national dignity. The Northeast Anti-Japanese United Army, isolated behind enemy lines in ice and snow for 14 years, pinned down hundreds of thousands of Japanese troops with crude weapons; after the July 7th Incident, with Kuomintang-Communist cooperation and all-nation resistance, the frontal battlefield resisted step by step, the enemy rear battlefield blossomed everywhere, and with flesh and blood built a true Great Wall of steel. It was precisely the Chinese people's unyielding and indomitable (不屈不挠, bu qu bu nao - "not, bend, not, yield") armed resistance that dragged the Japanese aggressors into the vast ocean of people's war, ultimately forcing Japan to surrender unconditionally. Peace won through struggle endures; peace won through compromise perishes. This is the bitter lesson bought with blood and fire by the September 18th Incident. In the face of any form of threat of aggression, only by discarding illusions and preparing for struggle, and by defending national sovereignty and territorial integrity with a strong national defense and the courage to draw one's sword, can one truly honor that humiliating history of September 18th, and truly console the countless martyrs of the War of Resistance. Being vigilant in times of peace, keeping the alarm bell ringing, being truly strong in oneself, and being always ready to annihilate any invading enemy so that the tragedy of history never repeats itself — this is our best answer to history.

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Let the Chinese people take steadier and farther steps in exploring space

By: 卜昭滔

On July 17, 2013, when General Secretary Xi Jinping inspected the Chinese Academy of Sciences, he stressed: "We must vigorously promote the spirit of the 'Two Bombs, One Satellite' and the spirit of 'manned spaceflight,' relying on our own strength and bravely scaling new heights." On April 23, 2020, in his reply letter to the veteran scientists who participated in the "Dongfanghong-1" mission, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that "space workers in the new era should take the older generation of space pioneers as their role models, vigorously promote the spirit of the 'Two Bombs, One Satellite,' dare to overcome all difficulties and obstacles, and bravely scale the heights of space science and technology, so that the Chinese people's steps in exploring space can be taken more steadily and further." On February 21, 2023, when General Secretary Xi Jinping presided over the third collective study session of the 20th Central Political Bureau, he stressed that the spirit of the "Two Bombs, One Satellite" forged by several generations of Chinese scientific and technological workers through continuous struggle has jointly shaped an innovation ecosystem with Chinese characteristics and has become an inexhaustible driving force supporting the development of basic research. These important expositions by General Secretary Xi Jinping provide the fundamental guidance for inheriting and promoting the spirit of the "Two Bombs, One Satellite."

The "Two Bombs, One Satellite" originally referred to the atomic bomb, the hydrogen bomb, and the artificial satellite. Now, of the "Two Bombs," one bomb refers to the nuclear bomb, that is, the combined designation for the atomic bomb and the hydrogen bomb, and the other bomb is the missile. As an established proper noun, the "Two Bombs, One Satellite" generally refers collectively to the nuclear technology and space technology that New China mastered through its own strength, and it has become a byword for the great achievements of China's science and technology, especially its national defense science and technology and the modernization of national defense.

In the early days after the founding of New China, in the face of the military threats of imperialism and the nuclear blackmail and nuclear monopoly of the nuclear powers, the Party Central Committee, acting according to the prevailing circumstances (审时度势, shen shi du shi - "examine, time, observe, trend") and having a far-sighted and strategic vision (高瞻远瞩, gao zhan yuan zhu - "high, look, far, look"), resolutely made the strategic decision to develop the "Two Bombs, One Satellite." Under the leadership of the Party Central Committee, through the joint efforts of scientific researchers and the whole country, on October 16, 1964, China's first atomic bomb was successfully detonated; on June 17, 1967, China's first hydrogen bomb airburst test was successful; and on April 24, 1970, China's first artificial earth satellite was successfully launched. The development of the "Two Bombs, One Satellite" cause gave birth to the spirit of the "Two Bombs, One Satellite" — "loving the motherland and selfless dedication, relying on one's own strength and working hard through arduous struggle, and vigorously coordinating and bravely scaling new heights" — which is the spiritual code by which the Communist Party of China led the Chinese people in overcoming tough problems and difficulties (攻坚克难, gong jian ke nan - "attack, key, overcome, difficulty") and creating miracles.

"Loving the motherland and selfless dedication" demonstrated the patriotic feelings of the scientists engaged in the "Two Bombs, One Satellite" cause. Patriotism is the core of the excellent traditional Chinese culture, an important force that unites the thoughts and emotions of the Chinese people and sustains the value pursuits of safeguarding national territorial sovereignty and many other aspects. A large number of scientists, represented by Qian Xuesen, Deng Jiaxian, and Guo Yonghuai, harboring boundless loyalty to the motherland and deep love for the nation, resolutely gave up the comfortable living and research conditions abroad, returned to the motherland, and devoted themselves to the great cause of building New China. One day in 1958, Deng Jiaxian, who had accepted the heavy responsibility of developing the nuclear bomb, told his wife: "From now on, I can no longer take care of family matters; my life is dedicated to the future work." From then on, Deng Jiaxian's name, along with his figure, ceased to exist in public, and it was not until his final moments in 1986 that his identity was revealed. He personally directed operations at nuclear test sites on many occasions, joking that he had "already put his head on his belt." After returning to China, Cheng Kaijia concealed his true identity and name (隐姓埋名, yin xing mai ming - "hide, surname, bury, name") for more than 20 years at the nuclear weapons development base; at the moment of a plane crash, Guo Yonghuai used his body to tightly protect top-secret scientific research materials, safeguarding state secrets with his life; and there were also tens of thousands of scientific researchers, engineering and technical personnel, and officers and soldiers of the People's Liberation Army who, far from their loved ones and rooted in the desert, disregarded fame and fortune and made silent contributions, dedicating their youth, their blood, and even their lives to the cause of the motherland's national defense science and technology.

"Relying on one's own strength and working hard through arduous struggle" demonstrated the strong will of the scientists engaged in the "Two Bombs, One Satellite" cause. Because the Soviet Union unilaterally tore up the agreement and refused to provide China with atomic bomb teaching models and technical data, in July 1959, the Party Central Committee decided to start from scratch on our own, preparing to take eight years to develop the atomic bomb. A group of theoretical and experimental physicists, including Wang Ganchang, Peng Huanwu, Guo Yonghuai, Zhu Guangya, and Deng Jiaxian, directly and independently undertook the tough battles in all aspects of atomic bomb development. At that time, China did not have the advanced laboratories of developed countries to realistically simulate the physical conditions of an atomic bomb explosion, and could only rely on large amounts of calculated data for verification. In order to obtain the key data for manufacturing the atomic bomb, scientific and technological workers could only use abacuses, slide rules, a few hand-cranked computers, and other crude equipment to calculate massive amounts of data. The enormous amount of calculation was a bottomless pit; each calculation required tens of thousands of grid points, and each grid point required solving five or six equations. In response to the differences between the calculation results and the Soviet data, in order to demonstrate that our calculation results were correct, they carried out nine calculations in succession, laying a solid foundation for the development of China's first atomic bomb. With no talent trained in rocketry and missiles, Qian Xuesen held training classes, formed teams from among university students, and lectured on "Introduction to Missiles," cultivating a group of backbone personnel in rocket, missile, and space science and technology. In terms of technical equipment, China independently manufactured several hundred thousand pieces of equipment, instruments, and meters, and independently designed and developed its first missile. The engine is the most complex part of missile technology and is known as the heart of the missile. To this end, Ren Xinmin proposed starting from scratch and designing on our own, and led his team to master the key technologies of the P-2 missile's liquid rocket engine. Moreover, the theory, structural design, and the design of various parts, components, and detonation control systems of China's first atomic bomb were all having a unique and distinctive style (别具一格, bie ju yi ge - "distinct, possess, one, style"), and in terms of the weight, volume, and fusion ratio of the hydrogen bomb, they surpassed the technological level of the United States and the Soviet Union; the tracking methods and signal transmission methods of the first artificial satellite were also at a leading level.

"Vigorously coordinating and bravely scaling new heights" demonstrated the enterprising character of the scientists engaged in the "Two Bombs, One Satellite" cause. The "Two Bombs, One Satellite" cause was not only a large-scale systematic project involving multiple fields and disciplines, but also a frontier topic in high technology, inseparable from the enterprising spirit of unity and cooperation and continuous scaling of the heights of science and technology. In July 1958, the Party Central Committee designated the Jinyintan grassland in Haiyan County, Haibei Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Qinghai Province, as the nuclear weapons development base. A construction force of ten thousand people from all over the country and from all walks of life came to Jinyintan and began construction having nothing at all (一无所有, yi wu suo you - "one, not, possess, have"). All 6,700-plus herdsmen from 1,279 households in Jinyintan were relocated, and without raising any conditions, they left the pastures where they had lived and multiplied for generations amid the vast snowfields. By June 1964, the nuclear weapons development, testing, and production base was basically completed, with 18 factory areas, 4 living areas, 39 kilometers of dedicated railway lines, and 75 kilometers of asphalt roads fully built, and a self-contained "Atomic City" quietly took shape. In order to effectively promote the "Two Bombs, One Satellite" cause, the Party Central Committee approved the establishment of the Central Special Committee, which led the whole country in forming a pattern of great coordination in which personnel worked together with full strength and cooperation (通力协作, tong li xie zuo - "together, strength, collaborate, work"), scientific research forces collaborated, and material resources were coordinated. According to statistics, the Central Special Committee organized 26 ministries and commissions, 20 provinces (autonomous regions and municipalities directly under the central government), and more than a thousand factories, research institutions, institutions of higher learning, and relevant units of all branches of the People's Liberation Army, which divided work and cooperated, forming a powerful joint force of the whole nation as one chessboard, overcoming countless technical difficulties and creating scientific and technological miracles.

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Anti-corruption must coordinate the use of the "shadowless lamp" and the "scalpel"

By: 周爱民

On January 12, 2026, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out at the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection that it is necessary to further improve the anti-corruption work mechanism, coordinate the use of the "shadowless lamp" of comprehensive supervision and the "scalpel" of forceful case handling, and promote integrated governance through whole-chain collaboration.

The shadowless lamp and the scalpel are professional instruments used in medical surgery to eliminate local shadows and precisely excise lesions, and the two are complementing each other and working together (相辅相成, xiang fu xiang cheng - "mutually, assist, mutually, complement") and are indispensable. General Secretary Xi Jinping used the "shadowless lamp" and the "scalpel" as metaphors for comprehensive supervision and forceful case handling in anti-corruption work, profoundly indicating the key role of supervision and case handling in eliminating blind spots in the exercise of power and removing malignant tumors from the Party's body, and emphasizing that this is the scientific strategy for our Party to advance the anti-corruption struggle in depth.

Use the "shadowless lamp" of comprehensive supervision to illuminate blind spots in power supervision. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that the essence of corruption is the derailment and deviation of power, and many corruption problems are related to unscientific power allocation, non-standard operation, and inadequate supervision. At present, traditional corruption and new-type corruption are intertwined, corrupt practices are more concealed, organizational methods are more complex, and interest chains are more intertwined, with prominent problems such as difficulty in detection and difficulty in investigation. Supervision is an important guarantee for the correct operation of power. Making good use of the "shadowless lamp" of comprehensive supervision lies at the core in eliminating dark areas and blind spots in the exercise of power and achieving seamless and full-coverage supervision. First, promote the transformation of the supervision pattern from fragmented division to integrated coordination, integrate various types of supervision forces, break down information silos, and form a supervision synergy that reaches the edges horizontally and the bottom vertically. Second, promote the shift of the supervision focus from post-hoc accountability to pre-emptive warning, and through normalized "political physical examinations" and "deep scans," detect, remind, and correct cadres' budding and tendency problems early. Third, promote the upgrading of supervision methods from traditional prevention and control to technology-enabled empowerment, rely on technologies such as big data and artificial intelligence to build dynamic supervision platforms, and continuously enrich effective methods for preventing and combating new-type and hidden corruption.

Use the "scalpel" of forceful case handling to excise malignant tumors growing on the Party's body. Forceful case handling is a powerful iron fist in the anti-corruption struggle. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized that the anti-corruption struggle has achieved an overwhelming victory and has been comprehensively consolidated, but the situation remains severe and complex. The stock of corruption has not yet been eliminated, and the increment continues to occur, and the task of eradicating the soil and conditions for corruption to breed remains arduous and heavy. Facing the complex situation, it is necessary to wield the blade with a resolute and decisive posture, precisely breaking all fluke psychology and interest collusion. First, deepen the rectification of deep-seated corruption in key areas. Focus on key areas with concentrated power, abundant funds, and rich resources, and seriously investigate and punish chronic problems such as collusion between government and business and interest transfer. Second, continue to maintain the high-pressure stance of the determination to fight corruption whenever it is found (有腐必反, you fu bi fan - "have, corruption, must, return"), the determination to punish corruption whenever it is found (有贪必肃, you tan bi su - "have, greed, must, rectify"), and the complete eradication of all evils (除恶务尽, chu e wu jin - "remove, evil, must, exhaust"). With the tenacity of investigating and punishing every case that is discovered, deeply dig into and thoroughly investigate systemic and collapse-type corruption, ensuring the constant threat of severe punishment (利剑高悬, li jian gao xuan - "sharp, sword, high, hang") and that deterrence is always present. Third, resolutely cut off corruption chains and interest bonds. It is necessary not only to punish individuals, but also to penetrate interest networks, break hidden rules such as power-money deals and personal dependency relationships, and achieve the effect of investigating one case, warning a wider audience, and governing an entire region.

The "shadowless lamp" of comprehensive supervision and the "scalpel" of forceful case handling are indispensable important tools in the anti-corruption struggle. Without the full-coverage perspective of the "shadowless lamp," it is difficult to promptly discover and block corruption risks; without the precise excision of the "scalpel," it is difficult to form deterrence and thoroughly remove malignant tumors. To advance the anti-corruption struggle in depth, it is necessary to further strengthen the systems concept, strengthen linkage and coordination, open up the internal connections among "punishment, governance, and prevention," and enable supervision and case handling to complement each other in function and interlock in process. It is necessary to open up linkage channels in mechanism connection. Improve the coordination mechanism for supervision, discipline enforcement, and law enforcement, perfect the systems for information sharing, clue transfer, and mutual use of results among various types of supervision, so that discovered problems are precisely transmitted to the investigation stage, achieving seamless connection from problem discovery to problem investigation. Build a closed-loop chain in force coordination. Adhere to the concept of "full-cycle management," connect case handling, rectification, and governance, use the problems exposed by case handling to feed back into supervision direction, use supervision results to test case handling quality, and form a virtuous cycle of "using supervision to promote case handling, using case handling to strengthen supervision." Achieve systematic improvement in governance effectiveness. Use forceful case handling to excise the "lesions" of corruption and strengthen the deterrence of "not daring to be corrupt"; use comprehensive supervision to scan the "blind spots" of risk and tighten the cage of "not being able to be corrupt"; use education and guidance to build a solid ideological defense line and enhance the consciousness of "not wanting to be corrupt," continuously expanding the depth and breadth of the anti-corruption struggle in integrated advancement.

The anti-corruption struggle cannot achieve achieving success in a single step (一蹴而就, yi cu er jiu - "one, step, and, achieve"), and it is necessary to uphold the strategic sobriety of "always on the road" and the tenacious perseverance of "not stopping for a single step," coordinate the use of the "shadowless lamp" and the "scalpel," promote integrated governance through whole-chain collaboration, and build an indestructible barrier for advancing Chinese modernization.

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Clean Up the Online Space Through Online Ecosystem Governance

By: 黄河

"Making the Internet an Important Front for Ideological Guidance, Moral Cultivation, and Cultural Inheritance" is an important speech delivered by General Secretary Xi Jinping on November 28, 2025, when he presided over the 23rd group study session of the Political Bureau of the 20th CPC Central Committee. It is included in Volume II of Selected Works of Xi Jinping on Culture. This important document, proceeding from an overall and strategic perspective, profoundly elucidates the great significance, achievements and experience, goals and directions, and major tasks of strengthening online ecosystem governance, further deepens the Party's understanding of the laws governing the development and governance of cyberspace, and points the way forward for improving the long-term mechanism for online ecosystem governance and advancing the building of a cyber power.

Online ecosystem governance is an important task in building a cyber power

Cyberspace is the common spiritual home of hundreds of millions of people. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Online ecosystem governance is an important task in building a cyber power, bearing on national development and security and on the vital interests of the people." This major judgment elevates online ecosystem governance from the technical level of managing networks and governing the internet to a strategic height bearing on the long-term stability and security of the country, embodying profound historical and practical logic.

From the perspective of historical logic, the strategic elevation of online ecosystem governance is the joint result of China's internet development practice and the deepening of governance understanding. After more than 30 years of development, China has become the country with the largest number of internet users in the world. The internet has become deeply embedded in the economic and social operating system and fully integrated into the daily production and life of the public, leaping from a media and technological tool whose main function was information dissemination to a social infrastructure with overall impact on economic and social development. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, General Secretary Xi Jinping has accurately grasped the development situation and laws of the internet, elevated online ecosystem governance to an important component of advancing the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity, and transformed governance concepts and models from "passive response" to "active guidance," from "control-oriented" to "systematic optimization," and from "government-led" to "diversified coordination," using high-level online ecosystem governance to turn the internet, this greatest variable, into the greatest increment for the development of the cause.

From the perspective of practical logic, the new situations and new challenges facing online ecosystem governance are driving profound changes in governance concepts and methods. At present, the positive and upward trend in cyberspace continues to be consolidated, but at the same time, it must also be recognized that cyberspace has multiple participating actors, diverse content forms, and volatile public opinion trends, with new technologies, new situations, and new problems constantly emerging. Online rumors, cyber violence, algorithm abuse, data security risks, cyber attacks, and other disorders occur from time to time and exhibit characteristics such as intractability and recurrence. Whether the online ecosystem is healthy affects not only the order of information dissemination and the flourishing development of culture, but also bears profoundly on ideological security, political stability, and economic development. Comprehensively strengthening online ecosystem governance is both an inevitable choice in responding to practical challenges and an inherent requirement for comprehensively advancing the building of a strong country and the great cause of national rejuvenation through Chinese modernization.

Making online civility an important front for ideological, moral, and cultural development

On the new journey of the new era, it is necessary to profoundly grasp the goals and tasks of strengthening online ecosystem governance. In this important document, General Secretary Xi Jinping explicitly put forward the goal requirement of "making the internet an important front for ideological guidance, moral cultivation, and cultural inheritance," profoundly revealing the threefold functions that cyberspace must carry, namely, uniting consensus through ideological guidance, nurturing social mores through moral cultivation, and continuing the cultural lineage through cultural inheritance. This positioning not only clarifies the strategic direction of online ecosystem governance, but also endows it with profound humanistic connotations and value orientation that transcend instrumental rationality and technical management.

Use positive voices to unite people's strength and efforts (凝心聚力, ning xin ju li - "condense, heart, gather, strength") and build a solid main front for ideological guidance. The internet is the main channel for the dissemination of public opinion, a key arena for uniting social consensus, and an important front for shaping mainstream thought and guiding value orientation. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized, "When the source is clear, the stream is clear; the more positive and high-quality content there is, the harder it is for erroneous and harmful things to gain a foothold." This vividly reveals that the foundation of a healthy online ecosystem lies in the supply of high-quality online content, and that "what is high-quality and what is inferior" depends crucially on the ideological foundation. Faced with new situations and new challenges, it is necessary to always uphold the guiding position of Marxism in the ideological domain, adhere to Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era as the fundamental guide, use positive voices to clear away ideological fog, use correct thinking to unite social consensus, and by strengthening and expanding positive publicity, consolidate the common ideological foundation of the whole Party and the people of the whole country in striving together, leading the online ecosystem to continue developing in an upward and virtuous direction.

Use mainstream values to forge souls and cultivate people, building a new ecosystem for moral cultivation. In view of the fact that cyberspace is increasingly becoming the core arena for the public's construction of moral cognition, formation of moral behavior, and shaping of moral character, General Secretary Xi Jinping's proposal to make the internet an important front for moral cultivation is a further emphasis on the internet's function of moral education and value guidance, highlighting the unique position of cyberspace in the construction of citizens' morality. In the face of the many phenomena of moral anomie existing under the erosion of undesirable ideology and culture and the influence of harmful online information, strengthening moral construction in cyberspace, vigorously promoting the core socialist values, using mainstream values to construct moral norms, strengthen moral identity, and guide moral practice, and guiding people to understand great virtue, uphold public virtue, and be strict in private virtue, is not only an important aspect of strengthening the moral construction of Chinese citizens, but also an inherent requirement for building a sound online order and advancing the construction of online civility.

Use the new ethos of the times to continue the cultural lineage, opening up new realms of cultural inheritance. When culture thrives, the nation thrives; when culture is strong, the nation is strong. The development of the internet and information technology has opened up enormous space for cultural innovation and prosperity. In recent years, the broad masses of the people have deeply participated in literary and artistic creation, actively using new technologies and new tools to innovate literary and artistic forms and modes of expression, presenting a new form of literature and art characterized by co-creation and co-sharing, injecting strong momentum into the flourishing development of socialist culture with Chinese characteristics in the new era. However, cultural innovation and creation do not always embody progressiveness, and necessary cultural guidance and cultural shaping are indispensable. In this important document, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out, "It is necessary to implement the deployment of the Fourth Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Committee on prospering new popular literature and art under internet conditions and guiding and regulating the healthy development of online literature, online games, online audiovisual content, and so forth, and to produce more online works with substance, warmth, and influence, showcasing the uplifting spiritual outlook of the new era." This means that, with enriching the supply of online cultural products as the core, the production and dissemination of online culture should be guided to focus on the important goal of shaping a sound online ecosystem and advancing the building of a cyber power.

Promoting the continuous improvement of the effectiveness of online ecosystem governance through systematic governance

Strengthening online ecosystem governance and continuously creating a clean and upright cyberspace is a comprehensive and systematic project that requires adhering to correct principles and orientation, improving sound systems and mechanisms, perfecting the comprehensive governance system, and carrying out systematic governance through sustained, long-term effort. This important document makes detailed arrangements and puts forward clear requirements for the key issues in current online ecosystem governance.

In terms of principles and orientation, online ecosystem governance must uphold the Party's leadership, uphold the people-centered approach, uphold fundamental principles and break new ground, uphold the escort of the rule of law, and uphold a systematic perspective. The valuable experience of the "five upholds" is both a systematic summary of the practice of online ecosystem governance since the 18th National Congress of the CPC and a deepening and elevation of the understanding of the laws of online ecosystem governance, constituting the Chinese solutions for online ecosystem governance in the new era and serving as the fundamental guide and action guide for strengthening online ecosystem governance on the new journey of the new era.

In terms of systems and mechanisms, improve and perfect the long-term mechanism for online ecosystem governance. General Secretary Xi Jinping explicitly proposed that efforts should be made to enhance the forward-looking, precise, systematic, and coordinated nature of governance. Online ecosystem governance must effectively cover the entire process of prevention beforehand, supervision during the process, and handling afterward, build and improve a comprehensive online governance pattern featuring Party committee leadership, government management, platform primary responsibility, social coordination, and netizen participation, give play to the synergy of governance, promote the transformation of online ecosystem governance toward institutionalization, standardization, and normalization, and comprehensively improve the effectiveness of online ecosystem governance.

In terms of content supply, promote the production and dissemination of high-quality online content. Place content construction in a prominent position in online ecosystem governance, adhere to the guidance of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, advance innovation in the concepts, content, forms, methods, and means of online publicity, strengthen and expand mainstream public opinion, and make the Party's voice the strongest voice in cyberspace. At the same time, support and encourage the creation of positive, healthy, upward, and virtuous online culture, lead online trends with high-quality content, resolutely combat all kinds of online disorders, and make cyberspace truly a spiritual home that unites consensus and gathers positive energy.

In terms of technological application, promote the healthy and orderly development of new technologies and new applications. Adhere to the unity of technological development and governance norms, intensify efforts in tackling key core technologies, and enhance the level of self-reliance and controllability. Encourage the development of new technologies and new applications in the field of cyberspace information, and promote the transformation of research and development achievements and the implementation of application scenarios. Improve the graded and classified safety supervision mechanism for new technologies and new applications, clarify the primary responsibilities of relevant entities in technology research and development and use, and build a solid defense line for cybersecurity and data security. By comprehensively enhancing the capacity to govern the internet through technology, block the covert infiltration and fission-style dissemination of erroneous and harmful information, and effectively prevent and control inducing and inciting online behavior.

In terms of international cooperation, actively participate in global internet development and governance and promote the building of a community with a shared future in cyberspace. Cyberspace is the common space of activity for humanity, and online ecosystem governance requires the coordinated efforts of the international community. Faced with the profound adjustment of the global internet governance landscape, it is necessary to firmly safeguard national cyber sovereignty and security, strengthen international exchanges and cooperation in cyberspace, promote the formulation of more just and reasonable international internet governance rules, and enhance China's voice and influence over public opinion in global internet governance.

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Enhancing Capabilities in Public Opinion Guidance and Crisis Response

By: 秦露

The outline of the 15th Five-Year Plan points out that cultural development should be guided by the core socialist values, and efforts should be made to develop and strengthen mainstream values, mainstream public opinion, and mainstream culture, continuously building the Chinese spirit, Chinese values, and Chinese strength. At present, under the influence of factors such as the revolutionary transformation of global digital-intelligent technologies and the interweaving of both domestic and international situations, China's public opinion landscape is undergoing profound changes. Public opinion incidents have become flashpoints of social contradictions and high-risk areas for social security, and handling such incidents has become a major challenge to the governance capacity of governments at all levels. The work of guiding public opinion and handling public opinion incidents should not be simply regarded as the responsibility of propaganda departments or the media alone, nor should public opinion incidents merely be seen as "fires" to be extinguished or "troubles" to be dealt with. Instead, we should be adept at guiding public opinion, further enhance our ability to interact with the media, properly handle public opinion incidents, and turn public opinion into a clarion call and booster for practical work.

The accelerated iteration of digital-intelligent technologies brings profound changes to the communication landscape

General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized that "if we cannot pass the test of the internet, we cannot pass the test of long-term governance." This judgment profoundly reveals the major issues and challenges that new technologies pose to the Party's long-term governance capacity. At present, the accelerated iteration of digital-intelligent technologies not only introduces new variables in technological development, but also, as the technological foundation of a new generation of infrastructure and social structure, has evolved into a revolutionary force reshaping social power and the logic of national governance. New technologies have given rise to a large number of emerging economic and cultural forms. While greatly enhancing the vitality of cultural innovation and creation, they have also accelerated changes to the traditional pattern of public opinion guidance and communication.

Artificial intelligence technology is increasingly becoming the main battlefield of global ideological confrontation. AI language large models are reshaping people's values, image large models are reshaping aesthetic consciousness, and video large models are reshaping narrative frameworks. From this perspective, great-power competition and technological competition globally are fundamentally a contest for international discourse power. However, in the training and learning processes of different types of large models, every link may be injected with specific value positions, thereby carrying endogenous ideological security risks and becoming an important uncertain factor in national governance.

The "intermediation" and "black-boxing" of online platforms coexist. Internet commercial platforms have increasingly become important channels for the production and daily life of more than 1.1 billion netizens. The policies and propositions of the Party and the government often need to pass through commercial platforms to reach audiences more broadly and be noticed and understood by the people. Commercial platforms have thus become important intermediaries for the Party and the government to connect with the masses in cyberspace. At the same time, by virtue of the trinity mechanism of "data-algorithm-traffic," they hold significant power to push information, set social hotspot agendas, influence public emotions and speech, and even shape social concepts and behavior. How to promote the continuous improvement and transparency of platform algorithms has become a key link in national governance.

Online platforms and multi-channel network institutions (MCNs) have become important drivers of hot public opinion incidents. The basic rule of online platform algorithms is "allocating traffic based on traffic," while MCN institutions are adept at using professional methods to hype hot topics, attract attention, and incite emotions, thereby maximizing traffic acquisition. The combined effects and mechanisms of online platforms and MCNs can rapidly form traffic pools in cyberspace, leading to the generation of hot events or public opinion incidents. More importantly, they also hold important switches that touch social psychology and emotions, and the irrational emotions of extremism, confrontation, sensationalism, and violence that the traffic logic appeals to and amplifies are not conducive to the formation of positive social energy, cohesion, and consensus.

Correctly handling the relationship between the domestic and international public opinion arenas

The popularization of digital-intelligent technologies gives information dissemination the mobility to cross geographical boundaries, and even transcend the boundaries of nation-states, within a short period of time, causing the domestic and international public opinion arenas to interweave and influence each other. On the one hand, as China's importance in the international community increases, the internet public opinion arena has become an important battleground where different forces compete for people's hearts and minds. The attitudes and positions of Chinese netizens in international hotspot conflicts have become the focus of global media attention, and differences in netizens' positions on international affairs have become one of the important factors triggering divisions in China's public opinion arena. At the same time, various information from Western social platforms is often reposted to domestic social platforms, forming a backflow of public opinion. On the other hand, various overseas forces are also stepping up their dissemination and infiltration of extremist ideologies into China, creating social opposition and division in China's public opinion arena. Therefore, the state in which the domestic and international public opinion arenas were clearly demarcated and distinct (泾渭分明, jing wei fen ming - "泾, Wei, rivers; clear, distinct") has long ceased to exist, and the domestic public opinion arena has already become the frontline of international public opinion struggle. Under such circumstances, becoming familiar with the situation and characteristics of both public opinion arenas and possessing systematic thinking that connects and coordinates both domestic and international situations have become important requirements for public opinion incident handling by governments at all levels.

Although new technologies and new situations have brought about systematic changes to the public opinion landscape, the core remains to grasp the unchanging essential attribute of public opinion amidst change, namely that public opinion is the "barometer" of people's hearts and minds. General Secretary Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out that "the people's hearts and minds are the greatest politics." The reason why the Party's news and public opinion work is "a major matter of governance and national stability" lies precisely in the close internal connection between public opinion and people's hearts and minds. However, public opinion and people's hearts and minds are not in a simple corresponding relationship. Under internet conditions, so-called public opinion often presents three levels: first, the overall public opinion representing the fundamental interests of the broad masses of the people, presented in the form of public opinion, but this kind of public opinion may not be able to be fully and accurately expressed on the internet; second, that part of online public opinion that can represent the true direction of people's hearts and minds and public opinion; third, issue-oriented, bubble-like online hotspots and even public opinion incidents, which occupy a large amount of precious attention resources and can widely stir and influence social emotions, but are often unrelated to genuine people's hearts and minds or public opinion. In current public opinion incident handling, special vigilance is needed against "public opinion incidents" hijacking "public opinion" to kidnap or disguise themselves as "people's hearts and minds." Public opinion guidance in the new era should be adept at identifying the three levels presented by public opinion, and at the same time, it is necessary to handle these three levels. It is necessary to go deep among the masses, understand their true thoughts, and solve their real problems; it is also necessary to promptly respond to online public opinion that can reflect genuine public opinion, dispel doubts, and solve difficulties; and it is also necessary to resolve public opinion incidents in a scientific manner, avoiding escalation due to improper handling that damages the credibility of the Party and the government.

The systematic upgrading of public opinion incident handling and its interembedding with the national governance system

The original approach to handling public opinion incidents often simply incorporated public opinion work into the government's emergency response system, treating public opinion incidents as emergency situations, as abnormal exceptional events and isolated incidents. This way of thinking and handling method ignores that public opinion work is a component of the national governance system, a long-term task that requires sustained, long-term effort, and can no longer adapt to the complex and profound changes emerging in the public opinion arena. At present, there is an urgent need to systematically upgrade the "emergency-response-style" approach to handling public opinion incidents and embed it into the overall framework of the national governance system.

Public opinion work needs to be based on practical work, properly address major issues concerning people's livelihoods, and achieve sound social governance. Properly handling the "matter" has always been the prerequisite for properly handling the "public opinion incident." This requires governments at all levels to do more work on "treating disease before it occurs," making good use of various platform mechanisms such as comprehensive social security governance centers, the 12345 hotline for immediate response to requests, public opinion monitoring, and new media accounts of government affairs. These are not only important forms for the people to realize whole-process people's democracy, but also innovative ways for the Party and the government to follow the mass line online in the new era. Through these mechanisms, governments at all levels can routinely pay attention to, collect, respond to, and solve the practical problems of concern to the people, promptly understand the direction of social psychology and emotions, resolve potential social contradictions, and channel negative social emotions, thereby resolving potential public opinion incidents invisibly in advance.

Promote an integrated comprehensive public opinion governance system of "routine news release - daily public opinion guidance - emergency public opinion incident handling." Governments at all levels need to further strengthen and improve the spokesperson system. Through high-quality routine news releases, they can continuously set and respond to topics of social concern, interpret policies and social hotspots, and in this process establish a positive image and credibility for the government online. The Third Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Committee proposed "improving the news spokesperson system," which is precisely to promote the functional upgrading of this system from "information release" to "governance empowerment." Governments at all levels should learn to use news release as an information lever to maximize the effectiveness of social governance. At the same time, a comprehensive coordination mechanism for public opinion guidance and public opinion incident response should be established throughout the entire process of soliciting public opinion, absorbing public opinion, and interpreting policies during policy formulation, release, and implementation. In the era of social media, operating a matrix of government new media accounts well is an important component of the news release system. It can not only effectively reach the target audience of official information, but also, through daily releases, help understand the psychological characteristics of the public and the laws of online communication, accumulating experience in interacting and communicating with the public. In this way, once a public opinion incident occurs, the government new media matrix can immediately become the "first channel" for official information release, seizing the initiative in public opinion during the precious time window. At the same time, the public trust and stable fan base accumulated through daily interaction can buy more relaxed time and favorable conditions for the government's offline handling of the incident at critical moments. These are valuable assets needed for public opinion incident handling, but this wealth requires routine accumulation and long-term management. Only by doing this preparatory and daily work well and solidly can a solid foundation be laid for scientific and effective handling after a public opinion incident occurs. In the process of handling public opinion incidents, it is equally necessary to firmly grasp the essential attributes of public opinion, based on solving practical problems, centered on channeling and resolving public emotions, and aimed at consolidating people's hearts and minds and consolidating the Party's cultural leadership.

Accurately judging whether to speak out, and when, where, and at what level to speak out, is the first element in seizing the initiative in public opinion incident handling. Governments at all levels should formulate emergency response plans for public opinion incidents that suit their own characteristics based on relevant factors such as the nature of the event, the heat of public opinion, and the sensitivity of the topic. Once the comprehensive indicators of various factors meet the standards of the emergency mechanism, the handling process should be initiated immediately. In reality, due to the lack of corresponding mechanisms, or mechanisms that exist in name only, and complete reliance on the subjective and random judgment of major decision-makers, the result is often delay in hesitation and indecision, wrangling in mutual buck-passing, or evasion in a mindset of wishful thinking, ultimately missing the best opportunity to speak out and leaving subsequent handling in a passive state.

In the first handling after a public opinion incident occurs, doing a good job of the dual handling of "emotions + matters" is the key to rapidly cooling down public opinion. It is necessary to achieve the organic coordination of handling the event itself involved in the public opinion incident in accordance with laws and regulations, fairly and reasonably, promptly announcing the progress of the incident handling, restoring public confidence, and channeling negative public emotions. In practice, many government departments often ignore the negative emotions of doubt, anger, anxiety, and even fear generated by the public in the early stage of a public opinion incident, and merely announce the facts of the incident and government measures in their information releases, trying to persuade the public, who are in an irrational state, through rational means, with little effect. In such cases, it is necessary first to channel and soothe public emotions through empathy, resonance, apology, and statements of position, so that the public can calm down, return to rationality, and restore trust in the government, and then release content such as the facts and relevant measures. Conversely, if the government, in its first handling, amplifies facts favorable to itself to cut off responsibility, defend itself, or exonerate itself, then even if the content of the defense is true, it will cause negative public emotions to continuously escalate, and may even spawn secondary public opinion incidents.

Doing a good job of the dual release of "information + confidence" is the "engine" of news release in the process of public opinion incident handling. If the government's information release is too brief or vague, the result will instead leave netizens with a large amount of space for imagination, speculation, and even the creation and dissemination of rumors, causing the information release itself to become the trigger for secondary public opinion incidents. The standard for measuring the effectiveness of information release is whether this information plays a role in channeling emotions, dispelling doubts, and enhancing public confidence in the government. This requires the government, in addition to promptly announcing "hard information" such as the facts, investigation results, and handling plans based on the progress of the event investigation and handling, to also release "soft information" such as soothing social emotions, responding to social doubts, and clarifying false rumors. At the same time, the narrative of the event's causes and consequences and the basis for handling should form a rigorous and complete logical loop. Only an information release that combines reasonable, lawful, and compliant handling with a rigorous, clear, and complete narrative can achieve a communication effect that is convincing and withstands scrutiny and the test of time.

Accumulating effective experience in public opinion incident handling through daily work is the key to efficient coordination and systematic linkage after a public opinion incident occurs. At present, although governments at all levels have mostly formulated emergency response plans for public opinion incidents, in practice there are still problems such as plans that are not useful, that are divorced from the actual situation of the unit, or that, although plans exist, because they have not been rehearsed, various departments are not familiar with them, so that when a public opinion incident arrives, they still respond randomly in a state of panic. Facing public opinion incidents with no effective experience to draw on, no mature plans to rely on, and a lack of efficient and tacit coordination among departments has become an important factor restricting the efficient handling of public opinion incidents by governments. Governments at all levels can, based on the actual situation of the division of labor and operation of their own regions and units, accumulate and review actual cases of public opinion incident handling, compile case manuals, form public opinion incident handling process plans that conform to the actual situation of their own units and are easy to operate, and use these as important teaching materials in public opinion incident handling training. At the same time, they can also conduct sand table exercises on typical public opinion cases that occur nationally or in their own industry each year, absorbing lessons learned, improving their own plans, and especially using the exercises to refine the division of labor and cooperation processes among departments under different scenarios. Once a real public opinion incident occurs, no matter how urgent the situation, it should be handled according to the rehearsed plan process, to test the effectiveness of the plan in actual combat and also to avoid hasty "shoot-from-the-hip" decisions made in panic. After the handling is completed, a timely review should be conducted to revise and improve the original plan. In this way, through the continuous cycle of plan - exercise - actual combat, a closed loop of public opinion incident handling that is continuously improved and upgraded can be achieved.

By constructing a comprehensive public opinion governance system of "sound governance of people's livelihoods - information release - public opinion guidance - public opinion incident handling," the Party and the government's public opinion work can be upgraded and expanded from handling abnormal, exceptional, and special public opinion incidents to a complete set of routine work practices for doing a good job in people's livelihood work and embedding into national governance. In this way, public opinion work becomes an important path for absorbing public opinion and public wisdom, realizing whole-process people's democracy, and promoting the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity.

[The author is Deputy Director of the Department of Culture, History and Teaching and Research of the Party School of the CPC Central Committee (National Academy of Governance)]

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Forge "Hard-Core" Talent for the Modernized Industrial System

By: 安实

The modernized industrial system is the material and technological foundation of a modernized country, and an important hallmark and key support for comprehensively building a modern socialist country. In building a modernized industrial system, talent is the primary resource. General Secretary Xi Jinping has stressed the need to resolutely remove the sticking points and bottlenecks that affect and constrain comprehensive innovation, to coordinate and advance the integrated reform of the systems and mechanisms for education, science and technology, and talent, and to firmly grasp the strategic initiative in the new round of scientific and technological revolution and industrial transformation. As the main battleground for talent cultivation and an important junction point of education, science and technology, and talent, institutions of higher learning must deeply align with the strategic needs of building a modernized industrial system, and supporting the accelerated development of industry with precise and robust talent supply has become an inevitable requirement for fulfilling the original aspiration and founding mission of serving the country through education.

The "hard-core" demand of the modernized industrial system for talent cultivation

Building a modernized industrial system is not only a profound industrial transformation, but also a profound transformation in talent cultivation. General Secretary Xi Jinping has pointed out that cultivating talent is a major plan for the long-term development of the country and the nation, and that competition for talent in today's world is first and foremost competition in talent cultivation. As the new round of scientific and technological revolution and industrial transformation advances in depth, revolutionary breakthroughs in technology, innovative allocation of production factors, and deep transformation and upgrading of industries ultimately depend on the realization of these goals by millions upon millions of high-quality, top-notch innovative talents. As industrial development enters a new stage driven primarily by innovation, the mission of talent cultivation in institutions of higher learning is also undergoing historic changes.

In terms of structural demand, upgrading traditional industries and cultivating emerging and future industries require a matching quantity, quality, and structure of talent. In particular, knowledge- and technology-intensive industries are developing rapidly at present, and the demand for high-quality innovative talent is growing day by day. China has built the world's largest higher education system, and its overall capacity for talent supply has been significantly enhanced. However, structural contradictions objectively exist: some institutions of higher learning still have a certain "path dependence" in their disciplinary and program offerings, are not sufficiently responsive to industrial transformation, and face a chronic shortage of high-level innovative and engineering talent in key fields such as integrated circuits, artificial intelligence, biomedicine, and intelligent manufacturing. The talent cultivation of institutions of higher learning needs to form a sound interactive relationship with industrial iteration and upgrading.

In terms of capability demand, the degree of development of the modernized industrial system is highly positively correlated with talent capability. On the one hand, interdisciplinary talent has become urgently needed for industrial development. The new round of scientific and technological revolution and industrial transformation presents the distinctive features of disciplinary intersection and cross-domain integration, and major original breakthroughs often emerge at the intersection of disciplines. In particular, tackling key core technologies in the modernized industrial system rarely relies on knowledge from a single discipline, but rather requires multidisciplinary collaboration. This requires that the talent cultivated by institutions of higher learning possess not only a solid disciplinary foundation, but also a broad cross-disciplinary perspective and comprehensive abilities to solve complex problems. On the other hand, innovative literacy has become the foundation of talent cultivation. In an era when the cycle of knowledge renewal is sharply shortening and the pace of technological iteration is accelerating at an unprecedented rate, the purely "knowledge-transmission" model of cultivation can no longer keep pace with the rhythm of industrial transformation. Practice has shown that building a modernized industrial system urgently requires talent with critical thinking, lifelong learning ability, and the potential for original innovation, which places higher demands on the talent cultivation paradigm of institutions of higher learning.

In terms of value demand, institutions of higher learning, especially high-level research universities, as important forces leading social progress, cannot limit their talent cultivation to passively meeting existing industrial needs; rather, they must create new increments of industrial value through proactive action. They should lead industrial direction through forward-looking planning, originate technological change through basic research, and drive economic development through talent and intellectual strength, promoting a deeper and higher-level mastering knowledge or skills thoroughly (融会贯通, rong hui guan tong - "melt, combine, penetrate, connect") of the talent chain, innovation chain, and industrial chain, thereby building a solid talent support and intellectual foundation for accelerating the formation of new quality productive forces and solidly advancing high-quality industrial development.

The "hard-core" path for talent cultivation oriented toward the modernized industrial system

General Secretary Xi Jinping has pointed out that it is necessary to improve the mechanism for adapting talent cultivation to the needs of economic and social development and to enhance the quality and effectiveness of independent talent cultivation. Facing the contemporary proposition of building a modernized industrial system, institutions of higher learning must act proactively, anchoring the direction of education with the responsibility of serving the "great affairs of the state" and the mission of "building a strong education nation," deepening educational reform with the courage of overcoming great difficulties and challenges (攻坚克难, gong jian ke nan - "attack, fortify; overcome, difficulty"), and consolidating the foundation of education with the perseverance of nurturing talent over a long period (百年树人, bai nian shu ren - "hundred, years, plant, person"), striving to cultivate more new-generation talents who bear the country and its people in mind and are capable of shouldering the heavy responsibilities of industrial development.

With cultivating virtue and nurturing talent (立德树人, li de shu ren - "establish, virtue, plant, person") as the foundation, we should deeply cultivate the sentiment of serving the country through industry. The talent needed by the modernized industrial system must possess not only "hard-core" professional competence, but also "hard-core" spiritual qualities. We must continue to promote the integration of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era into textbooks, into classrooms, and into students' minds, make good use of and effectively present the history of industrial development, the history of disciplinary development, and the history of scientific and technological development, deeply expound on the great practice of the Communist Party of China in leading the development of modern industry, and transform the struggle from following and running alongside to leading, as well as the arduous process of tackling "bottleneck" problems, into the most vivid content for ideological and political courses and curriculum-based ideological and political education; jointly build practical education bases with enterprises, organize students to go to the front lines of industry and the front lines of major national projects, help them appreciate the great transformations of the new era, and stimulate the mighty force for engaging in and contributing to industry.

With the integration of industry and education as the key focus, we should reshape the talent cultivation paradigm. We should establish and improve a mechanism for adjusting disciplinary and program offerings driven by scientific and technological development and national strategic needs, give priority to the layout and key construction of disciplines and programs urgently needed to serve national strategies and key industries, and build programs on the industrial chain; highlight a competency-based approach, break away from the traditional "knowledge-cramming" paradigm, place the cultivation of students' innovative spirit, practical ability, and systematic thinking in an important position, promote the synchronized updating of curriculum content with industrial frontiers, and build a new ecosystem of school-enterprise collaborative education through such means as jointly discussing talent cultivation plans, jointly building curriculum systems, jointly forming faculty teams, and jointly sharing practical platforms, transforming real engineering problems and real industrial scenarios into teaching content, so that students can develop real skills through "real" practice; vigorously explore multidisciplinary collaborative education mechanisms, establish cross-disciplinary cultivation platforms, and strengthen students' innovative literacy in an environment of cross-disciplinary integration; improve the linkage mechanism between graduate employment and industrial development, and guide graduates to achieving great success and establishing a career (建功立业, jian gong li ye - "build, merit, establish, career") in strategic emerging industries, advanced manufacturing, and key industries; accelerate the building of a "dual-qualification" faculty team, improve the two-way exchange mechanism whereby industrial talent teach part-time at institutions of higher learning and university faculty take temporary posts in enterprises, and attract and cultivate a group of high-level teachers who understand industry, are proficient in skills, and are good at teaching.

With innovation and entrepreneurship education as support, we should stimulate the creative potential of talent. Innovation and entrepreneurship education is a bridge connecting talent supply with industrial development needs, and it should be carried through the entire process of talent cultivation. Guided by the integration of science and education, we should give full play to the advantages of institutions of higher learning in having rich innovation resources, turn research platforms into education platforms, vigorously promote the model of "enterprises posing problems, students solving them" through such means as school-enterprise joint innovation funds, enable undergraduates to enter laboratories early and integrate into industrial development needs early, and cultivate scientific spirit and hone innovation ability through participation in frontier exploration and tackling key core technologies. We should build an entrepreneurship education cultivation system of "innovative thinking + entrepreneurial methods + project-based teaching," vigorously promote the joint construction of maker spaces and incubation bases by schools and enterprises, enrich various academic competitions and entrepreneurial practices, introduce scientific and technological financial forces, open up the growth chain of "idea—project—enterprise," and enable the sparks of innovation bursting forth on campus to truly land as new technologies, new products, and new business forms in industry.

The "hard-core" guarantee for talent cultivation oriented toward the modernized industrial system

Forging "hard-core" talent depends not only on cultivation and collaboration, but also on institutional and mechanism guarantees. Advancing the reform of the talent cultivation model oriented toward the modernized industrial system requires establishing an evaluation yardstick and guarantee system that match industrial needs.

We should strengthen organizational leadership and firmly grasp the correct political direction. The Party's leadership is the fundamental guarantee for doing all work well. We must adhere to the guidance of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, educate and guide all teachers and students to deeply understand the great significance of serving the building of the modernized industrial system, closely integrate personal development into the overall situation of the development of the Party and the country's cause, and consolidate the ideological foundation. We should give full play to the political and organizational functions of Party organizations at all levels, incorporate the work of talent cultivation oriented toward the modernized industrial system into important agendas, regularly study, deploy, supervise, and implement it, build a responsibility system in which each level grasps the next and implementation is carried out layer by layer, and form a work pattern of the whole university operating as a unified, coordinated overall plan (一盘棋, yi pan qi - "one, board, chess"). We should proactively strengthen coordination and linkage with enterprises and improve the long-term mechanism for school-enterprise collaborative education.

We should strengthen integrated thinking and break down barriers to the flow of factors. Education, science and technology, and talent are intrinsically consistent, mutually supportive, and constitute an organic whole. In terms of internal governance, we should break down departmental divisions and segmentation by blocks, promote the coordinated planning, integrated resources, and synergistic evaluation of talent cultivation with scientific and technological innovation and talent attraction and development, and transform the university's advantageous educational resources into educational resources. In terms of external coordination, we should vigorously promote the efficient flow and smooth circulation of innovative factors such as talent, technology, capital, and platforms between institutions of higher learning and industry, forming a virtuous cycle in which "education—research—industry" integrate with and reinforce each other.

We should strengthen the guiding role and advance the reform of the evaluation system. We should establish a diversified evaluation system, break away from the single evaluation model that simply takes course grades and the number of papers as the main criteria, incorporate innovative practical ability into the evaluation system, enrich the evaluation dimensions, design evaluation criteria by category, establish a comprehensive evaluation system covering multiple dimensions such as project practice, engineering ability, innovative quality, and teamwork, vigorously explore and advance the evaluation path of replacing academic papers with practical achievements, and enable talent oriented toward industry and committed to innovation to have platforms, value, and a sense of fulfillment.

We should strengthen open education and pool global high-quality educational resources. General Secretary Xi Jinping has clearly pointed out that it is necessary to deepen the opening up of education, coordinate "bringing in" and "going global," and continuously enhance the international influence, competitiveness, and discourse power of China's education. Institutions of higher learning must not only unswervingly follow the path of independent talent cultivation, but also pay attention to coordinating the use of both international and domestic resources. Focusing on fields urgently needed by industry, we should strengthen cooperation with world-class universities, research institutions, and enterprises, create, introduce, integrate, and export international educational resources covering the characteristics of different countries and the cultures of different fields, accelerate the transformation and upgrading of the disciplinary and program system, actively integrate into the global innovation network, build international platforms for the integration of industry and education, and cultivate interdisciplinary talent with patriotism, a global vision, and professional competence.

To comprehensively build a modern socialist country, education is the foundation, science and technology are the key, and talent is the fundamental. Talent cultivation in institutions of higher learning shoulders an important mission in the building of the modernized industrial system. We must adhere to a reform-oriented mindset, systematically strengthen "hard-core" support in terms of ideological understanding, implementation paths, and systems and mechanisms, support the "acceleration" of industrial development with the "precision" of talent supply, inject a continuous and powerful driving force into accelerating the formation of new quality productive forces and solidly advancing high-quality development, and build a solid talent support for comprehensively advancing the building of a strong country and the great cause of national rejuvenation through Chinese modernization.

(The author is the Party Secretary of Central South University)

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Banning minors from social media is not the answer

By: 毛佩瑾

With the advent of the digital era, social media has become deeply integrated into the study and life of minors, serving as an important vehicle for young people to obtain information, engage in social interaction, and understand society. In response to prominent issues such as internet addiction, the erosion of harmful information, and cyberbullying, calls from society to regulate minors' internet use have continued to grow. Looking globally, many countries have launched a wave of bans on minors' use of social media. Australia took the lead in legislating to prohibit minors under 16 from using social media, and countries such as Malaysia, Indonesia, France, and the United Kingdom have followed suit one after another, attempting to build a protective barrier for young people online through rigid bans. The original intention of such policies is to safeguard the physical and mental health of minors and prevent the risk of internet addiction, aligning with the simple protective mindset of the general public. However, survey data from the Intelligent Media Research Center of the School of Journalism and Communication at Tsinghua University shows that such bans have achieved very little in terms of governance. Some young people circumvent regulation by borrowing family members' accounts, falsifying their age, using niche platforms, and virtual private networks (VPNs). Bans have not eliminated online risks; they have merely transformed overt, regulable public risks into gray risks that are more hidden and harder to control. This global governance dilemma raises a core question: in the digital era, is adopting a "ban it all" approach to minors' use of social media a scientific and effective governance method?

The internet has become social infrastructure as indispensable as water and electricity. Digital literacy is a core capability that young people in the new era must possess, and simple bans run counter to the laws of development of the digital age and the laws of adolescent growth. Social media is not merely a single entertainment tool; it also has diverse positive educational value. It can broaden young people's knowledge boundaries, make up for the shortcomings of classroom education, and, by building diverse social platforms, channel adolescents' psychological and emotional pressures, helping them shape sound personalities and establish correct values. At present, the impact of social media on minors is complex and bidirectional. In reality, there is also a problem of reversing cause and effect in cognition. For example, some young people, when facing academic pressure and difficulties in real-world social interaction, use social media for self-adjustment and to alleviate anxiety. Social media is an external manifestation of growth difficulties, not the root cause of the problems. Moderate, regulated use of social media can help alleviate adolescents' loneliness, enrich their social experience, and enhance their overall competence. A complete ban, by contrast, can easily lead to "digital disconnection" and a loss of capability among young people.

From the perspective of governance practice, the one-size-fits-all ban model is a form of extensive governance with notable shortcomings, and it can easily trigger secondary problems such as governance failure and risk transfer. Young people have strong desires for knowledge and social interaction, and their intrinsic need for use cannot be completely eliminated through administrative bans. Rigid controls can only constrain minors with relatively strong self-discipline; some young people may turn to unmoderated, unprotected niche platforms and private communities. Compared with the well-established minor protection mechanisms on mainstream platforms, gray cyberspace lacks content filtering, risk warning, and emergency intervention measures, making it easier to increase the risk of minors encountering online harm. At the same time, bans easily create a false sense of governance security, causing parents and schools to relax their daily guardianship and educational guidance, leaving the governance responsibilities of the government, platforms, families, and schools suspended. This leads to a vicious cycle in which problems trigger bans, and after the bans, the problems rebound.

An analysis of the deep logic behind the introduction of bans in multiple countries reveals that one-size-fits-all governance is not purely a rational choice based on the protection of minors, but rather an extensive governance measure shaped by the interplay of multiple factors. Some countries with weak domestic digital industries and online markets monopolized by overseas platforms lack the capacity for refined digital governance and the foundation for industrial coordination. Choosing a simple ban both quickly responds to public opinion and assuages parents' anxieties, while also demonstrating digital governance sovereignty externally—it is the lowest-cost, fastest-acting approach. Countries with mature domestic digital industries, by contrast, generally reject one-size-fits-all bans and instead adopt flexible governance models such as content rating, scenario-based regulation, and product optimization. At the same time, because precise age-verification technology faces challenges in balancing privacy protection, cost adaptation, and accuracy, refined governance places extremely high demands on administrative capacity and technical reserves, and building a long-term collaborative governance system requires strong national governance capacity as support. Choosing the extensive approach of "banning it all" is, in essence, a concentrated manifestation of insufficient governance capacity.

The core root of the "ban it all" extensive governance mindset lies mainly in the widespread binary, either-or cognition in society, which one-sidedly magnifies the negative effects of social media. The public often simply attributes problems such as declining academic performance, psychological anxiety, and internet addiction among young people to social media itself, while ignoring the multiple deeper causes that may lie behind these problems, such as the absence of family education, weak digital literacy education in schools, and imperfect governance of the online ecosystem. As a digital tool, social media itself has no inherent merit or demerit; whether its impact is good or bad depends on the way it is used, the duration of use, content choices, and how it is externally guided and regulated. Reducing a complex educational and social governance problem to a question of banning a tool is a cognitive misconception. It appears to be safeguarding the growth of minors, but in reality it is stopping something to prevent a small problem from causing a larger one (因噎废食, yin ye fei shi - "eat, because; stop, food"), hindering the cultivation of young people's digital literacy, and going in completely opposite directions (背道而驰, bei dao er chi - "back, road, and, run") from modern educational concepts and the requirements of governance modernization.

In contrast to the governance dilemma of banning social media for young people in other countries, China, based on its national conditions and following the laws of adolescent growth, has forged a scientific governance path that governs without banning, combines guidance with regulation, and empowers through coordination, building a modern governance system that balances safety protection with digital growth. China takes the Law of the People's Republic of China on the Protection of Minors and the Regulations on the Protection of Minors Online as its institutional foundation, implements a refined protection model that is age-differentiated, category-based, and precisely tailored, and relies on the technological advantages of domestic platforms to embed minor protection rules into the entire process of algorithm architecture, content distribution, and account management, thereby achieving forward-looking protection and precise control. At the same time, it builds a pattern of coordinated co-governance among the government, platforms, schools, and families: the government improves regulatory rules and tightens regulatory responsibilities; platforms optimize the youth mode and purify the content ecosystem; schools regularly carry out media literacy and cybersecurity education; and families fulfill their guardianship and guidance responsibilities. Online governance cannot rely on a single ban; it requires the joint construction and co-governance of multiple actors, thereby avoiding the dilemma of absent responsibilities and idle governance seen in the ban models of many countries.

China's governance system for minors' internet use needs continuous iteration and improvement, building a sustainable development path of systematic governance, precise governance, and collaborative governance. In the new era, the online protection of minors must abandon the extensive mindset of isolation and one-size-fits-all approaches, and adhere to a governance model that replaces blocking with guidance, replaces restraint with empowerment, and replaces single-point control with coordination. In the age of digital intelligence, home-school collaboration in advancing digital literacy education is the foundational work for building a solid defense line for minors' online safety and implementing source-level governance. Digital literacy education is not merely learning online skills; it is a comprehensive educational process integrating information discernment, value judgment, online ethics, risk prevention, and self-management. It requires families and schools to break down the boundaries between scenarios and build a system of two-way linkage and co-education in sync. Among these, schools need to incorporate digital literacy into the regular education system, integrating information verification, algorithm awareness, and online rule of law into daily courses, helping young people view social media rationally and enhancing their risk identification and self-discipline capabilities. Specialized training should be provided to parents to update their educational concepts and narrow the intergenerational digital cognitive gap. Families must play a foundational educational role; parents need to continuously improve their own digital literacy, establish family internet-use rules through consultation, and guide children to develop healthy internet habits through daily companionship. At the same time, the mechanism for coordinated co-construction should be improved, promoting the sharing and exchange of educational resources between families and schools, building regular communication channels, bridging the gaps between in-school education and family guidance, and achieving information sharing and joint risk prevention, so that internal and external coordination enhances minors' intrinsic capacity to resist online risks and consolidates the foundation of online protection.

The digital era is irreversible, and digital survival is already a growth scenario that young people must inevitably face. The online protection of minors is not a multiple-choice question of "to ban or not to ban," but a practical question of scientific governance and precise empowerment. Relying solely on bans to isolate online risks can only provide short-term protection and cannot cultivate young people's lasting self-protection capabilities. Rather than fearing technology, it is better to make good use of technology to empower growth. Adhere to scientific governance, improve the diversified collaborative system, release the educational value of digital technology while holding the safety bottom line, guide young people to embrace the digital world rationally, and also contribute Chinese thinking to the global governance of minors' internet use.

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The Gentleman Ascends Upward

By: 乔迈

"The gentleman ascends upward" (君子上达) originates from the Analects, chapter "Xian Wen" (宪问), where the original text reads: "The gentleman ascends upward; the petty person descends downward." In a single sentence, it sketches the vast divergence between the gentleman and the petty person in cognitive judgment and behavioral choice, and also reflects differing life pursuits. A thorough analysis and elucidation of the inner meaning of the gentleman's ascending upward holds important reference and borrowing significance for contemporary people in elevating the realm of life.

What is "upward"? What is "downward"? From the perspective of cognitive judgment, the gentleman and the petty person differ in their focus of cognition. "That which is above physical form is called the Way; that which is below physical form is called the vessel." The gentleman emphasizes seeing the essence through phenomena, observing, summarizing, and grasping patterns from daily life, so as to gradually comprehend the "Way." The petty person, by contrast, pays more attention to the "vessel" and "thing" itself. The levels of cognition of the gentleman and the petty person are also distinguished: "Those who are born with knowledge are the highest; those who learn through study are next; those who learn through difficulty are next again; those who, when beset by difficulty, do not learn — these are the lowest of the people." The gentleman always possesses an extremely strong thirst for knowledge and a positive attitude toward learning, whereas the petty person is both shallow in cognition and lacking in the will to pursue learning. From the perspective of behavioral choice, the gentleman and the petty person have a great divergence in the direction of life they choose. "The gentleman seeks it in himself; the petty person seeks it in others." The gentleman always strictly demands of himself, advancing daily with refinement and continuously rising above. The petty person, by contrast, always seeks to take from outward things and harshly blames others. At the same time, the gentleman and the petty person also show clear differences in value choice: "The gentleman cherishes virtue; the petty person cherishes land. The gentleman cherishes the law; the petty person cherishes favors." The gentleman places greater weight on principles such as benevolence, righteousness, and moral virtue, while the petty person places greater weight on material interests and the satisfaction of desires. By common reasoning, being strict with oneself and upholding the Way and righteousness is often regarded as lofty and wise, while harshly blaming others and indulging desires in pursuit of profit is regarded as base and lowly. As Zhu Xi said: "The gentleman follows the principle of Heaven, and so daily advances toward the lofty and bright; the petty person is enslaved by human desires, and so daily sinks toward the filthy and low."

What is "attaining" (达)? The Shuowen Jiezi (说文解字) defines "达" as "not encountering obstacles in travel," that is, the meaning of unimpeded passage. Confucius said, "If one wishes to establish oneself, one also establishes others; if one wishes to attain, one also helps others attain" — here "attain" also carries the meaning of being able to get through. The gentleman will consider that if he himself wishes to get through, he must also let others get through, but the petty person only thinks of his own attainment. Moreover, Confucius "sought attainment, not renown," emphasizing the elevation of moral quality without needing to be concerned with the prominence of external fame. Clearly, the gentleman seeks "attainment," while the petty person seeks "renown."

What is "ascending upward"? What is "descending downward"? Confucius said: "I do not resent Heaven, nor blame others. I study what is below and ascend upward — the one who knows me is Heaven itself!" Throughout his life Confucius was tireless and diligent, lofty in virtue and broad in learning, yet he was not known to the world. When his disciples asked, "Why is it that no one knows you?" he emphasized that one should not resent Heaven or blame others, but study what is below and ascend upward, and then Heaven would know him. This is full of the meaning of doing one's utmost in human affairs and submitting to the mandate of Heaven, and it echoes "seeking attainment, not renown." Therefore, the meaning of ascending upward mainly includes the perfection of one's inner character and the unimpeded penetration of one's spiritual nature after one has exerted utmost effort. Descending downward, by contrast, is merely the pursuit of external prosperity and prominence.

How does one ascend upward? Confucius's answer is to study what is below and ascend upward. The Neo-Confucian scholars of the Song and Ming dynasties mostly regarded studying what is below and ascending upward as one and the same. Cheng Yi said: "All study of human affairs below is the ascending to the principle of Heaven above." Zhu Xi also held that "studying what is below and ascending upward" is a process of "reflecting on oneself and cultivating oneself, making steady progress in an orderly manner" (循序渐进, xun xu jian jin - "follow, order, step by step, advance"). In addition, Wang Yangming also said: "Therefore, all that can be worked on and can be spoken of is 'studying what is below'; 'ascending upward' lies only within 'studying what is below.'" In general terms, most scholars regard studying what is below as the path and foundation for ascending upward. This is because studying what is below by no means implies merely learning basic scholarship and theoretical knowledge; studying what is below itself carries the meaning of unity of knowledge and action (知行合一, zhi xing he yi - "know, act, combine, one"), it is the daily practice of constant application, it is the "human affairs" of "human relations and daily use." Through "studying human affairs below," the scholar can "internalize in the mind" external knowledge and principles, transform them into inner virtue, and in the process of the mind's sympathetic penetration further realize the transcendence of personal virtue, sympathetically penetrating virtue to Heaven and Earth, and attaining harmony between humanity and nature (天人合一, tian ren he yi - "heaven, human, combine, one").

Feng Youlan divided the realms of life into four: "the natural, the utilitarian, the moral, and the cosmic." Tang Junyi proposed the theory of "the mind penetrating nine realms." Zhang Shiying proposed the theory of four realms: "desire-seeking, fact-seeking, moral, and aesthetic." Though the names differ, all aim to construct a path of spiritual ascent that proceeds layer by layer, from the external to the internal. Viewed from this perspective, "the petty person descends downward" means that his field of vision is confined by material desires, indulging in the natural and utilitarian realms, and ultimately unable to extricate himself; while "the gentleman ascends upward" aims to transcend sensory pleasure, to seek the unity of knowledge and action, the fusion of truth, goodness, and beauty, and further to cultivate in tandem the three immortalities of "establishing virtue, establishing merit, and establishing words," so as to arrive at the transformative realm of morality and the cosmos. Between upward and downward, the difference lies not in talent or intelligence, but in where the will is directed and where the realm stops.

Feng Youlan said: "The realm of a person lies in that person's actions." Elevating the realm of life does not rely on bitter contemplation or making things blindly without practical investigation (闭门造车, bi men zao che - "close, door, create, vehicle"), but rather on personally entering the fray and generating life's understanding through the tempering of worldly affairs. The Song Confucians emphasized "fully realizing one's nature and fulfilling one's destiny" through "sweeping and responding," touching the root of the great Way within "human relations and daily use." Therefore, in the view of the Song Confucians, even the most lofty sage merely does ordinary daily things — this is "attaining the highest excellence through the middle way" (极高明而道中庸, ji gao ming er dao zhong yong - "extreme, high, bright; follow, middle, 庸"). Confucius considered himself inadequate in all three aspects of wisdom, benevolence, and courage: "The way of the gentleman has three aspects, and I am incapable of them: the benevolent do not worry, the wise are not perplexed, the courageous do not fear." But the Doctrine of the Mean says: "Loving learning is close to wisdom; vigorous practice is close to benevolence; knowing shame is close to courage." This transforms abstract goals of virtue into concrete, operable norms of daily conduct, pointing out the method of self-cultivation that proceeds from the external to the internal and from action to virtue, and also providing a practical path for elevating the realm of life. Fan Zhongyan upheld throughout his life the sentiment of "worrying first and rejoicing last," being down-to-earth and practical (脚踏实地, jiao ta shi di - "foot, step, solid, earth") and practicing tirelessly without cease. When he served as prefect of Hangzhou and encountered a year of famine, he was able to disregard conventional methods and implement the "regulation of the great famine in Wu and Zhong," with the result that "grain converged from all directions, and prices accordingly fell," and the people were thereby saved. He showed true substance in practical affairs, displayed responsibility in hardship, and achieved success in all of "establishing virtue, establishing merit, and establishing words" — precisely an excellent footnote to the gentleman's ascending upward.

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Record Japan's Crimes of Aggression Against China Permanently in the Newsprint

By: 余玉

In the dead of night on September 18, 1931, a loud explosion came from the direction of Liutiao Lake, north of Shenyang. The Japanese Kwantung Army blew up a section of track on the South Manchuria Railway, then immediately accused Chinese troops of being the perpetrators, and using this as a pretext, bombarded the Northeast Army garrison at Beidaying. Because the Kuomintang authorities had strictly ordered non-resistance, Shenyang fell in a single night, and Changchun and Jinzhou fell in succession; after more than four months, the vast and beautiful territory (大好河山, da hao he shan - "great, good; river, mountain") of the Northeast had entirely fallen into enemy hands. At a time of national crisis, Shanghai's Shen Bao (Shun Pao), with its detailed reporting and sharp commentary, permanently recorded Japan's crimes of aggression against China on newsprint, leaving posterity an irrefutable historical testimony.

It rapidly and extensively reported the truth of the September 18 Incident. Shen Bao was founded in 1872 and was at that time China's oldest newspaper. In 1912, the patriotic journalist Shi Liangcai took over Shen Bao and managed it with painstaking effort for more than 20 years, building it into a major newspaper with one of the largest circulations in the country. 1931 happened to coincide with the sixtieth anniversary of Shen Bao's founding, and on September 1 the newspaper published its "Declaration on the Sixtieth Anniversary Year of This Paper," announcing a new editorial policy and clearly stating: "Unequal treaties are the shackles binding the life of our nation and the powerful tools by which the great powers dominate our country... From now on this paper shall strive to make our people know others, and also know themselves. At the same time, let them know others all the more and thereby know themselves all the better, in order to rouse the great power of our nation, smash the fetters binding our life and freedom, and elevate our country and nation to a position of freedom and equality." Its political stance shifted from cautious conservatism to resistance against the great powers.

After the September 18 Incident broke out, Shen Bao responded rapidly, displaying an entirely new outlook. On September 20, Shen Bao published more than 80 dispatches concerning the incident, the most conspicuous of which was the report on page 3 headlined "Japanese Army Launches Major Aggression Against the Eastern Provinces, Flouting International Public Law and Destroying Peace in East Asia." This report gathered multiple dispatches from Shenyang and enumerated in detail the Japanese army's military aggression that night: first dismantling the railway track on the night of the 18th to provoke a pretext, then at 2 a.m. on the 19th occupying the commercial district and Shenyang city and shelling Beidaying, until by 10 a.m. on the 19th Yingkou, Changchun, and other places had all been occupied by the Japanese army. Readers were thereby able to reconstruct the full picture of the incident. The headline used three characterizations in succession — "major aggression," "flouting international public law," and "destroying peace in East Asia" — sharply pointing out that the September 18 Incident was a carefully planned military aggression by Japan. The layout Shen Bao gave to its coverage of the September 18 Incident also fully demonstrated its determination and stance in exposing Japan's aggression against China. After the September 18 Incident, Shen Bao devoted full pages to concentrated publication of dispatches and commentary on the incident, while compressing and shifting its usual routine content, some of which was moved into supplements. A newspaper's layout is its silent statement; the more space it cedes to news of national crisis, the more easily it awakens the people's awareness of national peril.

On the same day, page 17 of Shen Bao carried another independently headlined article, "Japan Violently Seizes Shenyang by Force; the Whole Country Should Quickly Save Itself, Stop Internal Strife, and Unite Against Foreign Aggression." Unlike page 3, which focused on factual narration, this article spoke directly to the people in the manner of a public proclamation, urging the whole country to "rouse the national spirit, unite the nation's strength, use the power of the entire people to sever economic relations with Japan unanimously, and ask the government to recover all occupied territories by revolutionary means." The two articles, one narrative and one argumentative, constituted the basic framework of Shen Bao's coverage in the early period of the incident.

It refuted the Japanese government's lies distorting the facts of aggression. After Japan's Meiji Restoration, its "continental policy" of annexing Manchuria and Mongolia and destroying China advanced step by step. In the summer of 1931, Japan repeatedly exploited the Nakamura Incident and the Wanbaoshan Incident to fan the flames of war and manufacture public opinion for armed aggression against China. The explosion at Liutiao Lake was precisely a predetermined step long planned by senior staff officers of the Kwantung Army such as Itagaki Seishiro and Ishiwara Kanji; the claim that it was accidental was pure deception. In response, Shen Bao maintained the sobriety peculiar to the newsprint medium, publishing commentary in succession and exposing the aggressors' lies one by one.

After the September 18 Incident occurred, Japan spread the word everywhere that its action was "self-defense." Beginning September 24, Shen Bao serialized "Let the Japanese Reflect on Themselves," pointing out that Japan's "outrageous violence against our Northeast is precisely the reflection of its own irreconcilable internal contradictions; as the crisis expands, it has itself already stepped onto the path of reaching a dead end or desperate situation (山穷水尽, shan qiong shui jin - "mountain, exhausted; water, end")... Japan cannot even save itself, yet instead wants to harm others," exposing Japan's criminal act of shifting its domestic contradictions onto aggression against China.

On September 25, the Japanese cabinet issued its "Statement of the Japanese Government on the Manchurian Incident," quibbling over its acts of aggression, claiming that the September 18 Incident was an act of Japanese "self-defense," claiming that the Japanese army had not carried out military occupation of the various places in the three eastern provinces, and claiming that Japan had no territorial ambitions whatsoever in Manchuria. In response to the Japanese government's statement distorting the facts, on September 26 and 27 Shen Bao published two articles under the title "How Strange, the Japanese Government's Statement," refuting it point by point and sternly pointing out that Japan was "quibbling throughout, breathing through the very same nostril as the ambitious militarists — sharing the same narrow perspective or motives (同一鼻孔出气, tong yi bi kong chu qi - "same, one; nose, nostril; exit, breath") — and in denying facts and fabricating accusations to frame others, it goes even further." The statement claimed that the Japanese troops guarding the South Manchuria Railway numbered only slightly more than 10,000, while the surrounding Chinese troops numbered 220,000, and that because the situation was critical Japan had no choice but to "subdue the enemy" — this was Japan's so-called "self-defense." Shen Bao refuted this: if the Chinese side had deliberately provoked, why would it not have attacked the Japanese army but instead committed the foolish act of dismantling the South Manchuria Railway? With troops twenty times the number of the Japanese army, even twenty against one would have been more than enough to annihilate the Japanese tyrants, so why would it have allowed Japan to occupy Shenyang without any resistance, retreating again and again?Japan's so-called "self-defense" collapsed of its own accord. The statement further claimed that Japan's occupation of Shenyang was not a military occupation; Shen Bao said bluntly that Japan's action was "just like deceiving oneself or being self-deluded (掩耳盗铃, yan er dao ling - "cover, ear; steal, bell")" — covering one's ears while stealing a bell — and refuted that Japan had already in Shenyang "changed the flags, appointed officials, begun collecting taxes, and occupied an area of 1,500 square li, treating it as conquered territory in every way, and yet still calls this not a 'military occupation'"; "this fact is enough to shatter the Japanese quibbling."

It criticized the Kuomintang's non-resistance policy and called for nationwide resistance. In addition to exposing Japan's crimes of aggression against China, Shen Bao also pointed its critical pen directly at the Kuomintang authorities' non-resistance policy, campaigning for nationwide resistance. After the September 18 Incident broke out, Chiang Kai-shek both ordered the Northeast Army not to resist and fantasized that the League of Nations would step in to uphold justice. On September 23, Shen Bao published the commentary "Countrymen, Awaken and Rise Up Quickly," directly criticizing the Kuomintang authorities' policy of concession toward Japan, demanding to know how far the army intended to retreat, and then proposing: "Only through struggle can we survive; retreat is suicide," urging the nation's soldiers and civilians that "the present is not something to fear, still less to grieve over. We need only awaken, unite, and struggle together."

On September 22, Chiang Kai-shek set forth his policy toward Japan: to counter might with justice and barbarism with peace, demanding that the people swallow their pain and anger and quietly await the judgment of international justice. Yet when the League of Nations Council adopted a resolution demanding Japan's withdrawal, the Japanese side likewise turned a deaf ear to it (置若罔闻, zhi ruo wang wen - "place, as if; not, without; hear"). Justice was remote and indefinite, while the Japanese occupation advanced step by step; relying on the League of Nations was no different from sitting by and watching the country's rivers and mountains fall. On September 28, Shen Bao published "Countrymen, Do Not Rely Solely on the League of Nations," reminding the people that "this matter is a matter of life and death for our nation; it depends entirely on our own people saving ourselves, and we absolutely cannot rely on the assistance of others," and that "our people today should have a final self-awareness and a final self-reliance, seeking life with the determination to die, and only then will there be hope of survival." Two days later, Shen Bao published "The Responsibility of Soldiers in the Anti-Japanese National Salvation Movement," lamenting bitterly that "half of the rivers and mountains of the Northeast were lost in a single morning, and all 30 million compatriots beyond the Pass have fallen under the trampling of enemy cavalry," and stating bluntly that today was precisely the time for the nation's soldiers to sacrifice themselves for a righteous cause (杀身成仁, sha shen cheng ren - "kill, body; become, benevolence"), calling on the nation's armed forces to rise up in resistance.

On November 4, Ma Zhanshan, acting chairman of Heilongjiang Province, led his troops in a determined resistance against the Japanese army at the Nenjiang River Bridge, fighting alone in bloody battle for half a month. On November 14, Shen Bao published the article "How Loyal and Brave, General Ma Zhanshan," exclaiming in succession "How loyal and brave, General Ma. How tragic and solemn, General Ma," while also asking those soldiers who had retreated without firing a single shot what they had to say for themselves. On the 19th of that month, in "Can We Sit By and Watch Ma Zhanshan's Isolated Army Resist Violence?" Shen Bao further cried out: "This is already the final moment; the entire people deeply hope that our government will make a decisive decision without delay."

The cannon fire of the September 18 Incident awakened the people, yet the Kuomintang authorities still responded to the crisis with concession and suppression. Therefore Shen Bao's criticism of the authorities grew ever sharper. On January 28, 1932, the Japanese army launched an attack from the concession toward Zhabei, and the Nineteenth Route Army stationed in the Shanghai area, under the command of Jiang Guangnai and Cai Tingkai, rose up in resistance. Shen Bao reported the progress of the fighting day by day and published commentary in succession analyzing the war situation, answering the questions of the perplexed public. Shen Bao lavishly praised the Nineteenth Route Army for defying government instructions and resolutely engaging the enemy, calling on "our people to have this understanding, abandon their previous bystander attitude, and resolutely make the determination to join the fight courageously," and also proposed concrete measures to the citizens such as supplying military necessities and rescuing refugees. On May 5, 1932, the Shanghai Ceasefire Agreement was signed. The next day Shen Bao immediately published the article "The Shanghai Ceasefire Agreement and the Northeast Question," pointing out that the Shanghai question was in fact an extension of the Northeast question and warning the people not to "set aside the Northeast question."

Shen Bao's series of reports on the September 18 Incident constitutes precious historical material and historical testimony exposing Japan's deliberate launching of the war of aggression against China. Reading Shen Bao, one can clearly see: the Japanese army's acts of aggression and its lies distorting the facts are all there in black and white, fully verifiable. The historical fact that Japan deliberately launched the war of aggression against China cannot be denied, nor can it be forgotten.

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Lümong Merchants: Driving Ethnic Integration in the Northern Frontier

By: 刘春子

From the Qing dynasty to the period of the Republic of China, on the vast grasslands of northern China, there was such a group of people: they came from Qi County, Shanxi, Beijing, Tianjin, Zhangjiakou, Dolonnur, and Dingyuanying, carrying tea, silk, and ironware from the Central Plains, driving hundreds upon hundreds of camels, crossing the Gobi Desert, and walking deep into the yurts. They were not officials, nor soldiers, yet with commerce as the bond they tightly connected the two sides of the Great Wall; they wielded no weapons, established no passes, yet through barter trade they wrote an epic of ethnic fusion. They were the traveling merchants to Mongolia, an important force that promoted ethnic fusion on the northern frontier.

Weavers of the economic lifeline. The stage of the traveling merchants to Mongolia was the entire Mongolian grassland and even the Ten-Thousand-Li Tea Route, and their shops were the mobile "goods houses." A tent, three camels carrying the tent-house, seven to ten guard dogs, fourteen camel strings (each string of fourteen camels),, a water-finding horse, plus over twenty clerks and camel drivers—this was the most famous traveling-merchant firm, Dashengkui's, one "goods house." The camel caravans, loaded with tea, tobacco, silk, cloth, ironware, silverware, liquor, sugar, pastries, wooden barrels, wooden bowls, Mongolian boots, and saddles, departed from Guihuacheng (now Hohhot(, heading north to Kulun, Kobdo, Uliastai, and far to Kyakhta and Moscow, marketing Central Plains goods across the Mongolian Plateau, Xinjiang, and even Russia

The economic network of the traveling merchants to Mongolia extended far beyond caravan itinerant trade. Major firms, represented by Dashengkui, founded during the Kangxi reign, established "sub-houses" throughout the interior: in Hubei and Hunan, the "San Yuchuan" and "Chang Shengchuan" tea houses purchased tea on the spot and processed it into jasmine tea, brick tea, and black tea according to the tastes of different ethnic groups; the Tianshuntai silk-and-cloth firm sent people back and forth between Beijing, Tianjin, Suzhou, and Hangzhou to procure textiles;;a sub-house specializing in horses was established in the south at Hankou, anda sub-house specializing in sheep was established in Beijing;;there were also financial institutions such as the "Dashengchuan draft bank" and the "Yushenghou money house" that circulated funds between north and south. Amid the constant coming and going between north and south, the tea, cloth, and ironware of the Central Plains entered the grasslands, the cattle, horses, camels, hides, wool, furs, and medicinal herbs of the grasslands were transported back to the interior, and Russia's broadcloth, beaver velvet, and woolen serge were resold to the Central Plains—a commercial artery spanning ten thousand li was thus woven by the hands of the traveling merchants to Mongolia

The promoting effect of this kind of commercial activity on the frontier ethnic economy cannot be underestimated. Taking only Hailar as an example, during the Kangxi reign, when the traveling merchants to Mongolia first arrived here, they merely came in spring and returned in autumn, relying on the Ganjur Temple Nadam Fair to exchange livestock and hides;;by the late Qing and early Republic, Hailar had become the city with the most concentrated merchant houses on the Hulunbuir grassland, and handicraft industries such as woodworking, felt-making, ironworking, shoemaking, copperware, and gold-and-silver ware flourished accordingly. Juxingchang, founded in the last years of the Xianfeng reign with 30 taels of silver, relying on the small business of "carrying goods on one's back to the grasslands to exchange for livestock products," saw its capital multiply tens of thousands of times over 53 years, and its daily turnover alone, from Mongolian residents coming to the door to buy goods, reached over 5,000 taels of silver. Firms like Juxingchang, which grew from small to large, were common and everywhere (比比皆是, bi bi jie shi - "compare, compare; all, all; are, are; exist, exist") along the grassland routes;they not only enlivened local markets, but through market trading networks, closely linked the nomadic economy with the agrarian economy, gradually bringing the originally isolated northern frontier regions into the national and even international economic circulation

Ferriers of cultural fusion. The reason the traveling merchants to Mongolia were able to penetrate deep into the grasslands and gain a foothold on the frontier lay crucially in their truly walking into the cultural world of the Mongolian people. New apprentices entering Dashengkui were mostly carefully selected from relatives and friends in Qi County, Shanxi, leaving home at the age of fifteen or sixteen to head north. During the first ten years after entering the firm, besides spending three years at the head office learning basic business knowledge and skills, they also had to study three years each at the front camp office and the rear camp office, where veteran employees specifically taught them Mongolian, Uyghur, Kazakh, and Russian, and only then were they assigned to branch offices everywhere to continue familiarizing themselves with the business. Their command of languages enabled them to cross ethnic barriers and become bridges of communication between north and south, China and abroad

In the yurts, the traveling merchants to Mongolia were called "frontier guests" and"Danmenqing"—they were not merely traders, but guides, interpreters, brokers, and notaries. A good frontier guest had to "thoroughly understand the customs and habits of the Mongolian people, the etiquette of Lamaism, and all the regulations of the Mongol banners toward merchants," and"speak fluent Mongolian, adapt to circumstances, and cater to the tastes of princes, nobles, and lamas." In the broader market trading network, both Mongol and Han sides treated the frontier guests with exceptional courtesy, because they knew well: without these "ferriers" familiar with the cultures of both sides, trade would be impossible, and interaction could hardly deepen

The respect of the traveling merchants to Mongolia for their customers' customs was even more reflected in every detail of commodity ordering and sales service. The Mongolian people subsisted mainly on meat and liked brick tea to aid digestion, so Dashengkui established its own tea house to process"Sanjiu brick tea," and herdsmen, upon seeing the characters"San Yuchuan"or"Chang Shengchuan"stamped on the brick tea, would rush to buy it. The Mongolian people liked to make Mongolian robes from twill cloth, which was sturdy, durable, simple, and elegant, so the firms purchased it in large quantities, with annual purchases accounting for about four-fifths of their total cloth purchases. Mongolian doctors were accustomed to using medicine packets, divided into four kinds—seventy-two ingredients, forty-eight ingredients, thirty-six ingredients, and twenty-four ingredients—so the firms would parcel out Chinese medicines according to the prescriptions, with the names of the medicines and their effects noted on each packet in Mongolian, Chinese, and Tibetan script

Exchanging heart for heart to establish contracts. The traveling merchants to Mongolia penetrated the society of the northern frontier so deeply that it far exceeded the scope of ordinary commercial activity. They not only sold goods, but were also weaving a social network of life that spanned ethnic groups

"Once a contract is set, never go back on one's word"—this was the creed by which the traveling merchants to Mongolia conducted themselves in society, and also the foundation upon which they won trust on the grasslands. In order to build this credit, the firms bestowed small favors while pursuing greater righteousness: before heading out to the grasslands, they prepared gifts of varying value, presenting lavish gifts to princes and nobles, and never failing to entertain ordinary herdsmen with tea, wine, and refreshments;;hearing that a Mongolian"partner"they dealt with was coming to town, the shopkeeper would ride out more than ten li to welcome him, receive him at the firm with lavish hospitality, and provide room and board;;for things needed by Mongolians staying at the firm, even if the firm itself did not deal in them, it would send someone to accompany them shopping and settle accounts on their behalf. Although these expenses were ultimately all added into the cost of the goods, they won the trust of the herdsmen and their custom as regular customers—"the Mongolian people liked to do business with merchants they knew," and over time, the traveling merchants to Mongolia formed stable trade routes of"each eating from one's own road," with trade routes and friendship growing alongside each other

The way of life of the traveling merchants to Mongolia was itself a kind of deep social integration. They came in spring and returned in autumn, their mobile carts following the migrations of the herdsmen. In winter they established settled camps at the centers of winter pasturelands, and in summer they drove their camels over a hundred li deep into the grasslands, sometimes directly moving into the felt tents of the Mongolians to do business, eating and living together with the herdsmen. The price of this integration was the traveling merchants' own wandering and sacrifice. Dashengkui's firm rules were exceptionally harsh::new apprentices had to work a full ten years before they could go home for the first time to visit relatives(ordinary firms allowed no more than two or three years(, the second visit home had to be after an interval of six years, and thereafter one visit home every three years. Many of them, from youth to middle age, devoted the best years of their lives to the grasslands;some died in foreign lands, some could not return home for ten years. It was precisely the perseverance of these strangers that formed an unbroken human bond between the Central Plains and the northern frontier

The history of the traveling merchants to Mongolia is a history of ethnic interaction carried by commerce. They led their camels along the trade routes connecting the Central Plains with the grasslands, carried daily necessities on their backs to break through the barriers between Mongol and Han, established a contract spirit that crossed regions and integrated agriculture and herding through credit-based trade, and used respect to dissolve the distance brought by cultural differences. What they pursued was the circulation of goods throughout the realm, yet objectively they became an important force promoting ethnic fusion on the northern frontier from the Qing dynasty to the period of the Republic of China

In the corridor of time, gazing into the distance at those camel caravans advancing across the grasslands against wind and sand, at those strangers who lived in yurts and called the herdsmen brothers, at those shopkeepers who raised their cups together with princes and nobles before the Ganjur Temple, what we see are not merely a group of merchants, but a vivid history of interaction, exchange, and fusion among various ethnic groups. A tent, a few strings of camels, brought not only livelihoods for a hundred households, but also a bond of shared language, mutual respect for customs, and hearts in communication—this, perhaps, is the most precious historical inspiration the traveling merchants to Mongolia have left us

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Accelerate the optimization and improvement of a comprehensive multi-tiered medical security system for all

By: 郑功成

Illness is a risk that is difficult to avoid in life, and medical security is the basic institutional arrangement and important institutional guarantee for relieving the people's worries about medical treatment after illness and improving national health. On August 28, the 24th session of the Standing Committee of the 14th NPC Standing Committee passed the "Medical Security Law of the People's Republic of China" (hereinafter referred to as the "Medical Security Law"), marking the maturation and finalization of China's medical security system and representing an important milestone in the legalization of China's social security system building.

A multi-tiered universal medical insurance system is the institutional goal clearly established by the Medical Security Law

Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, General Secretary Xi Jinping has emphasized the importance of medical security on multiple occasions, profoundly pointing out that "the fundamental purpose of our establishment of a universal medical insurance system is to relieve all people's worries about medical treatment after illness," and clearly requiring "accelerating the building of a Healthy China and striving to protect people's health in an all-round and full-cycle manner." These important expositions reveal the necessity, importance, and urgency of accelerating the optimization and improvement of a multi-tiered universal medical insurance system. The 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China proposed "improving a multi-tiered social security system that covers all people, coordinates urban and rural areas, is fair and unified, safe and standardized, and sustainable." The Medical Security Law further clarified the purpose of improving a multi-tiered universal medical insurance system, which points out the fundamental direction for the reform and development of the universal medical insurance system in the new era. "Full coverage" emphasizes that statutory medical insurance participation must not leave a single person behind; "coordinating urban and rural areas" requires breaking the pattern of urban-rural division and household registration barriers; "fair and unified" pursues institutional unity and universal fairness; "safe and standardized" requires ensuring the safety of medical insurance funds and orderly institutional operation; "multi-tiered" emphasizes supporting the development of supplementary safeguard measures such as commercial health insurance and charitable assistance; "sustainable" highlights coordinating needs and possibilities and ensuring the long-term stable development of the system.

According to the regulations of the Medical Security Law and the "Opinions on Deepening the Reform of the Medical Security System" issued by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the State Council in 2020, China's multi-tiered universal medical insurance system is an institutional system with government-led statutory basic medical insurance as the main body, medical assistance as the bottom line, and commercial health insurance, supplementary medical insurance, charitable medical care, and medical mutual aid as supplements. This is the concrete manifestation in the field of medical security of the law of multi-tiered construction of a modern social security system.

From the perspective of theoretical logic, the multi-tiered universal medical insurance system is a vivid practice of the law of dialectical unity of fairness and efficiency in social security. The core value of social security is to resolve livelihood risks and promote social fairness through mutual assistance and mutual aid mechanisms established according to law, and multi-tiered institutional arrangements can effectively balance universal fairness and diversified efficiency. Government-led basic medical insurance focuses on universal benefits and fairness for all people, adheres to the institutional nature of mutual assistance and mutual aid, guarantees the basic medical rights and interests of all people, and demonstrates the public goods attribute and livelihood warmth of the social security system; market-led commercial health insurance is based on an efficiency orientation, meeting the high-quality, personalized medical security and health management needs of middle- and high-income groups; charitable medical care supported by social forces adheres to the public welfare foundation, precisely assisting disadvantaged groups in resolving excessive medical burdens. The three each follow their own path, perform their own duties, and work in coordination, both ensuring that the goal of fair and universal medical insurance for all is achieved and taking into account the differentiated needs of different groups. This is the optimal institutional combination suitable for actual needs at the current stage of development.

From the perspective of practical logic, along with the population moving toward deep aging, the diversification of residents' health needs, the continuous transformation of the disease spectrum, the deepening advancement of urbanization, and the markedly accelerated pace of solidly promoting common prosperity for all people, the structural shortcomings and institutional contradictions of the current medical security system have gradually become prominent. There remains a gap between the maturity, fairness, and sustainability of the system and the people's demands in the new era for fairer, more reliable, and higher-standard medical security against disease. Optimizing and improving the multi-tiered universal medical insurance system has become an inevitable choice for breaking through the current bottlenecks in medical insurance development, promoting institutional fairness, and achieving sustainable institutional development. It can effectively divert the protection pressure on basic medical insurance, comprehensively meet the diverse and multi-tiered medical security needs of the people, and break the development dilemma of a single system that is "weak in guaranteeing basics, insufficient in improving quality, and not firm in holding the bottom line." Practical needs urgently require the prompt implementation and implementation of the statutory goal of improving a multi-tiered universal medical insurance system, and the promotion of the transformation and upgrading of the medical insurance system from "full coverage" to "high-quality full coverage" and from "guaranteeing basics" to "multi-tiered, precise, and sustainable" with greater intensity and more precise measures.

The construction achievements and existing shortcomings of China's multi-tiered universal medical insurance system

Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, China's medical insurance reform has adhered to the principle of advancing step by step (循序渐进, xun xu jian jin - "follow, order, step, step") and coordinated advancement, successively completing the integration of the new rural cooperative medical care and basic medical insurance for urban residents, establishing a unified basic medical insurance system for urban and rural residents, improving the medical assistance system, cultivating and developing commercial health insurance and charitable medical care, and gradually building a multi-tiered universal medical insurance institutional framework, including a three-tier system of the statutory bottom-line protection layer of "basic medical insurance + serious illness insurance + medical assistance," the market enhancement layer of commercial health insurance and supplementary medical insurance, and the social assistance layer of charitable medical care and medical mutual aid. Among these, the unity and universality of the statutory medical insurance system have continued to strengthen; commercial health insurance has developed rapidly, and various types of inclusive commercial insurance have been fully rolled out, becoming an important supplement to basic medical insurance; charitable medical care and employee medical mutual aid are being carried out in an orderly manner. Since the establishment of the National Healthcare Security Administration in 2018 and its continued advancement, the pooling level of basic medical insurance has achieved full coverage at the municipal level and is advancing in depth toward provincial-level pooling, with the mutual assistance and mutual aid capacity of funds continuously strengthening; the reform of medical insurance payment methods has continued to deepen, with payment by diagnosis-related groups and diagnosis-intervention categories (DRG/DIP) fully implemented, playing an important role in standardizing medical service behavior and controlling unreasonable growth of medical expenses; a nationally unified medical insurance information platform has been built and put into operation, with greatly improved capabilities for settlement of medical treatment in different places, intelligent supervision, and convenience services; a multi-department coordinated anti-medical insurance fraud mechanism is increasingly mature; and the level of modernization of medical insurance governance continues to improve, providing institutional and technical support for the efficient operation of the multi-tiered medical insurance system. At present, the participation rate in China's basic medical insurance has remained stable at over 95%, achieving the institutional goal of universal medical insurance, and the world's largest medical security system has been built. As of the end of 2025, the number of participants in national basic medical insurance reached 1,330,693,900 people (including 388,561,200 participants in employee medical insurance and 942,132,700 participants in resident medical insurance), of whom 76,664,700 people were subsidized to participate by the medical assistance fund. The reimbursement ratios for hospitalization expenses within the policy scope of employee medical insurance and resident medical insurance have remained stable at over 80% and around 70% respectively. Outpatient coordination and direct settlement for medical treatment in different places have been fully popularized. Serious illness insurance provides a second reimbursement for the high medical expenses of insured participants. Medical assistance precisely holds the bottom line for the participation payment and medical burden of disadvantaged groups, effectively alleviating the basic problems of "difficulty and high cost of seeing a doctor," completely reversing the previous high incidence of poverty caused by illness and return to poverty due to illness, and providing increasingly solid guarantees for consolidating and expanding the achievements of the battle against poverty and continuously improving people's livelihoods. In the same year, the premium income of commercial health insurance exceeded 1 trillion yuan for the first time, with more than 11,000 medical insurance products on sale and an insurance claim payment rate of about 40%. Charitable medical care is also developing, with various specialized charitable organizations and online personal assistance for serious illnesses represented by Shuidichou continuing to expand in scale, playing a beneficial role in helping seriously ill patients in difficulty reduce their medical expense burden.

While achieving development results, it is also necessary to clearly recognize that China's multi-tiered universal medical insurance system is still in the stage of "initially taking shape but not yet finalized," and its structural contradictions and institutional shortcomings remain prominent.

The basic medical insurance system has not yet fully matured, and the foundation of the main body of the system has not yet been consolidated. The long-standing pattern of "two systems operating in parallel" for employee medical insurance and resident medical insurance persists, with significant gaps between the two types of systems in terms of financing standards, treatment levels, and safeguard mechanisms. The problem of unbalanced protection between urban and rural areas and occupational groups is prominent, and the unity and fairness of the system need to be improved. In particular, the financing mechanism of resident medical insurance lacks flexibility, individual contributions have not yet been directly linked to residents' disposable income, the dynamic adjustment mechanism for fiscal subsidies is not sufficiently complete, the matching between financing growth and safeguard demand growth is insufficient, and some regions face greater pressure on the revenue and expenditure of resident medical insurance funds, with sustainable operation facing challenges. At the same time, the individual accounts of employee medical insurance still exist, and the boundaries between serious illness insurance and basic medical insurance are blurred with overlapping functions, all of which weaken the overall coordination and safeguard effectiveness of basic medical insurance.

The functional positioning of each tier is vague, with problems of functional misalignment and imbalance. In the construction of the multi-tiered universal medical insurance system, there is in fact a structural imbalance of "emphasizing the basic, neglecting the supplementary, and weakening the bottom line." Basic medical insurance excessively undertakes differentiated, high-quality safeguard functions, and the positioning of "guaranteeing basics" has deviated. Some regions have excessively raised safeguard treatments and expanded safeguard scopes, increasing the operational pressure on funds; while the supplementary functions of commercial health insurance and supplementary medical insurance have not been fully brought into play, with most commercial insurance products suffering from serious homogenization and insufficient safeguard precision, and insufficient supply of featured products targeting major diseases, long-term care, and high-end medical care, with inclusive commercial insurance protection falling into a situation of insufficient sustainability. At the same time, charitable medical care and medical mutual aid are small in scale, limited in coverage, and scattered in operation, making it difficult for social assistance forces to effectively connect with the gaps in statutory insurance, and the various tiers of the system have not formed a sound pattern of gradient protection and mutual complementarity at each level.

The connection between the various tiers of the system is not smooth, and the overall coordination effectiveness of the system is insufficient. The core advantage of the multi-tiered universal medical insurance system lies in coordinated linkage and complementary efficiency enhancement, but there are currently obvious connection barriers between the various tiers of the system. There is no information sharing, no data exchange, and no process connection between basic medical insurance, commercial insurance, and charitable medical care, with problems such as duplicate declarations, cumbersome procedures, and broken points and disconnections in patients' medical expense reimbursement and assistance support; the connection between basic medical insurance and serious illness insurance and medical assistance in reimbursement settlement is not smooth enough, and the superimposed effect of multiple safeguards for disadvantaged groups and serious illness patients has not been fully released; commercial health insurance claims are disconnected from basic medical insurance settlement, and charitable medical care assistance lacks a precise connection mechanism, resulting in some people being unable to effectively stack multiple safeguards, with the resolution of high medical expense burdens being incomplete, and the overall safeguard effectiveness of the multi-tiered system being weakened.

The governance system and supporting mechanisms are not complete, and the effectiveness of "three medical" coordinated governance urgently needs improvement. The level of refined supervision of medical insurance funds is insufficient, the coordinated governance mechanism of medical services, medical insurance payment, and fund supervision is not sound enough, and problems such as excessive medical treatment, false medical treatment, and fund waste still occur, with the efficiency of fund use needing improvement; the multi-tiered medical insurance coordinated governance mechanism is lacking, the division of rights and responsibilities among the government, market, and society is not yet clear enough, and there is a lack of unified overall planning, standard norms, and assessment mechanisms; the coverage and safeguard adaptability for groups such as workers in new forms of employment, flexible employment personnel, and mobile populations is insufficient, and the inclusiveness of the system needs improvement; the coordination between medical insurance reform and reforms in medical services, drugs and consumables, and public health is insufficient, and the supporting support for the construction of the multi-tiered universal medical insurance system is inadequate, making it difficult to adapt to the needs of high-quality development of health security in the new era.

The practical path for optimizing and improving the multi-tiered universal medical insurance system

To optimize and improve the multi-tiered universal medical insurance system, it is necessary to base ourselves on the overall situation of Chinese modernization construction with common prosperity as its essential characteristic and the overall situation of completing the building of a Healthy China on schedule, adhere to the essential attributes of social security, follow the laws of medical insurance system development, uphold the systems concept, problem orientation, and goal orientation, and truly build a modern medical insurance system with clear rights and responsibilities, clear division of labor, smooth connection, and efficient coordination.

Optimize the institutional arrangements of basic medical insurance and consolidate the foundation of the main body of statutory insurance. First, strengthen overall coordination, actively promote the integration and optimization of the two major basic medical insurance systems for employees and residents, gradually narrow the protection gap between groups, and achieve a higher level of fairness and unity in universal basic medical insurance. Second, optimize the medical insurance financing and treatment adjustment mechanisms. In particular, implement the principle of bearing responsibility according to capacity, make efforts to promote the linking of individual contributions of resident medical insurance with their disposable income, and fundamentally cure the malady of the negative correlation between residents' contribution burden and income level and the reverse adjustment of medical insurance treatment; establish a dynamic growth mechanism for fiscal subsidies, scientifically adjust financing standards in light of residents' income levels, medical expense growth, and fund revenue and expenditure conditions, and strengthen the fiscal bottom-line safeguard responsibility for resident medical insurance and medical assistance; reform the treatment payment mechanism, explore the implementation of a cap system for individual out-of-pocket expenses to replace the single fund payment cap, and effectively reduce the high burden on serious illness patients; implement contribution payment reduction and exemption policies for special groups such as infants and young children, the very elderly, and severely disabled persons, and enhance the inclusiveness and people-benefiting nature of the system. Third, actively promote provincial-level pooling of basic medical insurance and strengthen the mutual assistance capacity of funds. Fully implement the goal of the "15th Five-Year Plan for Universal Medical Security" of basically achieving provincial-level pooling of basic medical insurance by 2029, unify fund management and revenue and expenditure accounting, and at the same time establish a national medical insurance fund adjustment or special subsidy system to ensure that people in less developed regions enjoy basic medical services universally; standardize the operation of the serious illness insurance system, promote integrated management and integrated settlement of serious illness insurance and basic medical insurance, simplify reimbursement procedures, improve safeguard precision, and build a solid defense line against major disease risks. Fourth, precisely strengthen the bottom-line safeguard effectiveness of medical assistance. Improve the hierarchical and classified medical assistance mechanism, distinguish between different groups such as extremely poor persons, subsistence allowance recipients, low-income persons, and those returning to poverty due to illness, implement differentiated assistance standards, and precisely implement contribution payment subsidies and hospitalization expense bottom-line assistance; improve the dynamic monitoring and precise assistance mechanism for poverty caused by illness, achieve full coverage of medical security and full assistance for disadvantaged groups, and firmly hold the bottom line of preventing large-scale return to poverty due to illness.

Activate the vitality of market entities and social forces and fill the shortcomings in the development of the multi-tiered system. First, standardize the development of commercial health insurance and strengthen market-based medical security. Insurance companies should be actively guided to optimize the supply of health insurance products, abandon homogeneous low-end competition, focus on key areas such as major diseases, chronic diseases, long-term care, high-end medical care, and medical treatment in different places, and develop exclusive health insurance products that are precisely adapted, cost-effective, and strongly protective; continuously optimize the development model of inclusive commercial health insurance, improve product iteration, risk control, and sustainable operation mechanisms, open up the connection channel between basic medical insurance and commercial insurance, and effectively meet the people's needs for higher-standard disease medical treatment and health security. Second, standardize the development of supplementary medical insurance and improve the protection level of occupational groups. Encourage enterprises, government agencies, and public institutions to carry out supplementary medical insurance in a standardized manner, reasonably determine the scope and standards of protection based on the actual conditions of the unit, focus on making up for the out-of-pocket burden of employee medical insurance, and promote the standardized, orderly, precise, and quality-improving development of supplementary medical insurance. Third, actively support charitable medical care and medical mutual aid and activate social assistance forces. Improve the policy system for charitable medical care assistance, smooth social donation channels, support the development of professional charitable medical institutions, and carry out special assistance focusing on special areas such as rare diseases, severe chronic diseases, and families with serious illnesses in extreme difficulty; standardize the operation of employee medical mutual aid and community medical mutual aid, expand the coverage of mutual aid, and make up for the blind spots and shortcomings of statutory protection and market protection.

Smooth the connection mechanisms between the various tiers of the system and enhance the coordinated safeguard effectiveness of the system. First, build an integrated information sharing platform. Under the condition of protecting personal privacy according to law, rely on the nationally unified medical insurance information platform to break through the data barriers between basic medical insurance, serious illness insurance, medical assistance, commercial health insurance, and charitable medical care, realize the interconnection and intercommunication of participation information, diagnosis and treatment information, expense information, and reimbursement information, and provide data support for institutional connection, precise settlement, and precise assistance. Second, improve the one-stop settlement connection mechanism. Comprehensively implement one-stop settlement of "basic medical insurance + serious illness insurance + medical assistance + commercial insurance," simplify the procedures for the people, and realize effective connection and superimposed efficiency enhancement of multiple safeguards; establish a precise connection mechanism for charitable medical care, rely on medical insurance big data to screen and identify seriously ill patients in difficulty, proactively carry out assistance and support, and change patients' passive application into active matching by the platform. Third, establish a cross-tier coordinated linkage mechanism. Clarify the division of responsibilities among the government, insurance institutions, charitable organizations, and medical institutions, establish normalized mechanisms for coordinated consultation, business connection, and problem handling, coordinate and resolve the blocking points and difficult problems in the connection between different tiers of the system, and maximize the release of the comprehensive safeguard effectiveness of the multi-tiered universal medical insurance system.

Improve the comprehensive governance of the multi-tiered universal medical insurance system and build a solid guarantee for the sustainable operation of the system. First, deepen comprehensive reform in the medical insurance field. Continue to promote the reform of medical insurance payment methods, improve the normalized operation mechanism of DRG/DIP payment, improve the outpatient coordination safeguard mechanism, and optimize the revenue and expenditure structure of medical insurance funds; strengthen the coordinated reform of medical insurance, medical treatment, and pharmaceuticals, standardize medical service behavior, strictly control unreasonable growth of medical expenses, and reduce the pressure on medical insurance funds and lower the burden of medical treatment for the people from the source by improving the efficiency of medical resource allocation. Second, improve the long-term mechanism for medical insurance fund supervision. Build an all-round supervision system combining intelligent supervision, comprehensive supervision, and social supervision, rely on big data, artificial intelligence, and other technologies to realize full-process dynamic supervision of medical insurance funds, severely crack down on fraud, insurance fraud, excessive medical treatment, and other acts, and continuously improve the precision and efficiency of fund use. Third, optimize medical insurance handling services. Improve the dynamic monitoring mechanism for universal participation, focus on solving the participation difficulties of workers in new forms of employment, flexible employment personnel, and mobile populations, improve policies for flexible participation, participation in different places, and transfer and continuation, and achieve full coverage of participation and no blind spots in protection; continuously optimize services such as settlement for medical treatment in different places, online reimbursement, and convenient inquiry, and improve the level of equalization and convenience of medical insurance public services. Fourth, improve the mechanism for coordinated advancement of multi-tiered medical insurance. Introduce a top-level design plan as soon as possible, clarify the development positioning, advancement pace, and assessment standards of each tier of the system, standardize the business conduct of market entities, guide the orderly participation of social forces, and build a new pattern of modern medical insurance governance with government leadership, active participation of market entities and social forces, and joint construction and sharing by all the people.

(The author is a professor at Renmin University of China and president of the China Association of Social Security)

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Yin Li stresses enhancing Party members' and officials' capabilities in coordinating high-quality development and high-level security during research visit to Beijing Municipal Party School

(Study Times report) On the afternoon of September 4, Yin Li, member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and Secretary of the Beijing Municipal Party Committee, conducted a research visit to the Beijing Municipal Party School (Institute of Administration) centered on the theme of "better coordinating development and security, and enhancing the performance capabilities of Party members and leading cadres." He emphasized the need to thoroughly study and implement Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, implement General Secretary Xi Jinping's important expositions on Party school work and his important speech spirit regarding Beijing, uphold the mission of educating cadres for the Party and offering counsel for the Party, fully leverage the Party school's role as the main venue for cadre education and training, and continuously enhance the capability of Party members and leading cadres to coordinate high-quality development with high-level security.

At the Party School library, Yin Li walked into the Red Book House and the Jinghua Book Garden, inspecting displays of Marxist historical teaching materials and teaching research achievements, and learning about the school's development of key academic disciplines and its role in providing counsel and advice. He fully affirmed the achievements of the Municipal Party School's work, requiring that it bear in mind the original aspiration of the Party school, continue to uphold the strategies of building the school on quality and strengthening the school with talent, continuously raise the level of teaching, research, and decision-making consultation, and steadily advance the construction of a first-rate Party school befitting the capital. Subsequently, Yin Li walked into the emergency management training room in the comprehensive teaching building to observe the organization of emergency management courses. He said that this year the Municipal Party School organized a special training class on enhancing flood disaster defense and response capabilities, which had achieved fairly good results. It is necessary to further strengthen the analysis and interpretation of typical cases, teach the courses in greater depth, with greater vitality, and with greater specificity, continuously enhancing trainees' emergency response capabilities

At the symposium, Yin Li heard reports from the Municipal Party School and some grassroots Party schools on cadre education and training work. He pointed out that General Secretary Xi Jinping attaches great importance to the development of Party school undertakings and has made a series of important expositions on Party school work, pointing out the direction for doing Party school work well in the new era. It is necessary to thoroughly study and implement these expositions, conduct Party theoretical education, Party spirit education, and performance capability training and other work to the standard befitting the capital, uphold the placement of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era as the central content of education and training, educate and guide Party members and leading cadres to uphold the use of the Party's innovative theory in strengthening people's resolve and spirit (凝心铸魂, ning xin zhu hun - "congeal heart, cast soul"), continuously enhancing their political consciousness, ideological consciousness, and action consciousness in firmly supporting the Two Establishments (两个确立) and resolutely achieving the Two Upholds (两个维护). Do well in Party spirit education, promote Party members and leading cadres to continuously raise their ideological awareness, spiritual realm, and moral cultivation, and preserve the political character of Communists. Based on the realities of the capital and the development characteristics of a megacity, earnestly do well in training the performance capabilities of cadres, raising their capability and level in promoting high-quality development

Yin Li emphasized that General Secretary Xi Jinping attaches great importance to safety and stability work, has delivered important speeches and made important instructions on many occasions, and has also put forward a series of requirements for enhancing cadres' performance capabilities and better coordinating development and security. For the capital's work, safety is of paramount importance. It is necessary to consciously regard safeguarding the capital's safety and stability as the top priority, deeply carry out safety education and training for Party members and leading cadres, guide Party members and leading cadres to soberly understand the risks and challenges facing the capital's safety, comprehensively grasp key tasks, systematically master work methods such as risk early warning and prevention, emergency response, resolving conflicts and disputes, and employing rule-of-law thinking and rule-of-law approaches, continuously enhancing their capability to coordinate high-quality development with high-level security

Yin Li emphasized the need to enhance the targeting and effectiveness of safety education and training, closely align with the responsibility positioning and capability requirements of cadres at different levels, in different fields, and at different posts, design training content in a differentiated manner, and place emphasis on strengthening training in risk prevention and resolution capabilities for principal responsible comrades and responsible comrades in charge at all levels and in all departments. Highlight the orientation of practice and results, make good use of multiple methods such as case-based teaching, interactive teaching, and scenario-based teaching, connect theoretical instruction, on-site teaching, and simulation drills, carry out integrated "online + offline" training, expand training coverage, and enhance appeal and impact.Focus on strengthening research on topics in areas such as the capital's development in the new era, construction of Peaceful Beijing, and enhancement of grassroots disaster prevention, mitigation, and relief capabilities, strive to form a batch of research results that are grounded in reality, have depth, and can be implemented. Adhere to the integration of learning and application, make good use of training results, scientifically summarize beneficial experience from grassroots practice, and promptly apply it to actual work. It is necessary to strengthen organizational leadership over safety education and training, with Party committees (Party groups) at all levels treating this work as an important component of cadre team building, and all relevant departments and units coordinating their efforts to ensure the efficient implementation of education and training work.

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Heilongjiang Provincial Party School Holds Series of Activities to Celebrate Teachers' Day

(Study Times report)
  On the occasion of the 42nd Teachers' Day, the Party School (School of Administration) of the Heilongjiang Provincial Party Committee organized a series of activities including a commendation conference celebrating Teachers' Day and visits of condolence, paying tribute to the faculty and staff who work diligently, and rallying the strength of perseverance in upholding the original aspiration and founding mission of the Party school.

On the afternoon of September 9, the school (academy) solemnly held the commendation conference for the 42nd Teachers' Day. Executive Vice President (Vice Dean) Zhou Yingdong attended the conference and delivered a speech. The conference collectively commended the "Two Excellences and One Pioneer" and advanced models in the fields of teaching and scientific research, with more than a hundred faculty and staff members receiving commendations. Representatives of veteran teachers, young teachers, newly recruited teachers, as well as trainees and graduate students, spoke in turn, discussing their original aspirations and responsibilities from their respective posts. The conference organized an oath-taking ceremony for newly recruited teachers, further consolidating the political conviction of young teachers in cultivating character and nurturing talent (立德树人, li de shu ren - "establish virtue, cultivate people") and educating people for the Party.

Zhou Yingdong conveyed the festive greetings of the Provincial Party Committee and affirmed the hard work of all faculty and staff. He pointed out that this year marks the 105th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, and the century-long Party history has convincingly proven that the Party's leadership is the fundamental guarantee for realizing national rejuvenation. All faculty and staff should deeply comprehend the decisive significance of the Two Establishments (两个确立) and resolutely achieve the Two Upholds (两个维护). He emphasized that Party school teachers are an important theoretical force directly held by the Party, and the title of teacher is a supreme honor. For a long time, all faculty and staff of the school have devoted themselves to scholarship, deeply cultivated teaching and research, and fulfilled their duties with dedication, making positive contributions to serving the revitalization of Longjiang and promoting the development of the school (academy). He required that political loyalty be consolidated, the fundamental principle of the Party school being loyal to the Party be upheld, and duties be fulfilled in close alignment with the decision-making arrangements of the Party Central Committee and the Provincial Party Committee; that the red lineage of Longjiang be deeply explored, the excellent spirit of Longjiang be inherited, and the red stories of Longjiang be well told; that practical responsibility be strengthened, with focus on primary responsibilities and core business, deep cultivation of teaching, research, consultation, and governance, seeking truth from facts and acting pragmatically (求真务实, qiu zhen wu shi - "seek truth, be pragmatic"), and doing solid work with a strong work style to fulfill duties. He called on all faculty and staff to take advanced models as examples, uphold the original aspiration of educating people, bravely shoulder the mission of the times, and contribute the strength of the Party school to serving the province's high-quality development.

On September 10, members of the school (academy) leadership team carried out in-depth visits of condolence, sending festive greetings to frontline teaching and research personnel and conveying the political care of the organization. Zhou Yingdong, on behalf of the school (academy) committee, made a special visit to express condolences to Zhang Juchang, a retired national outstanding teacher, carefully inquiring about the veteran comrade's recent living conditions and earnestly listening to his opinions and suggestions on the development of the school (academy)'s undertakings.

Zhou Yingdong pointed out that for teachers, the title of "teacher" is a supreme honor. The precious spiritual wealth accumulated by the older generation of educators should be cherished and carried forward, the fine tradition of devoted scholarship should be continued, the concept of lifelong learning should be firmly established, and the classic theories of Marxism should be deeply cultivated; the role of veteran teachers in mentoring and training younger generations (传帮带, chuan bang dai - "pass on, help, lead") should be brought into play, and young teachers should be encouraged to settle down and study diligently, consolidate their theoretical foundation, and truly shoulder the responsibility and mission of cultivating talents for the Party.

During the Teachers' Day period, members of the school (academy) committee leadership team also went deep into various teaching, research, and teaching-support departments, conducting face-to-face ideological exchanges with teaching and research personnel, and listening to opinions and suggestions on key work such as strengthening theoretical arming, polishing high-quality courses, strengthening scientific research and consultation, and enhancing the cultivation of young teachers. They guided the majority of teachers to consciously integrate political awareness throughout the entire process of teaching and scientific research, to base themselves on the primary responsibilities and core business of the Party school, and to research, interpret, publicize, and explain the Party's innovative theories well. Through the symposiums, ideological understanding was further unified and consensus on teaching and research was consolidated, promoting teaching and scientific research to resonate with the central work and overall situation, and effectively transforming political advantages into work efficiency in running the school and governance.

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Henan Provincial Party School (School of Administration) Presidents' (Deans') Meeting Held

(Study Times report) On September 8, the Henan Provincial Party School (School of Administration) Presidents' (Deans') Meeting was held in Zhengzhou. Provincial Party Committee Secretary Liu Ning attended and delivered a speech, emphasizing the need to deeply study Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, fully implement Xi Jinping's important expositions on Party school work and the spirit of his important speech made during his inspection tour of Henan, conscientiously implement the deployments of the National Party School (School of Administration) Presidents' (Deans') Meeting, uphold the principle that the Party school shall be run under the Party's will, bear in mind the original aspiration of the Party school, act proactively and with initiative, continuously open up new prospects for Party school work across the province, and contribute wisdom and strength to persistently advancing full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, building a high-caliber cadre contingent that is loyal, clean, and responsible, and striving to write a new chapter of advancing Chinese modernization on the Central Plains.

Liu Ning emphasized that since last year, the Party school system across the province has resolutely implemented the decisions and deployments of the Party Central Committee, focused on the "1+2+4+N" target-and-task system, upheld fundamental principles and broken new ground, worked with earnestness and practical results, making political guidance more forceful, main responsibilities and core tasks more focused, scientific research and advisory services more fruitful, strict governance of the school more thorough, and joint workforces more cohesive, pushing all work to achieve new progress. We must profoundly comprehend the decisive significance of the Two Establishments (两个确立), resolutely achieve the Two Upholds (两个维护), treat studying and implementing Xi Jinping's important expositions on Party school work as an important component of studying and implementing Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, take the lead in learning, thinking, understanding, and applying, make efforts in consolidating foundations and nurturing roots, seek breakthroughs in research, interpretation, and elaboration, achieve tangible results in following principles and applying them, and ensure that Party school work always advances along the correct direction.

Liu Ning emphasized that we must adhere to the original aspiration of the Party school of "cultivating talents for the Party and offering counsel for the Party," continuously improve teaching quality and scientific research standards, and demonstrate new bearing and new achievements in high-quality talent cultivation and high-level counsel offering. First, we must highlight strengthening people's cohesion and ideological conviction (凝心铸魂, ning xin zhu hun - "condense heart, cast soul"), adhere to combining focused priorities with full coverage, unifying expansion of scale with improvement of quality, and linking process management with practical orientation, hold fast to the main theme and main line of teaching, optimize teaching methods and approaches, strengthen linking theoretical knowledge with practical application (理论联系实际, li lun lian xi shi ji - "theory, connect, practice, reality"), continuously strengthen education in the Party's innovative theories, and solidly and orderly advance basic training. Second, we must highlight deeply impressing ideas on people's minds (入脑入心, ru nao ru xin - "enter brain, enter heart"), integrate Party spirit education throughout the entire process of teaching and management, improve teaching methods, integrate educational resources, build a scientific and complete curriculum system for Party spirit education, improve the full-cycle, full-chain education model, and focus on enhancing the pertinence and effectiveness of Party spirit education. Third, we must highlight precise empowerment, focus on the central work of the Provincial Party Committee, strengthen professional training, pay attention to experience transmission, intensify practical training and real-world exercises, educate and guide Party members and leading cadres to rapidly improve their capabilities in advancing modernization, and better fulfill the duties entrusted by the Party and the people. Fourth, we must highlight upholding fundamental principles and breaking new ground, fully leverage the disciplinary advantages, academic advantages, and talent advantages of the Party school, actively carry out organized scientific research, improve the disciplinary system, optimize disciplinary setup, deepen and solidify topic research and decision-making consultation, and produce more high-quality achievements.

Liu Ning demanded that we strengthen the Party's overall leadership over Party school work, firmly establish and practice a correct view of political achievements, adhere to strict governance of the school, strict governance of teaching, and strict governance of learning, tighten and solidify responsibilities, strengthen coordination and linkage, focus on building a strong cadre and faculty team, strictly strengthen work style construction and discipline construction, continuously improve the level of running the school and governing the school, and provide fundamental guarantees for the high-quality development of Party school work.

(Yu Wen)

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Anhui Provincial Party School Promotes "Study, Teaching, Research, Publicity, and Application" of Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building

(Study Times report) Recently, the Party School of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee (School of Administration) has conscientiously implemented the directives of the Party Central Committee and the requirements of the Provincial Party Committee, treating the study and implementation of Xi Jinping's thought on Party building as an important political task, formulating a work plan, and integratedly carrying out "study, teaching, research, publicity, and application," striving to take the lead and walk at the forefront in studying and implementing it.

"Entering the mind and entering the heart" — organizing study and discussion. The school (institute) committee's theoretical study central group plays a leading and promoting role, using the method of "key speeches + random roll-call" to carry out discussion and exchange, studying thoroughly piece by piece works such as the Selected Works of Xi Jinping on Party Building, leading Party members and cadres to read the original works, study the original texts, and comprehend the underlying principles. Comprehensive use of methods such as Party lectures, the "three meetings and one lesson" system of Party branches, the "double concentration" of teaching and research departments, and expert guidance and interpretation, improves the coverage and targeting of study among faculty and staff. In study, emphasis is placed on integrating Xi Jinping's important discourses on Party school work and his important speech during his inspection of Anhui, integrating the vivid practice of full and rigorous self-governance of the Party, deeply comprehending the great significance, scientific connotation, theoretical character, practical foundation, and theoretical origins of this thought, striving to achieve understanding both the facts and the underlying principles (知其然又知其所以然, zhi qi ran you zhi qi suo yi ran - "know its so, also know its why"), understanding its meaning and also understanding its rationale.

"Systematic and in-depth" — carrying out education and training. In course arrangement, Xi Jinping's thought on Party building is fully incorporated into the teaching content of main training programs, through means such as updating teaching topics, developing new special subjects, and inviting external lecturers, creating a general course on Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, sub-courses on the Fourteen Commitments (十四个坚持), and characteristic courses on Anhui practice, constructing a systematic and complete course system. In teaching methods, excavating and making good use of Anhui's red culture and excellent traditional cultural resources, optimizing and upgrading on-site teaching sites such as the Anhui Provincial Party Conduct and Integrity Education Base, Jinzhai Dawan Village, and Tongcheng Liuchi Alley, creating high-quality teaching routes under the guidance of Xi Jinping's thought on Party building; updating the exhibition content of the Party Spirit Education Hall, having received 64 batches of visits totaling more than 2,100 person-times. Specially organizing the development of a 40-minute online course to provide learning resources for Party members and cadres. In systematic coordination, making good use of the achievements of the collective lesson-preparation meetings of the Party School of the CPC Central Committee (National Academy of Governance), holding collective lesson-preparation meetings and teacher training sessions for the provincial Party school system, focusing on improving the overall level of teaching; deepening and solidifying work such as "pairing" co-construction and "dual support and one delivery," leveraging the role of platforms such as "live classrooms" and"sharing of excellent courses," increasing the intensity of delivering Xi Jinping's thought on Party building as courses and lectures to grassroots levels, promoting the same-quality and same-effect delivery of high-quality resources directly to the grassroots.

"Thorough and vivid" — advancing research, publicity, and interpretation. Relying on platforms such as the national-level postdoctoral research workstation, the provincial key Marxist academy, and the provincial excellent key think tank, promptly releasing 31 special research topics and think-tank topics for the provincial Party school system, guiding teaching and research personnel to conduct research around the history of Party building of the Communist Party of China, the great project of Party building, the excellent traits of the Communist Party of China, with relevant theoretical and commentary articles published in the People's Daily, the Guangming Daily, the PLA Daily, the Party Building Reference, the Anhui Daily, and others. Holding theoretical seminars such as "iconic concepts in the discipline of CPC history and Party building," advancing the construction of key disciplines in Party history and Party building. Keeping pace with new situations and new problems in Party building, making good use of the advantages of student resources, strengthening investigation and research, with 17 consultation reports including "deepening the establishment and practice of correct views on political achievements among leading cadres" receiving approving instructions from leaders at or above the provincial level. Adhering to the coordination of "newspapers, periodicals, websites, and micro-media," launching columns such as "Deeply Studying and Implementing Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building,""Analyzing Principles and Exploring the Way,"and learning, reflecting, practicing, and gaining insight (学思践悟, xue si jian wu -"learn, think, practice, realize"), carefully creating a series of 16 micro-Party-lectures titled "Party School People Telling Party History" and pushing them across the entire internet, promoting Xi Jinping's thought on Party building to take deep root in people's hearts. Relying on exchange channels such as undertaking training for foreign political parties and foreign affairs visits abroad, actively publicizing Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, telling well the story of the Communist Party of China in the new era, having received 5 batches of inspection delegations from foreign political parties including Ethiopia's Prosperity Party.

"Firm and conscious" — strengthening the application of what is learned and the strict governance of the school. Running Xi Jinping's thought on Party building through the entire process and all aspects of strict school governance, consolidating and expanding the achievements of the study and education on establishing and practicing correct views on political achievements, earnestly fulfilling the primary responsibility of the school (institute) committee and the "one post with dual responsibilities" list of leading group members, implementing the responsibility for strict management into practice. Continuously advancing the construction of "four strong" Party branches and the selection and establishment of "four good" Party members, carrying out the creation of innovative cases in grassroots Party building, promoting the full exertion of the "two functions" of grassroots Party organizations. Always keeping discipline and rules at the forefront, implementing closed-off, all-round, all-time management, guiding teachers to devote themselves wholeheartedly to scholarship and students to concentrate on study. Formulating and issuing the school (institute)'s "15th Five-Year Plan" development plan and the provincial Party school system's professional work plan, clarifying the "135" development path, concentrating efforts on building a higher-level "first-class school (institute), red academy, model organ."

(Dong Lijun)

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Deeply Study and Implement Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building to Forever Preserve the Party's Vitality and Spirit

On July 22, the 15th Jiangsu High-Level Forum on Party Building was held in Nanjing, hosted by the Party School of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee and co-organized by units including the Jiangsu Party Building Research Institute. Experts and scholars from the Party School of the CPC Central Committee (National Academy of Governance), the Central Institute of Party History and Literature, Peking University, Study Times, and other universities, party schools, research institutions and media, as well as from the Jiangsu Provincial Research Center for Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, the Jiangsu Provincial Party Building Society, and party schools across the province, conducted in-depth discussions around the theme of "Thoroughly Studying and Implementing Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building." Zhao Jinsong, Deputy Director of the Publicity Department of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee, Luo Yufei, Member of the Organization Department Committee of the Provincial Party Committee, and Li Lifeng, Director of Education of the Provincial Party School (Academy of Governance), attended the forum and delivered speeches.

Systematically grasp the grand themes and broad perspectives of Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building. "Building a long-term governing Marxist party" is the overarching question and theoretical mainstay of Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building. Li Zhongjie, former Deputy Director of the Party History Research Office of the CPC Central Committee, by comparing the development trajectories of the CPC and the CPSU, pointed out that the CPC's 105-year history of struggle demonstrates strong vitality and resilience. As the Party's founding time grows, the vitality and decline of the Communist Party of China, now in its "prime," will be engaged in an increasingly fierce contest; with the slightest carelessness, the phenomenon of declining vitality can easily emerge. Therefore, how to continue to maintain strong vitality and spirit is the fundamental question that Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building seeks to resolve. It is necessary to follow the trend of development, forever preserve the Party's vitality and spirit, and take more solid steps on the path of the Long March of ten thousand li. Han Qingxiang, leading expert of the Expert Studio of the Party School of the CPC Central Committee (National Academy of Governance), proposed that "to forge iron, one must be strong oneself" is a main thread running through Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building, and also an important perspective for grasping its deep philosophical logic. "Forging iron" points to the practice of transforming the objective world to strengthen the country and enrich the people, while "being strong oneself" points to the ruling party subject's self-tempering and self-revolution. The two are dialectically unified, jointly constituting the two cornerstones of the view of a long-term governing Marxist party. Shang Zhixiao, Dean of the Institute of Contemporary Chinese Marxism at Shandong universities, pointed out that Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building has achieved the organic integration of five levels: the Communist Party of China and socialism with Chinese characteristics, the Party's leadership and Party building, governing and managing the Party and revitalizing and strengthening the Party, Party building theory and Party building practice, and ruling party building and the cause of national rejuvenation and strength, opening up a new realm for the Sinicization and modernization of Marxist party-building theory.

Fully understand the scientific system and formation trajectory of Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building. Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building is profound and extensive in scope and content (博大精深, bo da jing shen - "vast, wide; exquisite, profound"), rich in connotation, profound in thought, and rigorous in logic, constituting a scientific system that is both grounded in reality and oriented toward the future, with a clear developmental trajectory and deep cultural heritage. Xue Weijiang, Secretary-General of the China Marxist Research Foundation, believes that to improve the level of systematic and theoretical understanding of Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building, it is necessary to clarify the theoretical origins, sort out the historical logic, understand the internal structure, straighten out the theoretical logic, grasp the methodological principles, clarify the practical logic, and achieve understanding both the facts and the underlying principles (知其然更知其所以然, zhi qi ran geng zhi qi suo yi ran - "know its phenomenon, more know its reason"), and understanding not only the reasons but also what ought to be and what must be. Wang Jianhua, Dean of the School of Marxism at Nanjing University, focusing on the Party's leadership and Party building, proposed four focal points of Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building: the Party's leadership, the Party's political construction, the Party's ideological construction, and full and rigorous self-governance of the Party. The first is the "root," and the latter three are the "foundation," mutually reinforcing and mutually supporting, jointly constituting a logically rigorous organic whole. Liu Honglin, Dean of the Institute of CPC History and Party Building at Fudan University, pointed out that Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building is a grand topic with a strong sense of problem consciousness, which formed and developed simultaneously and jointly with all parts of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. The parts of the Fourteen Commitments (十四个坚持) follow the logical progression and connection of different parts (起承转合, qi cheng zhuan he - "rise, sustain; turn, combine"), forming a closely linked and interconnected parts (环环相扣, huan huan xiang kou - "ring, ring; interlock, buckle") organic whole with internal coherence. He Husheng, Deputy Dean of the Institute of CPC History and Party Building at Renmin University of China, elaborated on the internal logic by which the "second combination" nourishes Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building, holding that the "second combination" has cultivated a deep cultural root, an elevated spiritual temperament, and a unique national charm for Party building in the new era, enabling the governance and management of the Party to possess both the truth of Marxist party-building theory and the spiritual power of Chinese culture, leading Party building theory and practice in the new era to achieve pioneering achievements.

Deeply comprehend the theoretical character and original contributions of Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building. Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building profoundly elucidates the fundamental question of what the Communist Party of China is and what it is to do, possesses a unique and distinct theoretical character, and has made major original contributions to the development of Marxist party-building theory. Shuang Chuanxue, Secretary of the Party Committee and President of Xinhua Daily, believes that Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building adheres to strategic planning that sets direction and leads the way, forging a strong leadership core for advancing the great cause of building a strong country and national rejuvenation in answering China's questions; adheres to the responsibility and commitment of embracing the world, resolving the difficult problems of global party governance in answering the world's questions; adheres to the responsibility and sentiment of benefiting the people, consolidating the foundation of governance in answering the people's questions; adheres to the development path of following the trend, leading the tide of evolution of the century-old changes in answering the questions of the times, embodying a high degree of historical initiative. Cheng Meidong, Director of the Center for CPC History Research at Peking University, pointed out that Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building stands at the forefront of the times, responds to the needs of the times, and strategically and creatively answers China's questions, the world's questions, the people's questions, and the questions of the times, demonstrating significant contemporary value and possessing a unique political bearing. Sang Xuecheng, Dean of the Jiangsu Institute for Innovation in Party Building Theory and Practice, believes that Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building has put forward a series of new concepts, new ideas, and new strategies from theory to practice, from goals to policies, from thinking to layout: profoundly revealing the inherent unity between upholding the Party's leadership and upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era; profoundly revealing that "self-revolution" is the second answer for our Party to escape the historical cycle of rise and fall, order and chaos; incorporating full and rigorous self-governance of the Party into the Four-Pronged Comprehensive Strategy (四个全面) strategic layout; optimizing and improving the overall layout of Party building; highlighting the commanding position of political construction and the role of discipline construction as the fundamental solution for governing and managing the Party, and so on. These original contributions mark that our Party's understanding of the laws of building a Marxist ruling party has reached a new height. Li Lifeng, Director of Education of the Party School of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee (Academy of Governance), pointed out that it is necessary to focus on the iconic concepts, original contributions, and principled achievements of Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building, strengthen research and interpretation, solidly promote Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building into special topics, into the classroom, and into the minds of trainees, and effectively give play to the unique value of party schools in cultivating talents for the Party and offering counsel for the Party.

(Writer: Wei Yanchao)

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Party School of the CPC Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region Committee Holds 2026 Teachers' Day Celebration and Commendation Conference

(Study Times report) On September 10, the Party School (School of Administration) of the Party Committee of the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region held its 2026 Teachers' Day celebration and commendation conference. Executive Vice President (Vice Dean) Niu Xianfeng attended and addressed the meeting; Vice President (Vice Dean) Tan Zesong presided over the meeting; Vice Presidents (Vice Deans) Cui Xiaolin and Pan Peiqing read out the commendation documents; School (Academy) Affairs Committee Members Lu Peng and Wei Haijian attended the meeting.

At the meeting, advanced collectives and advanced individuals who achieved outstanding results in the school's (academy's) 2025 teaching and research work were solemnly commended, and commendations were given to advanced departments of the year, personnel recorded for merit, personnel awarded commendations, outstanding Communist Party members, outstanding Party affairs workers, and advanced Party branches.

In his speech, Niu Xianfeng first conveyed that, on the occasion of the arrival of the 42nd Teachers' Day, General Secretary Xi Jinping extended festive congratulations and sincere greetings to all teachers and educators across the country, and on behalf of the school's (academy's) committee, he expressed warm congratulations to the commended advanced collectives and advanced individuals, and expressed sincere respect to all faculty and staff of the school (academy) for their hard work and dedication.

Niu Xianfeng pointed out that over the past year, the school (academy) has adhered to Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era as its guide, continuously studied and deeply implemented General Secretary Xi Jinping's important discourses on Party school work, conscientiously implemented the spirit of the National Party School (School of Administration) Work Conference, the National Party School (School of Administration) Presidents (Deans) Conference, and the Regional Party School (School of Administration) Work Symposium, firmly established the distinct orientation of "action is the essence, innovation is the soul; let results speak, let the people judge," adhered to the central position of teaching, strengthened the foundational role of scientific research, implemented the strategy of strengthening the school with talent, promoted open schooling, strengthened professional guidance, strengthened schooling safeguards, and solidly advanced Party building in Party organs; all faculty and staff, working together with one heart and mind (勠力同心, lu li tong xin - "exert, strength, together, heart"), overcoming great difficulties and challenges (攻坚克难, gong jian ke nan - "attack, key, overcome, difficulty"), improved quality and efficiency in educating talents for the Party, achieved fruitful results in offering counsel for the Party, continuously optimized the structure of the contingent, deepened and expanded external exchanges, significantly strengthened systemic synergy, provided solid and powerful management services, highlighted the leading role of Party building, steadily advanced key projects such as the construction of the Artificial Intelligence Training Center for Leading Cadres, and all work was solid, powerful, and effective, delivering a weighty answer sheet of practical action.

Niu Xianfeng emphasized that, standing at a new starting point, all faculty and staff must adhere to the fundamental principle of the Party school being loyal to the Party, bear in mind the original aspiration of the Party school of "educating talents for the Party, offering counsel for the Party," persist in speaking about the Party school at the Party school, loving the Party school at the Party school, and serving the Party school at the Party school, further consolidate consensus, inspire momentum, and continue striving, consolidate and expand the achievements of the study and education on establishing and practicing a correct view of political achievements, focus on the main responsibilities and main business, center on the overall situation, serve the overall situation, combine with the work of rectification and reform in response to inspections, continuously improve the level of running and governing the Party school, and strive to build the school (academy) into a Party school that, among provincial-level Party schools nationwide, can stand firm, stand steady, and exert greater influence.

All faculty and staff on the school's (academy's) payroll, award-winning retired Party branch representatives and individuals attended the meeting.

(Jiang Cangui)

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Promoting Reform and Development in School Governance through the "Three Maps Integration" Working Mechanism

By: 戴冰

In recent years, the Party School of the Shanghai Municipal Committee of the CPC has thoroughly implemented General Secretary Xi Jinping's important discourses on Party school work, in accordance with the requirements of the "Regulations on the Work of Party Schools (Academies of Governance) of the Communist Party of China" and the "Regulations on Cadre Education and Training Work," centering on the central work of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee and the Shanghai Municipal Government, exploring a working mechanism that integrates the "three maps" — the discipline map, the curriculum map, and the faculty map — accurately grasping the laws of running and governing a Party school in the new era, and promoting the high-quality development of cadre education and training at the Party school.

The "three maps in one" working mechanism is based on building the discipline map, the curriculum map, and the faculty map, advancing teaching, research, faculty, and other resources from experience-driven to law-driven, from fragmented segmentation to organized coordination, and from static allocation to dynamic evolution. It is a comprehensive, system-wide, and all-staff reform of the Party school's political construction, organizational construction, institutional construction, and governance logic.

Building the discipline map. Keeping in mind the earnest entrustment of the "four placements," centering on the major strategic tasks entrusted to Shanghai by General Secretary Xi Jinping and the Party Central Committee, focusing on the major theoretical and practical issues of the Party and the country's development strategy and Shanghai's reform and opening up, fully exercising the political responsibility of the Party's philosophical and social science research institutions, taking Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era as the main thread, establishing five key construction disciplines — Marxist theory, Party history and Party building, public administration, applied economics, political science, and law — as first-level disciplines, implementing 15 second-level disciplines such as implementing the national strategy and accelerating the construction of the "five centers," and improving 44 third-level disciplines such as research on the theory and practice of whole-process people's democracy. The discipline map is the foundation of the "three maps in one." Strengthening the foundation of disciplines and reinforcing the construction of the discipline map aims to deepen the systematic and scholarly research and interpretation of the Party's innovative theory, give play to the leading role of disciplines, better serve teaching and training and decision-making consultation, and thereby drive the overall development of the Party school. The Party school is a political school, and discipline construction has its particularities. It must take Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era as its fundamental guide, continuously strengthen Marxist-related disciplines, build strong advantageous disciplines such as Party history and Party building, keep pace with the times (与时俱进, yu shi ju jin - "with, time, keep up, advance") in developing urgently needed disciplines and emerging disciplines, and center on the overall work and serve the overall situation.

Constructing the curriculum map. Taking the in-depth study and implementation of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era as the theme and main thread, under the framework of the "two educations and one training" content system, construct five major curriculum sections — Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, introduction to Marxist principles and original works, the "five histories" (the history of the Party, the history of New China, the history of reform and opening up, the history of socialist development, and the history of the development of the Chinese nation), Party building and Party spirit cultivation, and cadre performance capability — divided into 15 curriculum groups, with a total of 131 courses that are rich in the characteristics of the times and practical features, pragmatic and effective. The curriculum map is the key to the "three maps in one." The curriculum map insists on making the complete, accurate, thorough, and penetrating explanation of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era the top priority of construction. According to the Party Central Committee's major decisions and deployments and the latest achievements of the Party's innovative theory, combined with Shanghai's specific practices, the curriculum system is promptly improved to form a curriculum system with Shanghai characteristics. Focus on the "two educations and one training." Education on the Party's innovative theory focuses on using plain language and vivid cases to explain clearly the theoretical logic and practical logic behind the Party's innovative theory. For example, courses on Shanghai practices such as the people's city concept and the path of urban development with Chinese characteristics. Party spirit education strengthens whole-process Party spirit training through theoretical education to observe attitudes, off-site teaching to observe actions, writing Party spirit reports to observe thinking, and conducting Party spirit identification to observe essence. Performance capability training, through offering "2+X" special topic classes, offering the "gnawing hard bones" series of courses and biweekly science and technology lectures, focuses on enhancing trainees' "seven capabilities" and economic coordination capability. Promote organized research to better serve teaching. "Teaching poses the questions, research provides the answers," clarifying the political orientation, section topic selection, and teaching methods of curriculum development.

Constructing the faculty map. According to the discipline map and curriculum map planning, combined with discipline construction needs and curriculum development needs, arrange matching teachers and set posts according to teaching needs. Strengthen the construction of the faculty team, pairing famous teachers, discipline leaders, and other backbone teachers with young teachers for one-on-one guidance. The faculty map is the foundation of the "three maps in one." The Party school teacher management system, which is distinct from both civil servants and ordinary public institutions, is the basis for supporting the high-quality construction of the discipline map and the curriculum map. The construction of the faculty map adheres to the fundamental principle that the Party school is run by the Party, insists on placing political nature first in the construction of the faculty team, and does a comprehensive job of cultivating, introducing, and utilizing the faculty team. The construction of the faculty map is incorporated into the construction of the discipline map and the curriculum map for overall planning and comprehensive coordination. Whatever faculty the discipline map and the curriculum map need, the faculty map supplements and strengthens accordingly. The faculty map promotes the allocation of faculty and institutional construction in the Party school's teaching and research departments, further guaranteeing the high-quality operation of the discipline map and the curriculum map. Discipline research and curriculum construction need to be carried by teaching and research departments. The faculty map deeply grasps the internal laws of the discipline map and the curriculum map, clarifies the relationships among key disciplines, focus areas, main research directions, curriculum sections, curriculum groups, and basic courses, rationally allocates faculty, and dynamically adjusts the allocation.

The "three maps in one" working mechanism is an exploration of running and governing the school in the new era carried out by the Party School of the Shanghai Municipal Committee of the CPC based on a regular understanding of organized teaching, organized research, and organized faculty team construction, blazing a trail of "careers built in the maps, people cultivated in the maps, and achievements assessed in the maps" as an effective path for running and governing a Party school in the new era. The "three maps in one" implements the requirements of "political organ, political school," runs the fundamental principle that the Party school is run by the Party through the entire process, and firmly grasps the initiative in discipline construction, curriculum construction, and faculty construction. Further clarify for whom disciplines are researched, what kind of disciplines to build, and how to build disciplines; further clarify for whom the curriculum system is built, what kind of curriculum system to build, and how to explain the courses completely, accurately, thoroughly, and penetratingly; further clarify for whom the faculty team is built, what kind of faculty team to build, and how to build the Party school's faculty team.

Next, the Party School of the Shanghai Municipal Committee of the CPC will adhere to dynamic updating and use the "three maps in one" to advance the model of running and governing the school in keeping pace with the times. First, carry out routine updates centering on the development of the Party's innovative theory. Second, carry out periodic updates according to the spirit of the Party's National Congress, the Central Committee plenary sessions, and other meetings. Third, strengthen practical updates based on the spirit of General Secretary Xi Jinping's important speeches on a certain field or a certain region. The school committee should take the lead in overall coordination, plan disciplines, curricula, and faculty from an overall perspective; research departments should take the lead in strengthening discipline research; teaching departments should take the lead in strengthening curriculum research; and personnel departments should do a good job of echelon building. Through the "three maps in one," accurately transform the school's entire resources and strength into a powerful driving force for promoting the development of the Party school, and contribute to cultivating more high-quality and professional cadre teams for the great cause of building a strong country and national rejuvenation.

(The author is a vice president of the Party School of the Shanghai Municipal Committee of the CPC)

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Yunnan Provincial Party Committee School Organizes Collective Lesson Preparation for Provincial Party Schools and Provincial-Level Cadre Education and Training Institutions

(Study Times report) Recently, the Party School of the Yunnan Provincial Party Committee (Yunnan Provincial Academy of Governance) organized collective lesson preparation among teaching and research personnel from Party schools (academies of governance) at all levels across the province and from provincial-level cadre education and training institutions. Vice President Lu Cairong attended and delivered an introductory guiding speech, with more than a thousand teachers from Party schools (academies of governance) at all levels across the province and from provincial-level cadre education and training institutions participating.

This collective lesson preparation is a concrete practice implementing the Party Central Committee's deployments, the spirit of the National Conference of Presidents (Deans) of Party Schools (Academies of Governance), and the work requirements of the Yunnan Provincial Party Committee. It embodies the original aspiration of Party schools of "cultivating talent for the Party, offering counsel for the Party," and promotes the teaching and research teams of Party schools(academies of governance) at all levels across the province and of provincial-level cadre education and training institutions to explain Xi Jinping's thought on Party building fully and accurately, deeply and thoroughly.

The lesson preparation strictly upheld the political, academic, and quality standards of the courses, adopted the "three-in-one" teaching model of close reading of original works, theoretical instruction, and case analysis, and constructed a "1+14+1" curriculum system, comprising one general course, fourteen sub-courses, and one guided-reading course on original works. In conjunction with the work of bringing the spirit of General Secretary Xi Jinping's important speech on July 1 into the classroom, into teaching materials, and into students' minds, a special course was added titled "A Century-Old Major Party with an Unwavering Original Aspiration, National Rejuvenation with an Irresistible Momentum — Studying General Secretary Xi Jinping's Important Speech at the Celebration of the 105th Anniversary of the Founding of the Communist Party of China," threading through the three logics of theory, history, and practice, systematically elucidating the scientific connotation and original contributions of Xi Jinping's thought on Party building.

This collective lesson preparation, by building a platform for the co-construction and sharing of teaching resources, promoted teaching and research personnel from the Party school system across the province and from provincial-level cadre education and training institutions to engage in learning from and examining each other (互学互鉴, hu xue hu jian - "each other, learn; each other, examine") in polishing their courses, deepened theoretical interpretation in conjunction with the vivid practice of Party building on the Yunnan frontier, consolidated the course foundation for the province's study and training on Xi Jinping's thought on Party building, and advanced the effort to enhance cadres' Party spirit cultivation and build a solid theoretical foundation.

(Wan Qian)

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Promoting Leading Cadres to Take the Podium Injects New Momentum into Cadre Education

By: 王岚

In recent years, the Party School of the Huancui District Committee of Weihai City, Shandong Province, has fully leveraged its role as the main channel and main front for a county-level Party school to train grassroots cadres and ordinary Party members, and has made promoting leading cadres to take the podium an important lever for enhancing cadres' ability to perform their duties and for ensuring that the decision-making and deployment of the District Committee and District Government are implemented and take effect, injecting new momentum into the district-wide cadre education and training work.

Adhere to high-level planning. Leading cadres taking the podium is an important measure for implementing the Regulations on the Work of Party Schools (Academies of Governance) of the Communist Party of China, and is also a powerful practice for giving play to the exemplary and leading role of the "key minority." First, working together in a coordinated manner (齐抓共管, qi zhua gong guan - "together, grasp; together, manage") to consolidate responsibility. The Huancui District Committee has solidly fulfilled its primary responsibility for running, managing, and building the Party school, incorporating it into the overall layout of cadre education and training, with the District Committee Organization Department taking the lead in overall coordination and the District Committee Party School undertaking the specific implementation, forming a work pattern of linkage between upper and lower levels and working together in a coordinated manner, making leading cadres taking the podium a "fixed action." In the past two years, the District Committee Party School has arranged for leading cadres to give more than 50 lectures in various main training classes. Second, carefully plan and solicit topics. In 2026, the District Committee Party School, together with the District Committee Organization Department, jointly issued the Notice on Doing a Good Job of Leading Cadres Taking the Podium, soliciting lecture intentions and topics from members of the District Committee and District Government leadership teams, and principal responsible comrades of towns (subdistricts) and district-level departments and units, totaling 73 topics, of which 12 were lecture topics for county- and division-level leading cadres, and 61 were lecture topics for principal responsible comrades of towns (subdistricts) and district-level departments and units, achieving full coverage of leading cadres taking the podium. Third, closely follow the center and highlight practice. The lecture content closely follows the center and serves the overall situation, both highlighting the vivid practice of the Party Central Committee's decision-making and deployment in this field, and covering practical teaching such as public opinion response and emergency incident handling, so that theoretical soul-forging and practical training work in the same direction, promoting classroom teaching to be closer to the district's development reality and more in line with cadres' performance needs.

Consolidate responsibility at every level. In order to ensure that leading cadres taking the podium produces practical results, quality, and standards, the District Committee Party School firmly grasps the two checkpoints of political direction and teaching quality. In terms of firmly grasping the checkpoint of political direction, a joint review system of the District Committee Organization Department, the District Committee Propaganda Department, and the District Committee Party School is implemented, with lecture manuscripts and courseware reviewed in advance, focusing on achieving three clarifications: clarifying General Secretary Xi Jinping's important expositions and important instructions and directives on this field and industry; clarifying the key and difficult problems in this field and industry; and clarifying the next-step key directions for tackling difficulties and important measures in this field and industry. In terms of firmly grasping the checkpoint of teaching quality, excellent courses are screened through multiple links such as sitting in on classes and student evaluation of teaching, with designated department heads and backbone teachers attending the entire class, and after class, student evaluation and scoring are conducted, so as to promptly discover and tap into leading cadres who can teach and are good at teaching, include them in the Party school's part-time faculty pool, and enrich the Party school's teaching staff.

Continuously optimize mechanisms. Leading cadres taking the podium is an important measure for improving the quality of school operation. The District Committee Party School insists on grasping links such as teaching innovation and achievement transformation, and fully gives play to the comprehensive efficiency of cadre education and training. First, establish a regular teaching mechanism. Open up the practical channel for policy transmission and experience mutual learning, rely on the Party school classroom to directly interpret and faithfully convey the District Committee's decision-making and deployment to the students, while collecting from students the real problems and practical experience at the grassroots level, achieving the downward transmission of information to publicize decision-making and deployment and the upward reporting of information to gather grassroots wisdom, forming a pattern of two-way mutual promotion. Second, improve the achievement transformation mechanism. After the lecture, around the real topics such as industrial development and grassroots governance raised in the lecture, organize students to carry out group discussions, sort out work difficulties in light of their actual positions, put forward countermeasures and suggestions, form student research reports, and select the best to be published in the Consultative Policy Report and submitted to the main leaders of the District Committee, promoting the results of classroom discussions to enter the decision-making advisory chain. Third, build a long-term application mechanism. Do a good job in the application of high-quality course resources, organize teachers to refine the "top leader" classroom, which has high student evaluation and fits Huancui's reality, into local work cases, include them in the course case library for teachers to prepare lessons and for subsequent training classes to study and use, forming a practical case resource supply system of "can be taught every year, can be referenced in every class."

(The author is the Vice Principal in charge of daily work of the Party School of the Huancui District Committee of Weihai City, Shandong Province)

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Party School of Qinghai Provincial Committee Unveils "Qinghai Scholars" Work Studio

(Study Times report)
  Recently, the "Qinghai Scholars" work studio of the Party School of the Qinghai Provincial Committee of the CPC (Qinghai Academy of Governance) held its unveiling and construction symposium. Cao Li, Executive Vice President of the school (academy), attended and delivered a speech; Sheng Zongyu, Vice President of the school (academy), presided over the event.

The studio is led by Ma Hongbo, a recipient of the fourth "Qinghai Scholars" award and Vice President of the Party School of the Qinghai Provincial Committee of the CPC (Qinghai Academy of Governance), bringing together multidisciplinary research strength from both within and outside the school to build a disciplinary talent echelon. With ecological civilization studies as its core disciplinary orientation, the studio is grounded in the province's actual conditions, focusing on such directions as ecological protection, green and low-carbon development, realization of the value of ecological products, plateau ecological culture, and grassroots livelihood governance. It undertakes tasks including curriculum development, theoretical and practical research, decision-making consultation, and talent cultivation, and is the first characteristic talent studio established by the school (academy) in implementing its strategy of strengthening the school through talent and carrying out talent development for Party schools in the new era.

As a brand-new exploration of the school's (academy's) talent work, the studio will accumulate practical experience for forging a high-caliber Party school talent team that is "politically strong, firm in conviction, professionally proficient, and upright in conduct." In the next step, efforts will focus on three aspects: Strengthening performance of duties and solidly advancing scientific research and political consultation work. Upholding the research framework of "rooted in Qinghai, facing the whole country, and looking to the world," closely centering on the key tasks of topic research, curriculum development, and countermeasure recommendations, fully leveraging the school's (academy's) unique advantages of being close to Party committees and governments, close to practice, and close to trainees, deeply tapping trainee resources, conducting solid investigation and research, focusing on real problems of reality, and producing practical, effective, high-level scientific research and political consultation outcomes. Highlighting platform-based talent cultivation and supporting the growth of young talent. Giving play to the studio's role of mentoring and training younger generations (传帮带, chuan bang dai - "pass on, help, lead"), breaking the "individual household" model of scientific research, regularly carrying out diversified academic seminars and exchanges, and stimulating the collision of ideas. Implementing measures for cultivating young teachers and continuously fostering a strong and favorable academic growth atmosphere. Deepening coordination and linkage and broadening the pattern of external cooperation. Coordinating and ensuring academic exchanges, joint research projects, and other support work, taking this studio as a demonstration, actively planning and cultivating more academic platforms, and laying a solid talent foundation for the integrated high-quality development of the school's (academy's) teaching, scientific research, and political consultation work.

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Deeply Study and Implement Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building to Forever Preserve the Party's Vitality and Spirit

On July 22, the 15th Jiangsu High-Level Forum on Party Building was held in Nanjing, hosted by the Party School of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee and co-organized by units including the Jiangsu Party Building Research Institute. Experts and scholars from the Party School of the CPC Central Committee (National Academy of Governance), the Central Institute of Party History and Literature, Peking University, Study Times, and other universities, party schools, research institutions and media, as well as from the Jiangsu Provincial Research Center for Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, the Jiangsu Provincial Party Building Society, and party schools across the province, conducted in-depth discussions around the theme of "Thoroughly Studying and Implementing Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building." Zhao Jinsong, Deputy Director of the Publicity Department of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee, Luo Yufei, Member of the Organization Department Committee of the Provincial Party Committee, and Li Lifeng, Director of Education of the Provincial Party School (Academy of Governance), attended the forum and delivered speeches.

Systematically grasp the grand themes and broad perspectives of Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building. "Building a long-term governing Marxist party" is the overarching question and theoretical mainstay of Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building. Li Zhongjie, former Deputy Director of the Party History Research Office of the CPC Central Committee, by comparing the development trajectories of the CPC and the CPSU, pointed out that the CPC's 105-year history of struggle demonstrates strong vitality and resilience. As the Party's founding time grows, the vitality and decline of the Communist Party of China, now in its "prime," will be engaged in an increasingly fierce contest; with the slightest carelessness, the phenomenon of declining vitality can easily emerge. Therefore, how to continue to maintain strong vitality and spirit is the fundamental question that Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building seeks to resolve. It is necessary to follow the trend of development, forever preserve the Party's vitality and spirit, and take more solid steps on the path of the Long March of ten thousand li. Han Qingxiang, leading expert of the Expert Studio of the Party School of the CPC Central Committee (National Academy of Governance), proposed that "to forge iron, one must be strong oneself" is a main thread running through Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building, and also an important perspective for grasping its deep philosophical logic. "Forging iron" points to the practice of transforming the objective world to strengthen the country and enrich the people, while "being strong oneself" points to the ruling party subject's self-tempering and self-revolution. The two are dialectically unified, jointly constituting the two cornerstones of the view of a long-term governing Marxist party. Shang Zhixiao, Dean of the Institute of Contemporary Chinese Marxism at Shandong universities, pointed out that Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building has achieved the organic integration of five levels: the Communist Party of China and socialism with Chinese characteristics, the Party's leadership and Party building, governing and managing the Party and revitalizing and strengthening the Party, Party building theory and Party building practice, and ruling party building and the cause of national rejuvenation and strength, opening up a new realm for the Sinicization and modernization of Marxist party-building theory.

Fully understand the scientific system and formation trajectory of Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building. Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building is profound and extensive in scope and content (博大精深, bo da jing shen - "vast, wide; exquisite, profound"), rich in connotation, profound in thought, and rigorous in logic, constituting a scientific system that is both grounded in reality and oriented toward the future, with a clear developmental trajectory and deep cultural heritage. Xue Weijiang, Secretary-General of the China Marxist Research Foundation, believes that to improve the level of systematic and theoretical understanding of Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building, it is necessary to clarify the theoretical origins, sort out the historical logic, understand the internal structure, straighten out the theoretical logic, grasp the methodological principles, clarify the practical logic, and achieve understanding both the facts and the underlying principles (知其然更知其所以然, zhi qi ran geng zhi qi suo yi ran - "know its phenomenon, more know its reason"), and understanding not only the reasons but also what ought to be and what must be. Wang Jianhua, Dean of the School of Marxism at Nanjing University, focusing on the Party's leadership and Party building, proposed four focal points of Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building: the Party's leadership, the Party's political construction, the Party's ideological construction, and full and rigorous self-governance of the Party. The first is the "root," and the latter three are the "foundation," mutually reinforcing and mutually supporting, jointly constituting a logically rigorous organic whole. Liu Honglin, Dean of the Institute of CPC History and Party Building at Fudan University, pointed out that Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building is a grand topic with a strong sense of problem consciousness, which formed and developed simultaneously and jointly with all parts of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. The parts of the Fourteen Commitments (十四个坚持) follow the logical progression and connection of different parts (起承转合, qi cheng zhuan he - "rise, sustain; turn, combine"), forming a closely linked and interconnected parts (环环相扣, huan huan xiang kou - "ring, ring; interlock, buckle") organic whole with internal coherence. He Husheng, Deputy Dean of the Institute of CPC History and Party Building at Renmin University of China, elaborated on the internal logic by which the "second combination" nourishes Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building, holding that the "second combination" has cultivated a deep cultural root, an elevated spiritual temperament, and a unique national charm for Party building in the new era, enabling the governance and management of the Party to possess both the truth of Marxist party-building theory and the spiritual power of Chinese culture, leading Party building theory and practice in the new era to achieve pioneering achievements.

Deeply comprehend the theoretical character and original contributions of Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building. Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building profoundly elucidates the fundamental question of what the Communist Party of China is and what it is to do, possesses a unique and distinct theoretical character, and has made major original contributions to the development of Marxist party-building theory. Shuang Chuanxue, Secretary of the Party Committee and President of Xinhua Daily, believes that Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building adheres to strategic planning that sets direction and leads the way, forging a strong leadership core for advancing the great cause of building a strong country and national rejuvenation in answering China's questions; adheres to the responsibility and commitment of embracing the world, resolving the difficult problems of global party governance in answering the world's questions; adheres to the responsibility and sentiment of benefiting the people, consolidating the foundation of governance in answering the people's questions; adheres to the development path of following the trend, leading the tide of evolution of the century-old changes in answering the questions of the times, embodying a high degree of historical initiative. Cheng Meidong, Director of the Center for CPC History Research at Peking University, pointed out that Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building stands at the forefront of the times, responds to the needs of the times, and strategically and creatively answers China's questions, the world's questions, the people's questions, and the questions of the times, demonstrating significant contemporary value and possessing a unique political bearing. Sang Xuecheng, Dean of the Jiangsu Institute for Innovation in Party Building Theory and Practice, believes that Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building has put forward a series of new concepts, new ideas, and new strategies from theory to practice, from goals to policies, from thinking to layout: profoundly revealing the inherent unity between upholding the Party's leadership and upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era; profoundly revealing that "self-revolution" is the second answer for our Party to escape the historical cycle of rise and fall, order and chaos; incorporating full and rigorous self-governance of the Party into the Four-Pronged Comprehensive Strategy (四个全面) strategic layout; optimizing and improving the overall layout of Party building; highlighting the commanding position of political construction and the role of discipline construction as the fundamental solution for governing and managing the Party, and so on. These original contributions mark that our Party's understanding of the laws of building a Marxist ruling party has reached a new height. Li Lifeng, Director of Education of the Party School of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee (Academy of Governance), pointed out that it is necessary to focus on the iconic concepts, original contributions, and principled achievements of Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building, strengthen research and interpretation, solidly promote Xi Jinping's Thought on Party Building into special topics, into the classroom, and into the minds of trainees, and effectively give play to the unique value of party schools in cultivating talents for the Party and offering counsel for the Party.

(Writer: Wei Yanchao)

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High-Quality Cadre Education and Training Serves the Development of the Central Bank's Work

By: 庞晓光

The Party School of the People's Bank of China has earnestly studied and implemented General Secretary Xi Jinping's important remarks on Party school work, strictly implemented the "Regulations on the Work of Party Schools (Academies of Governance) of the Communist Party of China" and the spirit of the National Conference of Presidents (Deans) of Party Schools (Academies of Governance), adhered to the original aspiration of Party schools of "cultivating talents for the Party and offering counsel for the Party," closely centered on core work, conducted high-quality education and training of cadres, and served the development of the central bank's cause at a high level.

Uphold the principle that Party schools are run by the Party, and grasp the correct orientation in running schools. First, implement the primary responsibility of Party committees. The Party Committee of the People's Bank of China has earnestly fulfilled its primary responsibility of running, managing, and building the Party school. After the newly revised "Regulations on the Work of Party Schools (Academies of Governance) of the Communist Party of China" was released and the National Conference on the Work of Party Schools (Academies of Governance) was held, it promptly convened a Party committee meeting to study implementation work, and issued to the entire system the"Opinions on Further Strengthening the Work of the Party School of the People's Bank of China." In July this year, after the National Conference of Presidents (Deans) of Party Schools (Academies of Governance) was held, leaders of the head office made important instructions on implementing the spirit of the conference, ensuring that Party school work adapts to the needs of the new situation and new tasks. Second, strengthen the attributes of the institution as a political organ and political school. Integrate being outspoken and having a clear stance (旗帜鲜明, qi zhi xian ming - "flag, bright, clear") in upholding politics into all aspects and the entire process of Party school work, strictly implement the requirements of the Party School of the CPC Central Committee (National Academy of Governance) and the branch schools of central Party and state organs regarding school-running work, implement the decisions and deployments of the Party Committee of the head office, practice the political nature and people-centered nature of financial work, make improving the political quality of trainees the first goal of education and training, uphold the organic unity of firm political stance and scientific exploration and innovation in scientific research and decision-making consulting work, ensure the correct orientation in running schools, and strive to walk in the first echelon of practicing the Two Upholds.

Solidly implement basic training, and shoulder the mission of cultivating talents for the Party. First, coordinate planning of training work. The Party Committee of the head office has strengthened top-level design, studied and reviewed the annual cadre education and training plan of the head office, with the Organization Department of the Party Committee taking the lead in organizing, and the Party school and training academies dividing responsibilities to ensure implementation, effectively forming a joint force in work. In implementing basic training tasks, the Party school has accurately positioned itself, adhered to a systems perspective, strengthened the integrated development of the two-level Party schools, optimized the school-running pattern, formed models of independent school-running, cross-institution joint school-running, and cross-regional joint school-running, shouldering the main-channel responsibility of educating and training cadres and Party members. Second, expand training coverage. Adhere to training all who should be trained; the Party School of the head office has expanded its training targets from the original department/bureau level and county/division level to the township/section level, and extended them to young cadres and grassroots cadres; the Party schools of 26 provincial-level branch banks have expanded their training targets from the original county/division level and township/section level to Party membership applicants and newly recruited cadres, and through leveraging the school-running advantages of the two-level Party schools, have basically achieved full coverage of Party members and cadres participating in Party school training. Third, improve the training content system. Take studying and implementing Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era as the theme and main line, focus on Party theoretical education, Party spirit education, and duty-performance capability training, highlight special training on studying and implementing Xi Jinping's economic thought and his important remarks on financial work; optimize teaching content, promptly implement the latest requirements of the Party Central Committee into training work; this year, carry out study and education on establishing and practicing a correct view of political achievements in main training classes, set up courses on Xi Jinping's thought on Party building in various training classes, ensuring that training content matches organizational needs, post needs, and cadre needs.

Highlight central bank characteristics, and improve the quality and effectiveness of education and training. First, build a financial curriculum system with Chinese characteristics. Centering on key tasks such as accelerating the construction of a strong financial nation through the "six core" elements, doing well the "five major articles" of finance, supporting the realization of the "dual goals" of currency stability and financial stability, and cultivating and promoting a financial culture with Chinese characteristics, design relevant courses, form a series of high-quality industry-specific courses reflecting the path of financial development with Chinese characteristics, and enhance the integration of education and training with actual work. Second, leverage the professional advantages of industry instructors. Implement the system of leading cadres lecturing at the podium; leaders of the head office take the lead in giving lectures and conducting discussions and guidance at the Party school; department and bureau directors of the head office play a backbone role, regularly giving lectures to cadres across the entire system at the central bank department/bureau director research lecture forum established by the head office. Taking this as an opportunity, when holding training classes the Party school invites relevant department/bureau directors to give lectures at the Party school as needed, analyzing policies, exchanging experience, and answering questions for trainees, effectively promoting the improvement of trainees' duty-performance capabilities. Third, innovate teaching methods. Deeply tap trainee resources, hold activities such as the Diecui Forum and the Rongyuan Interview, exchange and discuss problems, doubts, and experience and practices in duty performance, achieving learning from each other to improve together (学学相长, xue xue xiang zhang - "learn, learn, mutually, grow"); carry out scenario-based teaching, organize trainees to rehearse the scenario play "If There Are Faults, Correct Them" reflecting content on views of political achievements, and perform it at the head office; make good use of red financial resources, establish 19 "Red Financial On-site Teaching Bases of the Party School of the People's Bank of China," deepen education and research on the history of red finance; increase case-based teaching efforts, carry out pilot work on case course development, create high-quality case courses, organize observation and recommend them to the entire system, enhancing the targetedness and attractiveness of cadre education and training.

Focus on offering counsel for the Party, and promote the construction of new-type think tanks. First, optimize the mechanism for offering suggestions and counsel. Adhere to strengthening the school through scientific research, issue the"Opinions on Strengthening the Construction of Decision-Making Consulting Mechanisms," improve mechanisms such as topic selection research, organization and implementation, and transformation of results, and around new problems encountered in the practice of central bank duties, deep-seated problems in reform, development, and stability, urgent problems facing high-quality development of finance, etc., organize and carry out scientific research and decision-making consulting work. Second, coordinate and advance the research work of Party school trainees and teaching and research personnel. Focus on doing well trainee topic research, invite relevant leaders of head office departments/bureaus and Party committee departments to serve as topic advisors and provide whole-process guidance, organize field research, carry out discussions and exchanges, and form a batch of topic research reports with strong political nature, theoretical nature, and professionalism. Innovate the mechanism for trainees to participate in decision-making consulting, carry out the activity of "Offering a Suggestion to the Party Committee" in main training classes, solicit opinions and suggestions around Party building work, business work, internal management, and other aspects. Leverage the joint force of the two-level Party schools, strengthen joint research, organize Party school staff to carry out teaching research, forming a virtuous cycle of "promoting scientific research through teaching, strengthening consulting through scientific research, and optimizing teaching through consulting." Third, expand the influence of the Party school. Pay attention to leveraging the role of member units of the school committee, establish a multi-level, multi-channel reporting mechanism for scientific research and decision-making consulting results, submit them to leaders of the head office and relevant departments for decision-making reference, recommend them for publicity and reporting in mainstream media, and promote the transformation and application of results. Guard the important front position of ideological work, regularly publish internal periodicals such as the "Party School Work Bulletin" for personnel within the system to study and exchange; strengthen cooperation with financial media, emit the voice of the Party school in publicizing the Party's propositions, and effectively strengthen ideological guidance. (The author is Executive Vice President of the Party School of the People's Bank of China)

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Cultivating Quality Courses as a Driver to Enhance Party School Teaching Quality and Efficiency

By: 闫志强

When quality thrives, the Party school thrives; when quality is strong, the Party school is strong. General Secretary Xi Jinping has stressed that "Party schools at all levels should take quality-based school governance as the lifeline project of running and managing the school, and adhere to high standards in school operation." In recent years, the Jinan Municipal Party School (School of Administration) has focused on cultivating excellent courses, built a "531" work system, and persisted in systematic efforts, achieving notable results. In 2025, two courses won the National Party School (School of Administration) System Outstanding Teaching Achievement Award. At present, the school (academy) has had five courses rated as national Party school (school of administration) system excellent courses, and their leading and driving role in overall teaching quality continues to become more prominent.

Strictly guard the "five checkpoints" to ensure course quality through closed-loop management. Highlight the quality orientation and run quality control through the entire "life cycle" of courses. First, strictly guard the checkpoint of lecture script review. All courses in main training sessions are required to have lecture scripts written; before trial lectures of new topics, external review of the lecture script is conducted first; regular annual spot checks of lecture scripts are organized to urge each teaching and research department to strictly exercise oversight and provide solid "scripts" for classroom teaching. Second, strictly guard the checkpoint of collective lesson preparation. Strictly implement the collective lesson preparation system of teaching and research departments, with focused preparation for new courses and routine preparation for existing courses; carry out daily class observation and evaluation activities, and each teaching and research department conducts full-coverage class observation of courses taught by teachers in its own department every year. Third, strictly guard the checkpoint of topic trial lectures. Before new teaching topics enter main training sessions, they must undergo trial lectures by the teaching and research department and expert review; an evaluation panel composed of experts from outside the school (academy), such as from higher-level Party schools (schools of administration) and the socialist college, is formed, and evaluation standards are strictly enforced to build a solid "entry threshold" for teaching topics. Fourth, strictly guard the checkpoint of quality evaluation. Scientifically formulate teaching quality evaluation indicators, implement the "dual limits for excellent and poor" system, restrict the rating ratios for excellent, average, and poor in student course evaluations, and adopt measures such as adjusting poor courses and re-evaluating repeated courses to promote the survival of the fittest (优胜劣汰, you sheng lie tai - "excellent, win; inferior, perish") among courses. Fifth, strictly guard the checkpoint of teaching supervision. Specifically formulate the "Implementation Measures for Teaching Supervision Work," establish a teaching supervision group, and supervise, evaluate, and guide teachers' teaching processes. School (academy) leaders take the lead in attending classes and providing frontline guidance, promoting the transmission of pressure and boosting capacity improvement.

Emphasize the "trinity" to support excellent courses with teaching capacity. Strengthen teaching support and make teacher capacity building the top priority in cultivating excellent courses. First, "classics forge the soul" to consolidate the academic foundation. Implement the "Classics Forge the Soul" project, carry out the "six ones" activity for classic study and research, organize and mobilize teachers to focus on Marxist classics, classics of various disciplines and specialties, and foundational texts of Chinese culture, to study a batch of works, develop a batch of guided reading courses on classic original texts, create a batch of "micro-lectures," organize a round of seminars, conduct a competition, and produce a batch of results, guiding teachers to truly be diligent in studying classics, adept at using classics, and courageous in lecturing on classics, thereby effectively enhancing the research content of courses. Second, training and competition to improve practical competence. Routinely organize teaching observation competitions, excellent course selection, young teacher lesson presentations, famous course evaluations, and outstanding lecture script evaluations, and other training and competition activities, creating a positive atmosphere of learning from and catching up with each other through practical exercise, and driving improvement in the political level, policy level, academic level, and professional level of teaching. Third, mutual learning between teaching and learning to promote the transformation of results. Vigorously carry out research-based teaching, set decision-making consultation topics in training sessions with a duration of more than one month, set group research topics in the young and middle-aged cadre class, encourage teachers to actively participate, jointly conduct social research with trainees, write consultation reports, and jointly produce high-quality decision-making consultation results. Relying on the "two brings" to create flipped classrooms, promote teachers and trainees to "answer the same question together," integrate theory with practice, and promote the unity of knowledge and action.

Innovate "one set of mechanisms" to cultivate excellent courses through coordinated and focused efforts. Innovatively implement the "1+3+N" excellent course polishing mechanism, where "1" refers to one lead lecturer; "3" refers to forming a three-pronged work synergy of collective lesson preparation, team joint research, and mentor guidance; "N" refers to multiple rounds of trial lectures and polishing. First, select the right lead lecturers. Comprehensively consider teachers' usual performance, teaching quality evaluations, and past teaching awards, establish a "reserve pool" for excellent courses, adhere to selecting the best from the good and the strongest from the best, organize selection at different levels, and achieve precise course and personnel selection. Second, pool work synergy. On the basis of routine collective lesson preparation, form a course polishing team composed of "teaching and research department teachers + course evaluation experts + leading cadres," invite high-level experts and scholars as mentors, and provide one-on-one follow-up guidance. Third, carry out multiple rounds of polishing. Emphasize the combination of team polishing, trial lecture polishing, and classroom polishing, collectively tackle key elements and links such as course teaching frameworks, theoretical support, and academic interfaces, help lead lecturers pass the political check, academic check, and detail check, form a logical cycle of "trial lecture—polishing—revision—improvement," and ultimately achieve the effect of continuous improvement in course quality.

[The author is Vice President (Vice Dean) of the Jinan Municipal Party School (School of Administration)]

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Focusing on Four Dimensions to Activate the Research Momentum of County-Level Party Schools

By: 陈晓峰

Scientific research is foundational work for Party schools (academies of governance), and improving the quality of research work is an important lever for practicing the original aspiration of Party schools to "cultivate talent for the Party and offer counsel for the Party." The Party School of the Ye County Party Committee in Henan Province has deeply studied and implemented General Secretary Xi Jinping's important discourses on Party school work, adhered to building the school on quality, and made systematic efforts across four dimensions—institutional management, quality control, coordinated research, and results application—to continuously elevate its research work. It has won more than 40 awards at provincial, municipal, and county levels, and multiple decision-making consultation outcomes have received approving instructions from municipal and county leaders, blazing a distinctive path for a grassroots Party school that integrates teaching, research, and consultation and serves local development.

Efforts were focused on institutional development to complete a full-chain closed loop of research management. First, supporting systems were improved to establish a clear research orientation. Five systems, including those on research rewards and centralized field research, were revised and issued, detailing and implementing the entire process of project application, field research, project conclusion, and outcome rewards, and incorporating actual research performance into the annual comprehensive assessment to fully mobilize teachers' enthusiasm for participating in research. Nearly 40 projects have been applied for in 2026, and active participation in research has become a consensus across the school. Second, the organizational structure was optimized to streamline the coordinated advancement mechanism. The functions of the original teaching and research offices were integrated, and a new theoretical research office was established to coordinate research management on a full-time basis, forming a working pattern of "unified leadership by the school committee, coordination led by the theoretical research office, cooperation among all teaching and research offices, and joint efforts by all faculty and staff," effectively improving research quality and efficiency. For three consecutive years, the total number of approved projects has ranked among the forefront of county-level Party schools in the city. Third, resource guarantees were strengthened to consolidate the hardware foundation for research. Fiscal policy support was routinely sought, research funding was listed as a separate line item in the annual budget, and expenditures on incentive rewards, off-site research, material procurement, and academic exchanges were fully guaranteed. Facilities such as literature collections and data processing were fully equipped, establishing a stable research support platform.

Efforts were focused on quality upgrading to strictly control the output of research results. First, topic selection was comprehensively evaluated and calibrated. A "three-dimensional evaluation" mechanism covering policy alignment, practical value, and research feasibility was established, an annual research guide was compiled around the central work of the Party committee and government, and each declared project was argued and reviewed one by one to ensure that research always stays focused on the key points and difficulties of county development. Second, project advancement was tracked and controlled throughout the process. A mid-term evaluation system for ongoing research projects was implemented; in 2025, concentrated discussions were held on 27 ongoing projects, and 56 optimization suggestions were put forward regarding research progress, logical frameworks, and analytical depth, promptly correcting deviations and improving quality. An outcome evaluation mechanism for concluded projects was established, with retrospective analysis conducted on completed projects and improvement measures proposed focusing on common problems. Third, the teaching and research team was tempered through tiered training. A multi-level research empowerment platform was built, teachers were organized to participate in special training sessions—both online and offline—at higher-level Party schools to keep abreast of frontier theoretical research developments; research salons and reading sessions on outstanding research reports were held at appropriate times, with industry experts and frontline cadres invited for discussions and exchanges. The requirements for grassroots research were implemented, and a model of "learning and discussion plus field visits" was used to simultaneously enhance teachers' theoretical grounding and practical research capabilities.

Efforts were focused on synergy and capacity-building to construct an open, interconnected research pattern. First, cross-office joint efforts within the school were organized for concentrated tackling of key issues. Cross-disciplinary joint research teams were formed to tackle major topics, covering project platforms at various levels, including provincial government decision-making bidding, provincial Party School, provincial Federation of Social Sciences, municipal Party School, and municipal Federation of Social Sciences. In the past two years, the jointly completed "Reflections and Suggestions on Comprehensively Advancing Rural Revitalization in Pingdingshan City" was awarded first prize in the municipal Party School research project competition and was adopted with approving instructions from municipal leaders. Second, municipal and county Party schools coordinated to share resources. Liaison was established with the provincial Party School and the municipal Party School to jointly participate in key research projects at higher levels. Participation was completed in a project of the Party School of the CPC Central Committee (National Academy of Governance) undertaken by the provincial Party School; joint research was conducted with the municipal Party School and was awarded the outstanding research outcome prize by the municipal Federation of Social Sciences. Third, trainees in main classes were mobilized to broaden research perspectives. Relying on classes such as the cadre training class and the young and middle-aged cadre class, practical activities of "going to the grassroots with work-related research topics" were carried out; over the past three years, more than 50 special research sessions were organized for trainees, more than 30 high-quality trainee research reports were collected, and many reports provided work references for county-level functional departments.

Efforts were focused on transformation and empowerment to manifest the dual value of offering counsel and educating people. First, channels for decision-making consultation were smoothed. An internal consultation publication, Party School Suggestions, was launched to promptly report decision-making consultation outcomes to the county Party committee and county government, receiving approving instructions from municipal leaders on 1 piece and from main county leaders on more than 10 pieces, with multiple research outcomes incorporated into county-level policy formulation and grassroots governance work. Second, research was channeled back into classroom teaching. More than 20 research outcomes were integrated into thematic teaching courses, continuously enhancing the persuasiveness and practical sense of classroom teaching. Third, a platform for theoretical dissemination was built. Both local practice promotion and theoretical academic dissemination were attended to: on the one hand, research articles on county development were published through local mainstream media; on the other hand, theoretical articles were published in relevant theoretical journals to enhance the research influence of the Party school.

(The author is the executive vice principal of the Party School of the Ye County Party Committee in Henan Province.)

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Seize Key Links to Improve the Quality and Effectiveness of Case-Based Teaching

By: 王尹

Case-based teaching is an interactive teaching method in which the teacher takes the lead, the trainees serve as the main body, typical cases serve as the teaching material, and the teacher guides the trainees to engage in discussion, exchange, and structured analysis around the case content, thereby achieving the teaching objectives. The "Regulations on the Work of Party Schools (Academies of Administration) of the Communist Party of China" clearly requires that Party schools (academies of administration) should increase their efforts in case-based teaching and advance the construction of a case library. Based on the actual work of building the case course system at the Party School of the Sichuan Provincial Party Committee, the author believes that, to strengthen the development and application of case-based teaching, it is necessary to focus on grasping the following four links.

Select accurate case course topics and hold fast the entry gate. Topic selection is the starting point of case-based teaching, and the quality of topic selection directly determines the effectiveness of teaching. First, grasp the political direction. Uphold the principle that the Party school is surnamed "Party," uphold guidance by Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, and firmly grasp the correct political direction. Focus on enhancing Party members and cadres' political judgment, political comprehension, and political execution, deeply elucidate the spiritual essence and rich connotation of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. Second, highlight the practical orientation. Focus on implementing the spirit of General Secretary Xi Jinping's important speeches and important instructions, seize the overall, fundamental, and critical issues of high-quality development, and select topics around key areas such as promoting high-quality development, scientific and technological innovation, ecological civilization construction, preventing and defusing major risks, and Party building leading grassroots governance. Cases should also possess a certain degree of social visibility, have general applicability and promotional value, and be able to trigger the collision of viewpoints among trainees. Third, emphasize classified and targeted measures. Classify and organize theoretical discussion cases, thinking-method cases, and emergency decision-making cases according to the functions of comprehending the "Way" through cases, explaining the "Law" through cases, and learning the "Art" through cases. In light of the diversity of basic training class types, select different types of cases. For example, for tenure-holding classes, the themes may lean toward common courses; for middle-aged and young cadre classes, the focus may be on enhancing leadership ability; for advanced study classes, it is necessary to consider the trainees' need to improve strategic thinking and decision-making ability.

Solidify case development and hold fast the quality gate. Case development is the foundational link of case-based teaching, and excellent cases are the prerequisite for high-quality teaching. First, conduct in-depth research and excavate vivid material. In light of the prominent characteristics of case-based teaching, take mature work practice experience as material for cadre education and training, gradually establish a linkage mechanism of "provincial-level Party schools taking the lead, municipal (prefecture) Party schools collaboratively developing," and organize teachers to conduct squat-point research. Improve the case resource development model of "vertical connectivity among provincial, municipal, and county three-level Party schools, horizontal linkage between Party schools and functional departments." Pay attention to excavating typical cases from the trainees' "two brings," transforming the trainees' practical experience into vivid teaching resources. Second, standardize compilation to ensure case quality. The case text generally includes parts such as the case title, background situation, case main text, thinking questions, and appendices. Case compilation particularly needs to highlight the on-site sense of contradictions and problems, the detail points of measures and methods, the objectivity of results and effectiveness, and the inspirational nature of experiences and reflections, fully embodying the "four major characteristics" of teaching cases: authenticity, typicality, narrativity, and inspiration. The teaching management department of the Party school may formulate case compilation standards and establish a closed-loop polishing mechanism of case development, trial teaching, feedback, and optimization. Third, collaborate as a team to improve development efficiency. The preparatory work in the early stage of case-based teaching is heavy, characterized by requiring extensive knowledge reserves, complex teaching links, and strong openness, making it difficult for a single teacher to complete independently. Therefore, a team-based tackling model of "teacher+" multiple combinations and complementary advantages should be built. One may also explore the "three main bodies" case teaching model, in which, in addition to teachers and trainees, cadres from the unit of the case's practical main body are invited to participate in case compilation or teaching implementation, making the case materials more authentic, typical, and novel.

Organize trainees to fully discuss and hold fast the process gate. Classroom discussion is the core link of case-based teaching and directly affects teaching effectiveness. First, carefully design discussion questions. Question design is the key to triggering discussion. Questions should closely revolve around teaching objectives, contain a certain degree of conflict and contradiction, and correspond to the teaching text. Generally, 2–4 progressive discussion questions are designed, advancing from the shallow to the deep, layer by layer. Case-based teaching requires creating a story scenario with strong immersion, and a certain degree of "conflict," making the hot and difficult issues in practice become the focus of classroom discussion. Second, scientifically organize the teaching process. The duration of a case-based teaching course is usually half a day, mainly divided into 4 stages: case introduction, in which the teacher introduces the basic situation of the case through written or video materials; group discussion, in which trainees are organized to discuss around the theme in small groups; group presentation, in which each group sends a representative to exchange and speak, and the teacher comments on each one; and summary and elevation, in which the teacher conducts centralized question-answering and theoretical explanation in response to the trainees' interactive reactions during the teaching process. Full preparation before class must be done, distributing the case text materials to trainees in advance for reading, and arranging the teaching venue according to groups. Third, fully bring into play the main role of trainees. Teachers should be adept at guiding and inspiring trainees by listening to their insights, recording different viewpoints, setting thinking questions, and providing feedback, comments, and summaries. Teachers should master the guiding technique of "open-ended questioning—follow-up in-depth probing—conflict stimulation—consensus cohesion."

Summarize, refine, and analyze, holding fast the sublimation gate. Summary and refinement are the finishing touches of case-based teaching, determining whether trainees can achieve the sublimation from experience to theory, from the specific to the general. First, proceed from the "case" to the "principle," achieving theoretical sublimation. Uphold the unity of the "Way" and the "Art," embedding the "Way" behind event handling into the training process of the "Art." The teacher's summary and refinement must not focus solely on the immediate facts at hand (就事论事, jiu shi lun shi - "take, matter, discuss, matter"), but should integrate theory with practice. Explain the disciplinary theories and practical requirements involved in this case, propose a theoretical analysis framework, and let trainees use this theoretical analysis framework to guide practice. Second, classify summaries to reflect targetedness. Combine theoretical interpretation, policy analysis, and decision-making training, closely linking the theoretical significance of the case with the major strategies of national development and the era's topics. Key cases should adopt the teaching model of "case introduction + classroom discussion + summary and elevation," refining methodologies and governance wisdom with universal guiding significance; experience cases should focus on seeing the big from the small, clearly explaining practices and theoretical principles. Third, focus on the transformation of results and extend teaching effectiveness. The effectiveness of case-based teaching should not stop at the classroom. On the one hand, guide and encourage trainees to directly apply the results of classroom discussion to actual work; on the other hand, may combine the trainee follow-up visit mechanism to carry out special research, summarize and refine the application of case-based teaching content in practice, form consultation reports or new teaching content, and promote the "secondary transformation" of "teaching results."

〔The author is Deputy Director of the Academic Affairs Division of the Party School (Academy of Administration) of the Sichuan Provincial Party Committee〕

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The "Shanghe Regiment" from Northwestern Shandong to the Great Northwest

By: 李琳

In December 1947, when the "Shanghe Regiment" arrived at Baizhen Township in the Taihang Mountains of Shanxi for rest and reorganization, all commanders and fighters of the First Battalion headquarters posed for a group photo.

Shanghe County in Shandong Province is a small city with a history of 3,000 years. During the revolutionary war period, under the Party's leadership, this hot land on the North Shandong Plain nurtured a heroic force. This unit, which made the enemy trembling with fear (闻风丧胆, wen feng sang dan - "smell, wind; lose,胆"), once bore a simple name — the Third Regiment of the Bohai Military District Training Brigade, the "Shanghe Regiment"; it once bore a glorious designation — the Eighteenth Regiment of the Second Independent Sixth Brigade of the Second Column of the Northwest Field Army; and it also has an eternal home — the Twenty-ninth Regiment of the Second Division of the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps. From the North Shandong Plain to the foot of the Tianshan Mountains, this crack force composed of Shanghe's own sons wrote a heroic legend with blood and sweat.

By the shores of Bohai Bay, the sons of the soil bid farewell to their homeland

In the autumn of 1946, the flames of the War of Liberation had just begun to burn. With the approval of the Central Military Commission, the 359th Brigade of the 120th Division of the Eighth Route Army dispatched 283 commanders and fighters, and the Jinsui Military District dispatched 38, totaling 321 men, to form a cadre contingent. Setting out from Yan'an, they crossed Shanxi, Hebei, and other places, and rushed to the old liberated area of Bohai in Shandong to recruit troops and expand the army. At this time, Shanghe County had just been liberated, and the peasants who had turned over had received land, and their enthusiasm for defending the fruits of victory was unprecedentedly high.

"The directly subordinate regiment comes, the independent battalion goes; whoever joins is glorious. Riding a horse, draped in red, glorious, glorious, truly glorious..." This recruitment ballad circulating in the Bohai liberated area echoed across the land of Shanghe. Touching scenes of wives seeing off husbands, younger sisters seeing off elder brothers, and parents seeing off sons to join the army could be seen everywhere. Previously, the county had already launched two large-scale recruitment drives; the first sent several thousand men to reinforce the main Bohai division that was urgently dispatched to the Northeast; the second delivered a large batch of replacement troops to the main forces of the military sub-district. This was the third time, recruiting one regiment to reinforce the Northwest Field Army. The new recruits were all young men around 18 to 20 years old, all from peasant families that had turned over. They had all served as militia, had undergone the baptism of struggle, organizational training, and militia drills during the War of Resistance Against Japan, and many of them were Party members. The quality of the new recruits was excellent.

In February 1947, more than 1,000 young men of Shanghe gathered in the county seat to take their oath and enlist. This newly formed unit was incorporated into the Third Regiment of the Bohai Military District Training Brigade, and because its soldiers came mainly from Shanghe, it was called the "Shanghe Regiment." The regimental commander was Chen Shi, and the political commissar was Yu Xia. The entire regiment immediately threw itself into intense military training, with officers and men training together, teaching and learning from each other. Within a few months, a large number of sharpshooters and grenade-throwing experts emerged, and many soldiers were awarded the silver medals of "Zhu De Grenade Thrower" and "Chen Yi Sharpshooter." In October 1947, the "Shanghe Regiment," together with the Bohai Military District Training Brigade, set out from Qingyun County and embarked on the westward march under the name of "long-distance field training."

Campaigning westward, iron and blood forged the fame of the "Eighteenth Regiment"

The "Shanghe Regiment" passed through Dezhou, left Shandong, crossed the Taihang Mountains, and arrived in Wu'an, Hebei, in November. Chen Yi, commander of the East China Military Region, made a special trip to personally hand over this Shandong sons-of-the-soil unit to General Wang Zhen. Chen Yi said with deep emotion: "Shandong has produced heroes since ancient times, and your Bohai Military District Training Brigade is today's heroes of Shandong. From today on, I hand you over to General Wang Zhen, who will lead you to the Northwest to defend the Party Central Committee and defend Chairman Mao!" In November 1947, the unit was formally incorporated into the order of battle of the Northwest Field Army, and the designation of the "Shanghe Regiment" was changed to the Eighteenth Regiment of the Second Independent Sixth Brigade of the Second Column of the Northwest Field Army. From then on, the banner of the "Eighteenth Regiment" fluttered proudly in the smoke of war across the great Northwest.

This was an iron army tempered through hardship (淬炼, cui lian - "quench, refine") in the fires of war. In the one year and seven months since its formation, the Eighteenth Regiment successively participated in 34 battles of various sizes, including the Yun'an, Yiwa, Libei, and Shaanzhong campaigns, as well as the liberation of Xi'an, Lanzhou, Xining, and Zhangye, capturing and killing 6,548 enemy troops and seizing 4,900 weapons of various types. The Xifu Campaign was a large-scale offensive operation launched by the Northwest Field Army of the Chinese People's Liberation Army against the Kuomintang forces in the western part of Shaanxi and the eastern part of Gansu during the War of Liberation. In the Xifu Campaign, the Eighteenth Regiment was ordered to hold Lizhen, with the strength of two regiments resisting the frenzied attack of one enemy army plus one brigade. Regimental commander Chen Guolin of the Eighteenth Regiment was killed in action, and some companies were reduced from over 100 men to just 18, yet the positions did not retreat a single step. When Peng Dehuai passed through Lizhen, he praised them: "You fought well, especially the comrades of the Eighteenth Regiment; you fought tenaciously! On behalf of the headquarters, I thank you!" Victory was hard-won, and the soldiers of the Eighteenth Regiment paid a tremendous price in sacrifice. According to statistics, during the westward march, dozens of Shanghe-native cadres at the platoon level and above were killed, and nearly a thousand were wounded. Of the ten thousand Shandong warriors who set out, half lay forever on the westward road. These farmers who had walked out from the banks of the Yellow River fulfilled with their lives the oath they had taken before setting out — "Beat Chiang Kai-shek, defend our homes; never return home until Chiang Kai-shek is defeated!"

Reclaiming wasteland at the foot of the Tianshan Mountains: from "combat team" to "production team"

In the winter of 1949, the Eighteenth Regiment, together with the Sixth Infantry Division of the Second Army of the First Corps of the First Field Army, marched into Xinjiang. They crossed the Qilian Mountains, passed through Jiuquan, exited the Yangguan Pass, traversed the Gobi Desert, pushed into the Tianshan Mountains, suppressed rebellions and bandits, and victoriously completed the task of liberating south-central Xinjiang.

However, the real test had only just begun. Upon first arriving in the Karasahr and Korla area, all that met the eye was Gobi desert, and the troops had only enough grain for 13 days. In accordance with the order that "all military personnel must participate in labor production," this heroic unit that had just laid down its guns and artillery took up the hoe. Zhang Zhonghan, then commander of the Sixth Division, took the lead in carrying a basket on his back to collect manure, which became a much-told tale.

In 1950, the officers and men of the Eighteenth Regiment began building the Eighteenth Regiment Main Canal on the Gobi Desert at the southern foot of the Tianshan Mountains. With no houses to live in, they dug dugout shelters and pitched tents; with no machinery, they relied on their hands and shoulders. Upholding the Nanniwan spirit of the 359th Brigade, they stubbornly reclaimed vast tracts of fertile farmland on the uninhabited Gobi and built a new oasis city.

In June 1953, the Central Military Commission ordered by telegram that the Eighteenth Regiment be reorganized into the Sixth Regiment of the Second Agricultural Construction Division of the Xinjiang Military Region. In May 1975, it was renamed the Twenty-ninth Regiment Farm. In April 1982, it was renamed the Twenty-ninth Agricultural Construction Regiment. From "combat team" to "production team," from "Eighteenth Regiment" to "Twenty-ninth Regiment," these Shanghe sons of the soil never left this land again. They put down roots at the foot of the Tianshan Mountains and left their descendants on the frontier, "campaigning tens of thousands of li, reclaiming wasteland at the Tianshan Mountains."

Because of the passage of time and the unit's long-distance deployment to Xinjiang, the history of the "Shanghe Regiment" and the "Eighteenth Regiment" is not widely known. But with the deep excavation of Party history materials in various places in recent years, this glorious history has gradually come clearly into view, bearing witness to those years of blazing revolutionary passion. Today, when we walk into Korla and Tiemenguan in Xinjiang and see the Eighteenth Regiment Main Canal that has flowed for more than 70 years, see the vast fertile fields and the new city rising abruptly from the ground (拔地而起, ba di er qi - "pull, ground, while, rise"), we will not forget: more than 70 years ago, a group of Shandong men set out from Shanghe in Jinan, heading west all the way, measuring China with their footsteps, dyeing the battle flags red with their hot blood, and irrigating the Gobi with their sweat. Their designation was the "Eighteenth Regiment," their name was the "Shanghe Regiment," and they shared one common name — the pioneers of the Republic.

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Fan Zhongyan's Literary Friends and Poetic Companions

By: 晏建怀

In the fifth year of the Tianxi reign of Emperor Zhenzong of the Song Dynasty (1021), the 33-year-old Fan Zhongyan served as Salt Depot Supervisor in Xixi, Taizhou (present-day Dongtai, Jiangsu Province). During this period he became close friends with Teng Zijing, Hu Yuan, Fu Bi and others, and once wrote the poem "Written at the Wenhui Hall for Teng, the Staff Officer of Hailing" to express the joy and delight of their social intercourse. The poem reads: "In the southeastern coastal prefecture, stands a hall of clear breeze within the shogunate.Poetry and books are set against the Duke of Zhou and Confucius; zithers and se are intimate with Fuxi and Huangdi. A gentleman does not rejoice alone; my friends have come from afar. When orchids touch one another, how could it be merely ten paces of fragrance? When virtuous stars gather together, they truly carry a thousand years of radiance. The flavor of the Way is clear and can be scooped up; literary thought is lofty as if soaring. Bells and chimes obtain the same tone; refined colors all surge forth. In cultivation, all are peach and plum trees; in perching, all are luan phoenixes. Jade is carved into a ceremonial jade scepter; metal is cast into Ganjiang swords. How admirable, Teng Zijing — this intent will long remain fragrant." In the poem, the phrase "a gentleman does not rejoice alone" may well be called the "view of friendship" he upheld throughout his life.

Fan Zhongyan respected those who possessed lofty character and noble integrity (高风亮节, gao feng liang jie - "high, wind; bright, integrity"), such as Lin Bu. Lin Bu was tranquil and fond of learning, did not pursue glory or profit, lived in seclusion on Solitary Hill by West Lake, and for 20 years did not set foot in cities—he was a celebrated figure of the time, whom Fan Zhongyan greatly admired. In his poem "Sent to the Recluse Lin Bu" he wrote: "The ages of Tang and Yu valued recluses; how frequently were bundles of silk bestowed? Customs became generous because of you; your writings remained pure unto old age." This lavishly praised Lin Bu's character. In the fourth year of the Tiansheng reign of Emperor Renzong of the Song Dynasty (1026), when he was serving as Chief Judge of the Court of Judicial Review and Magistrate of Xinghua County, Fan Zhongyan went to Solitary Hill to visit Lin Bu, but because of a rainstorm he could not cross the lake and had to abandon the visit. Regretfully he wrote the poem "Sent to the Recluse Lin when a Visit Was Blocked by Rain" which reads:"At leisure I agreed with various gentlemen to knock at your hidden gate, but suddenly wind and rain drifted across the river and sky. Just as I was pitying the spring filling the prince's grass, how could I bear the clouds obscuring the recluse's star? The orchid curtain has not yet permitted me to take the last seat; the orchid boat helplessly moors at the front sandbank. Morning or evening, when the lake and mountains meet clear skies, I shall again await the chance to seek the immortal and enter the emerald screen." He believed that no storm, however great, could obscure the radiant brilliance of this man of utmost nature.

In the fifth year of the Tiansheng reign(1027,, Fan Zhongyan submitted to the court a ten-thousand-character memorial—the "Memorial Submitted to the Chief Councilors"—in which he put forward reform proposals targeting the numerous maladies plaguing court politics. This received the attention of Emperor Renzong of the Song Dynasty and caused a stir throughout the court and country, and for a time a book or work becoming extremely popular (洛阳纸贵, luo yang zhi gui - "Luoyang, paper, expensive"). Lin Bu also read it, marveling at Fan Zhongyan's insight and courage, and specially composed the poem "Seeing Off Court Gentleman Fan Zhongyan" which reads:"In the midst of the silent forest I knocked at your humble door; tirelessly, joyfully, I received your surplus discourse. As your boat departs, watch to distinguish the river trees; as we part over wine, let us pluck some garden vegetables. Ma Qing was gifted and could always compose rhapsodies; Mei Fu, though low in office, repeatedly submitted memorials. The imperial throne, focusing its essence, is precisely seeking good governance—when will it summon your carriage in response to your policy proposals?" He compared Fan Zhongyan to Sima Xiangru of the Han Dynasty, brilliant and talented, and to Mei Fu, the "Immortal Assistant Magistrate" of Nanchang who, though low in rank, dared to remonstrate directly—expressing both admiration and expectation

The association between Fan Zhongyan and Yan Shu may well be called a model of a good teacher and a helpful friend (良师益友, liang shi yi you - "good, teacher; beneficial, friend"). According to the "Biography of Fan Zhongyan" in the History of the Song Dynasty:"When his mother died, he left office. When Yan Shu governed Yingtian Prefecture, hearing of Fan Zhongyan's reputation, he summoned him to teach at the prefectural school... After the mourning period ended, owing to (Yan( Shu's recommendation, he became Collator of the Imperial Library." Yan Shu greatly appreciated Fan Zhongyan's character and talent. During Fan Zhongyan's period of mourning for his mother, while residing in Nanjing Yingtian Prefecture(present-day Shangqiu, Henan Province,, Yan Shu, then Garrison Commander of Nanjing, hired Fan Zhongyan to teach at the Yingtian Prefectural School. After the mourning period, Yan Shu again recommended him to enter the capital and serve as Collator of the Imperial Library. The two men, Yan and Fan, were both teacher and friend to each other, exchanging many poems and writings. In the first year of the Huangyou reign of Emperor Renzong of the Song Dynasty(1049,, the 61-year-old Fan Zhongyan was transferred from his post as Prefect of Dengzhou(present-day Dengzhou, Henan Province) to become Prefect of Hangzhou. On the road to take up his new post, he deliberately made a detour to Chenzhou(present-day Zhoukou, Henan Province) to visit Yan Shu, who was serving as Prefect of Chenzhou with the title of Minister of Justice. They accompanied each other with poetry and wine, enjoying several days of conviviality. Fan Zhongyan composed the poem "Passing Through Chenzhou, Presented to Duke Yan" which reads:"Formerly, through pure recommendation, I was known to the Jade Emperor's court; now I feel this glory surpasses all of my era. Once I entered the Yellow Gate and participated in national deliberations; now I return to the crimson curtain and attend upon my teacher. Discussing literature and expounding the Way, utterly without weariness; nourishing my vast spirit and preserving authenticity, never in decline. Alone I am ashamed that the grace which molded me has not yet been repaid; I raise my cup to offer you long life, presenting this song." Recalling the past, reflecting on the present, he never forgot the kindness of having recognized and promoted him

The person with whom Fan Zhongyan associated the longest, and who may truly be called the confidant of his life, was none other than Teng Zijing. In terms of life experience, Fan Zhongyan and Teng Zijing shared at least three similarities: same year of birth, same colleagues, and same experience of demotion. In the eighth year of the Dazhong Xiangfu reign of Emperor Zhenzong of the Song Dynasty(1015,, Fan Zhongyan and Teng Zijing both passed the imperial examination on the same list under Chief Examiner Cai Qi. During the Tiansheng reign of Emperor Renzong of the Song Dynasty, Fan Zhongyan and Teng Zijing served together in Taizhou. When Fan Zhongyan presided over the construction of the Taizhou sea-defense dike, Teng Zijing assisted in the endeavor, lending vigorous support. Although later the common people, mindful of Fan Zhongyan's contribution, named the sea-defense dike the"Fan Duke's Dike," Teng Zijing's contribution was by no means negligible. In the first year of the Kangding reign of Emperor Renzong of the Song Dynasty(1040,, Fan Zhongyan was appointed military commander of the Shaanxi frontier, leading troops to resist the Western Xia; Teng Zijing was his subordinate, once again becoming his colleague. The professional intersections enhanced their mutual understanding and deepened their friendship

The depth of their friendship was most fully manifested in the period surrounding Fan Zhongyan's composition of the"Record of Yueyang Tower." In the third year of the Qingli reign of Emperor Renzong of the Song Dynasty(1043,, Li Yuanhao of the Western Xia voluntarily sought peace, and the frontier situation in the northwest somewhat subsided. Emperor Renzong, driven by the predicament of"accumulated poverty and accumulated weakness," recalled Fan Zhongyan to the capital and appointed him Assistant Grand Councilor(Deputy Chief Councilor,, to preside over political reform targeting the goals of increasing fiscal revenue, strengthening military preparedness, and reducing the problems of redundant officials, redundant soldiers, and redundant expenditures—historically known as the"Qingli Reforms." But the reforms touched the interests of those who benefited from the status quo; the deeper the reforms progressed, the louder the opposition grew, and consequently they came under concerted attack. The Right Rectifier of Remonstrance Qian Mingyi submitted a memorial impeaching Fan Zhongyan, listing his alleged crimes:"Altering the laws and regulations, disturbing the state's fundamental policies; among all those he recommended, most were implicated in factionalism." The reforms suffered a failure occurring just as success was within reach (功败垂成, gong bai chui cheng - "achievement, fail; hanging, success"). In the fifth year of the Qingli reign of Emperor Renzong of the Song Dynasty(1045,, the 57-year-old Fan Zhongyan was pushed out of court, first demoted to Binzhou(present-day Binzhou, Shaanxi Province,, then demoted to Dengzhou. Yet in the very previous year, Teng Zijing had also been demoted to Yuezhou(present-day Yueyang, Hunan Province.

Teng Zijing,"demoted to govern Baling Commandery," did not sink into despair, but instead vigorously strove for good governance. After more than two years of meticulous administration, Yuezhou achieved"good governance and social harmony" (政通人和, zheng tong ren he - "government,通; people, harmonious") and"the revival of all neglected affairs" (百废俱兴, bai fei ju xing - "hundred, abandoned; all, rise"), whereupon he"had the Yueyang Tower rebuilt." In the autumn of the sixth year of the Qingli reign of Emperor Renzong of the Song Dynasty(1046,, the newly renovated Yueyang Tower was completed, and Teng Zijing invited this fellow graduate, whose reputation stood extremely high among scholar-officials, to write a record for the just-completed tower. He wrote a letter seeking assistance, enclosing with it a painting titled"Picture of the Late Autumn Evening at Dongting Lake," and dispatched a messenger to deliver it posthaste to Dengzhou. On the evening of the fifteenth day of the ninth month that year, Fan Zhongyan, having read Teng Zijing's letter and carefully examined the"Picture of the Late Autumn Evening at Dongting Lake," paced about the courtyard of his newly built Huazhou Academy. Gazing at the moonlight, flowing like water, and reflecting on causes and consequences, he suddenly experienced a flash of inspiration—his mind felt a clarity it had never known before, and he seemed to have found a landscape perfectly attuned to his state of mind. Thus, because the path of reform was strewn with thorns and obstacles, there came the"Record of Yueyang Tower"'s"yin winds furiously howling, turbid waves sweeping the sky""darkness descending at dusk, tigers roaring and apes wailing." Because worthy men suffered injustice and loyal ministers were cast aside, there came"fearing slander and dreading ridicule, all around desolate, overcome by emotion, one grows sorrowful." Yet because the fortunes of the state, the weal and woe of the common people, followed him like a shadow, Fan Zhongyan forgot his personal gains and losses,"not rejoicing in external things, not grieving over personal circumstances," which enabled him to advance bravely, upheld by the firm conviction of"being the first to worry about the world's concerns, and the last to rejoice in its joys."

The"Record of Yueyang Tower" is both Fan Zhongyan's external expression of his"heart concerned for the world" and the unexpected fruit of his gentlemanly friendship with Teng Zijing.

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Fireworks Salute the Ordinary

By: 王明新

Fifty years ago, my father was a construction worker, what people in our area colloquially called a "mud-and-plaster craftsman." The work sites were sometimes near and sometimes far; my father left early and returned late, braving wind and rain, relying entirely on his two legs, yet he was never late. In those days, my father was named an advanced producer every year, and the prize was always a certificate of merit, a snow-white towel, and a white enamel mug printed with a red character "award." My father took pride in this, and our whole family was proud of it as well.

In those days, my father's breakfast was invariably noodles, because eating noodles was both convenient and quick, and could ensure he was not late. Ever since I can remember, our family's day began with a bowl of noodles my father ate in the morning. The noodles were, of course, hand-rolled by my mother, and this was never an exception even in the years of material scarcity. Throughout the four seasons, no matter how hot or cold it was, my mother would get up before dawn to roll out noodles for my father. In the winters of northern China, breath turned to frost and water froze into ice at the drop of a drop; when my mother got up, it was often still very dark, and in winter especially, it was so dark you could not see your hand in front of your face. The house had no heating, not even a stove; wherever you touched it was ice-cold, and the water was cold enough to chill the hands. My mother was used to all this: she ladled water, kneaded the dough, worked the dough ball, rolled out the noodles, and once the noodles were rolled, pulled the bellows to stoke the fire. When the water boiled, she dropped the noodles into the pot, then cut a few slices of scallion into a bowl, dripped in a few drops of cooking oil, and sprinkled in a small pinch of salt... After about twenty minutes of bustling about, the noodles were cooked and served steaming hot in a bowl on the table. By this time, my father was already seated at the table waiting. He blew on the steam rising from the bowl, quickly pushed the noodles into his mouth with his chopsticks, and as he ate, lifted the noodles underneath with his chopsticks to cool them—this eating motion was deeply etched into my childhood memory. My father did not come home for lunch, so once he left, he was gone for the whole day. Sometimes, when the work site was far, he would stay overnight at the site.

That was the 1960s, when the proportion of white flour rationed on the grain coupon book was limited. Apart from the dumplings our whole family ate at Spring Festival, or the pot of white-flour steamed buns and sugar triangles my mother steamed when she went to visit my grandmother, all the rest of the white flour was used by my mother to roll noodles for my father. The reason my father ate breakfast so hurriedly was, of course, to rush off to work. My father was a fifth-grade bricklayer at the county construction company (earlier called the construction society), and at that time he was the highest-grade bricklayer in our county; there were not many in the whole county. In that era, roofs were mostly covered with small green tiles, shaped like fish scales. It is said that this kind of tile originated in the Western Zhou, matured in the Qin and Han, and has a history of nearly three thousand years. The upward-facing tiles curve up like boats, the downward-facing tiles dip down like bridges; the upward-facing tiles catch the rainwater, and the downward-facing tiles press down on both sides of the ridge and eaves, providing good wind resistance. The upward-facing and downward-facing tiles each perform their own function, fitting together perfectly seamlessly and flawless (天衣无缝, tian yi wu feng - "heaven, clothes, no, seam"), and one cannot help but marvel at the wisdom of the ancients. What my father was best at was laying tiles; almost no one could match him. A stack of tiles in my father's hands moved smooth and effortless like flowing water (行云流水, xing yun liu shui - "walk, cloud, flow, water"), and in the blink of an eye he had spread a stretch across the roof, and it was fitting together perfectly without any gaps (严丝合缝, yan si he feng - "strict, silk, close, seam"), as flat and even as one piece. My father was also the foreman on the work site, and many of our county's buildings, such as the cinema and the theater, were built by my father leading the workers. My father, together with the workers, hefted the trowel to lay walls and crouched on the roof to lay tiles. As foreman, my father was even more setting an example by one's own actions (以身作则, yi shen zuo ze - "use, body, act, rule"); he would not allow even half a minute of lateness, and not only could he not be late, he always arrived at the work site ahead of time. He said: "Otherwise, I would have no qualification to manage others." It was precisely for this reason that my mother always treated making my father's breakfast as a matter of the first importance.

My father lived to be 83 and worked until he retired at over 70. In those days, let alone a two-day weekend, there was not even a Sunday off; only when the rain fell heavily enough that work could not proceed could he rest, and such opportunities did not come more than a few times a year. For however many years my mother was married to my father, for roughly that many years she rolled noodles. Although my mother sometimes complained that my father was "single-minded," this did not affect her getting up early every day to roll noodles for him. My mother also had a saying: "Roll it thin and cut it fine, only then will it be a pleasure to eat." After I started working, one year I went home to visit my family. One day, it had grown dark and my father had still not come home from work, so I went to meet him. It was just the time when every household was eating dinner, and there were few people on the street. After walking a while, I saw my father pushing his bicycle, walking alone toward me. That year, my father was already past 70; perhaps because of the darkness and poor visibility, my father was walking and pushing the bicycle. My heart warmed, and I hurried forward, called out "Dad," took the bicycle over, and pushed it as I walked home together with my father.

Because my father left early and returned late every day, my siblings and I had little opportunity to be close to him, and we always felt there was a distance from him. As we gradually grew up, my understanding of my father increased more and more.

When my father was a child, the family was poor and he had no opportunity to study much; he could only recognize a few characters. To be a foreman on the work site, one had to know how to read construction drawings, and my father figured all this out on his own. Of course, my father also ran into trouble. I remember that when I was in junior high school, my father once brought home a drawing, pointed at a place, and asked me whether I could make it out. I looked for quite a while; it was like reading a book from heaven, and I shook my head in great shame. That night, the oil lamp in the house stayed lit the whole time. When I got up in the middle of the night, I saw my father still sitting under the oil lamp, sometimes frowning in thought, sometimes drawing on the drawing with a pencil. I never knew afterward how my father figured it out. But no matter what method my father used, he had to figure it out, or else construction could not proceed.

My father was not good with words and was used to working silently. I never saw him complain about the hardship of labor; on the contrary, I could feel that he had a great sense of satisfaction with his work. It was probably in 1970, just after I had entered senior high school, that the school suspended classes. With nothing to do at home, my father had me go with him to the work site to do temporary work. That year, as usual, my father was again named an advanced producer. At the end of the year, the construction company held a commendation meeting. Over a thousand workers sat on the ground, and the company leader called on my father by name to come up and say a few words. Amid the workers' warm applause, I saw my father hesitate. Later, after the company leader invited him again and again, my father finally stood up from among the workers and walked up to the podium. His face was bright red; he stood there for a full minute or more, his face growing redder and redder, and in the end he did not utter a single word, then walked down in embarrassment. The workers all laughed, but the applause grew even more enthusiastic.

My father left us many years ago. My phone holds a photo of my father together with my mother, and I often tap it open to look. When I look at my father, my father also gazes at me, as if he wants to say something to me. I feel that I owe my father an epitaph, so I added a line of text to this photo: Everyone who labors all their life is great.

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